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The Unquiet Religious Backdrop to European East Indies Trade: Christian Polemical Literature and the First Portuguese Translation of the Bible, 1642-1694

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The Unquiet Religious Backdrop to European East Indies Trade: Christian Polemical Literature and the First Portuguese Translation of the Bible, 1642-1694 The unquiet religious backdrop to European East Indies trade: Christian polemical literature and the first Portuguese translation of the Bible, 1642-1694 Stefan Halikowski Smith1 Luis Henrique Menezes Fernandes2 Abstract The first systematic translation of the Bible into Portuguese was prepared over the second half of the seventeenth century in the Dutch East Indies by the Portuguese Calvinist João Ferreira A. d’Almeida. Existent historiography tracing the context of its production has been limited either to biographical analyses or typographical surveys of its several editions. Primary sources that correspond to the obstinate Catholic versus Calvinist confrontation underlying its elaboration have been overlooked. We thus assume that only from a deeper analysis of polemical works written within this doctrinal clash is it possible to better understand the historical significance of that unique biblical translation. Keywords Bible translation; religious conflict; Dutch East Indies; seventeenth century. Resumo A primeira tradução sistemática da Bíblia em Português foi preparada ao longo da segunda metade do século XVII nas Índias Orientais Holandesas pelo calvinista João Ferreira A. d'Almeida. A historiografia a seu respeito tem sido limitada, quer a análises biográficas ou levantamentos tipográficos de suas várias edições. As fontes primárias que correspondem à confrontação obstinada entre católicos e calvinistas que se encontra subjacente à sua elaboração ter sido negligenciada. Será, assim de supor que, apenas a partir de uma análise mais profunda das obras polêmicas escritas dentro desse embate doutrinário é possível entender melhor o significado histórico dessa excepcional tradução bíblica. Palavras-chave Tradução da Bíblia; conflito religioso; Índias Orientais Holandesas; século XVII. We would like to thank Michael Hübner of the Franckesche Stiftungen zu Halle, Studienzentrum August Hermann Francke, 06110 Halle/Saale for his help. 1Department of History, Swansea University, United Kingdom. Email: [email protected] 2 Doctoral student in History at the University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil. Email: [email protected]. I would like to thank FAPESP for funding my research at the University of São Paulo (USP). Halikowski Smith & Fernandes The unquiet religious backdrop to European East Indies trade While East India Company doctrine sought in the famous words of Thomas Roe to pursue a “quiet trade” in the East Indies, the religious history of the European settlements there proved quite the contrary. The constant internecine back-biting between the different religious orders and fundamental differences of opinion regarding the concessions the Christian dogma should make to native beliefs and customs fueled both the Malabar Rites and the Chinese Rites controversies, which saw the Pope forced to send out diplomatic legates who were in turn kidnapped, and held to ransom, while the differences in dogma continued to rumble on for the best part of two hundred years and only jeopardized the overall missionary enterprise by failing to present Christianity as a unifying creed. Given this background, the fundamental political opposition between the north European Protestant powers and the southern European Catholic nations was not even the overriding differend, although here too the language adopted by both sides was a highly charged one of Dutch labeling Portuguese “crusaders” (kruisvaarders) or “papists” (papen), and the Portuguese reciprocating by referring to the Dutch as “heretics,” “pirates, and rebels,” “enemies of the faith,” or men “without faith, without a king, who do not hold their word.” The Portuguese expelled “heretics” from their territories on charges of “spying” even if fulfilling useful commercial roles and assimilated into local brotherhoods, as the cases of the Augsburger Ferdinand Cron and the Flemish Coutre brothers demonstrate, and (alongside their Spanish co-religionists) attempted to seize Dutch shipping when the situation presented itself (the Cleen Zeelandt incident in 1624, for example). They also machinated to assassinate Dutch officials in third countries in the East Indies like Cambodia (the murder of Pieter van Regesmortes and his retinue in Cambodia, 1643; the murder of Isaac Moerdijck, opperhoof’d of the Dutch factory at Ayutthaya, 1646). The Dutch reciprocally expelled Portuguese population in the wake of their wave of conquests inaugurated from the beginning of the seventeenth century, seized Portuguese shipping as prizes as the Nossa Senhora da Quietação and De Walvisch incidents reveal in 1641 and 1658 respectively, although at times coming to some sort of grudging agreement if only to retain some population in the settlements who would continue to perform daily tasks necessary for the settlement’s existence, like agriculture and retail commerce (Schouten 1641). While the provocative arguments of Leo Blussé contend that Batavia was essentially a “Chinese colonial town” (Blussé 1981), letters like that of Fr. Manuel Soares S.J. in 1661 (Jacobs 1989) inform us that as much as two-thirds of the population remained “hidden” Roman Catholics to whom Mass was forbidden, and who had to be ministered to secretly by e-JPH, Vol. 13, number 2, December 2015 57 Halikowski Smith & Fernandes The unquiet religious backdrop to European East Indies trade passing clergy, who themselves had to be careful not to be caught in flagrante delicto and suffer denunciation from Dutch pastors, or domines, and consequently fines, imprisonment and immediate deportation. 3 In neighbouring Malacca, Friar Navarrete O.P. had to administer confessions every morning and evening for twelve consecutive days in 1670, such were the numbers and zeal forced to practise their religion surreptitiously in the woods outside their city (Navarrete 1962, vol. II, 279). While Jacobs insists that treatment of the Roman Catholic population depended very much on the will of the particular Governor General in Batavia, the hostile and suspicious governance of men like Jan Pieterszoon Coen (1619-23, 1627-9) counterbalanced perhaps by more sympathetic leadership on the part of Johan Maetsuyker (1653-78) or Johannes Camphuys (1684-91), one cannot but observe how the relationship gradually shifted over the course of the second half of the seventeenth century to a less antagonistic one, primarily as it became obvious that there was a third rising power, the English, which by the end of the century was threatening to eclipse both Dutch and Portuguese. The costs of a hawkish policy and the never-ending military campaigns ensuing in the Westerkwartier also frightened the Heeren XVII, saw war-mongers like Rijklof van Goens Senior and Junior removed from power, and a general shift away from what the historian George Winius has described as a merchant-warrior company ethos (Winius 2005). Studies of Dutch-Portuguese relations in “neutral” colonial contexts, such as the settlement in Ayutthaya (Carvalho 2009), would confirm the evolution of this general détente in Dutch-Portuguese relations, although denominational differences again became a flashpoint in South Asia during the Carnatic Wars of the mid-eighteenth century (Halikowski Smith forthcoming: §3). But there were other reasons too for this change. As Henk Niemeijer has written in his acclaimed biography of Dutch Batavia, ‘segregatie werkete niet’, segregation was a policy that was increasingly proven not to work, and even the promotion of the Dutch language, a sine qua non of holding civil office, could not disguise the fact that as a language of interaction (omgangstaal) it was a threadbare reality: “bastard Portuguese and Malay enjoyed preference” (genoten de voorkeur). (Neimeijer 2005). But the ruling Batavian City Council does not seem to have contemplated the example of Danish Tranquebar, which took the exceptional step in 1646 of allowing a Catholic church to be constructed, though the lot of the Catholics even here was no bed of roses: François Martin, the governor of 3 Wijnhoven 1974 has published a ‘List of Roman Catholic priests in Batavia at the time of the V.O.C.’ 12% of the Batavian population, amounting to 2300 people, were members of the Dutch Reformed Church in 1674, Niemeijer 1996: 212-19. e-JPH, Vol. 13, number 2, December 2015 58 Halikowski Smith & Fernandes The unquiet religious backdrop to European East Indies trade Pondicherry reported after a personal visit how they felt the taxes they were asked to pay by the governor there were too high (Diller 1999; Martin 1931-4: v. I, 566). In Batavia, church services (kerkdiensten) were laid on in the Malay language as from 1633; then in 1673, a wooden church for the mixed-race population of Batavia was built; in 1695, a second one, a buitenkeerk (lit. ‘outside church’) was built for Portuguese and mardijker residents of the city of Batavia, outside the central area as in Tranquebar, and deliberately low-standing and drab in appearance, so as not to upstage the principal Calvinist centres of worship (Schutte 2002, 212-19). A Dutch sexton, Johannes Hasenbosch (1672-1723), who had switched from the Roman Catholic religion to the Dutch Calvinist Church shortly after the death of his daughter in 1694, was appointed to supervise its running. The incumbent governor Johannes Camphuys generously donated all kinds of sacral instruments of mass, and it became extremely popular amongst native burghers like Thomas Anthonits, who donated a large silver baptismal font twenty-five years later (Haan 1898). The strict injunction that only
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