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Anglo-Cornish in the Siege of Trencher's Farm and Straw Dogs

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Anglo-Cornish in the Siege of Trencher's Farm and Straw Dogs View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Humanities Commons Anglo-Cornish in The Siege of Trencher's Farm and Straw Dogs Maurizio Brancaleoni Introduction This essay aims to focus firstly on the typical features of Cornish dialect, also called Anglo-Cornish, Cornish English or Cornu-English (the variety of English spoken in Cornwall) and then on how those typicalities are rendered in Gordon William's novel The Siege of Trencher's Farm (1969). One of the two film versions, Straw Dogs (1971) by Sam Peckinpah, will be later analysed in order to see if and to what extent these regional characteristics are preserved. The more recent movie Straw Dogs (2011), although no less interesting from a linguistic point of view, will not be discussed here as it replaces the original Cornish setting with the Southern United States in the attempt to turn the original USA/(rural/regional) UK divide into a Nothern US/Southern US divide, reshaping and reconfiguring the original "linguistic otherness" embodied by the Cornish accent. 1. Anglo-Cornish 1.1. Grammatical features With regard to grammatical features of Anglo-Cornish, one of the most distinctive is pronoun exchange, namely, the usage of subject pronouns instead of object pronouns and vice versa. I did give she a 'and and she did give I a 'and and we did 'elp one another (Beal, 2010: 42) Back over here, my old uncle, he brung I up (Filppula, Klemola, Paulasto, 2008: 106) Well, her couldn't go on with the farming, her sold out (Ivi, 107) Us didn't have no stores or nothing of that then in they days (Ivi, 108) This characteristic was first believed by Ihalainen (1994: 231) to 'divide the country up in an east-west direction', but in later years Trudgill (1999: 95) and Beal (1993, 2004) have pointed out that it occurs in Essex as well as in North-East, although it is generally acknowledged to be more frequent and marked in the South-West (Beal 2010: 42). According to Wakelin (1977: 114-115), the exchange is due to the speaker's wish to place a special emphasis on the pronoun. This idea, however, is still open to discussion. An exception to such a rather widespread phenomenon seems to be the usage of me in subject position at the beginning of a sentence (Filppula, Klemola, Paulasto 2008: 108). Nonetheless it should be noticed that although using us, him/her or them in subject position generally sounds regional, the use of me following and even when it is one of the subjects is becoming increasingly common even in what ought to be regarded as correct English, so much so that the Oxford Dictionaries website has an article explaining when I or me should be employed (https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/usage/i-or-me). Istances of blurring between I and me can be found in spoken English, in the ever-present you and me of pop songs as well as in ads. The water, the earth, the sun and me (2017 Dior slogan) This might lead us to conclude that pronoun exchange is neither a new nor an extraordinary phenomenon in English. Besides, as Cornish has retained the old distinction for second person pronoun thou/you, the object-form thee may be sometimes utilised where the subjective thou should be used (often in the shortened form 'ee). Sometimes inconsistent question tags may indicate a slight degree of uncertainty on which pronoun should be used or a conscious wish to stick to the traditional thou/thee form while being unable to resist to the general language standardization represented by you. They speak posh; you caan't speak rough, can 'ee? [ee=thee] (Elmes 2005: 9) Despite being a recessive feature, the conservation of second person singular thou as opposed to second person plural you is emblematic of a tendency in Cornish English to retain words and expressions which are nowadays seen as 'archaisms', sometimes dating back to Middle English or even Old English. Arguably, this is due to the fact that this area was not ruled by the Danish prior to the Norman conquest and conservativeness of certain linguistic traits has therefore been facilitated. As a matter of fact, Elam (1986: 104) stresses that in Shakespeare a tendency to use nominative form in object position and the other way round exists, possibly because of the confusion and the uncertainty following the loss of the declension system. It is not altogether clear, however, whether it was already perceived as a vernacular 'mistake' or it was more or less acceptable. I would wish me only he (Coriolanus, 1.1.) Shall's [s=us] to the Capitol? (Coriolanus, 4.6.) Another recurring feature is the pronoun en, a typical southwestern element, i. e., an oblique form of the masculine third person singular pronoun, which is believed to derive from Old English hine (Ivi, 114). Sep Smith or Peg Smith. [...] Nobody couldn't beat en. (Filppula, Klemola, Paulasto, 2008: 108) It is worth considering that this pronoun may be applied not only to men, but also to inanimate entities, as in the South-West inanimate countable nouns are linguistically treated as being masculine, whereas for uncountable nouns, which are always neuter, the much more standard it is employed. I said "Well, I'm on the six to two next week. I'll come home one day and sweep the chimney" [He] said, "How art going to sweep en? (Ibid). I bet thee cansn climb he [the tree] (Beal 2010: 43) Wagner (2008) posits that this genderisation of inanimate referents is particularly pervasive in Cornwall. Concerning the verb be, am, frequently shortened to 'm, is often used for all person pronouns in the present tense except for third person singular (Elmes 2005: 9). We'm livn on the moors! [...] we think they'm a bit thick! I'ss a bit loik two cans a pain'. (Ibid.) Especially in Eastern Cornwall, however, be could also be utilised for all person pronouns in the present tense along with its negative correspondent bain't. This is a hardly surprising characteristic if one compares it with the usage of be present tense in Shakespeare. Aw he's cutt'n' up - try'n' t'be a bi' bigg'r'n I be (Ivi, 9) I said, 'Hold on, bain't 'ee going [to] give I [I=a] bit of a badge or something to show I bain't no jibber? (Wakelin 1986: 169) Where is thy husband now? Where be thy brothers? (Richard III, 4.4.) With regard to the past tense, were might be used instead of was and vice versa (this is also common in several other dialects). It was is often shortened to Elizabethan- sounding twas, it wasn't to twoddn. Periphrastic do, i. e., the unstressed usage of auxiliary do as opposed to emphatic use in Standard English, may be common with certain speakers. This is another feature that is occasionally believed to be ascribable to a Celtic substratum or to be the result of Celtic- English contact. It is a fact that periphrastic do was rather current in the 16th century, although Stein (1992: 47) shows that initially it belonged to courtly speech and was a style marker for the Euphuistic style. Its usage decreased at the beginning of the 17th century together with the rise of the middle class and the gentry. In any case, the retainance of it might be seen as the preservation of an ancient feature of the English language. The following examples show that in both cases (especially the first one) there would be no need to place a special emphasis on the facts described, thus confirming that auxiliary do is not deployed emphatically as it would be in Standard English. William, my son, do live down there (Wagner 2008: 435) She did do a lot of needlework (Ibid.) The use of like as a 'filler', despite being looked down on today as a marker of teenage slovenly speech, is far from being a recent feature in a number of dialects. However, it has been observed that older speakers are inclined to place like at the end of the sentence and employ it, however frequently, in a less 'approximative' way. Becuz 'ey 'ear us wiv our accen' they fink we've go' nothin' between our earrs, like [...] And tha'ss wha'ss 'app'nin to arr language, like (Elmes 2005: 9) ‘so she comes into the room and she's like ‘Where is everybody?’’ (Oxford Dictionaries adverb 2.2.) As can be gathered from these examples, in the first two sentences, 'like', despite not immediately preceding the object, is basically still used as "in the manner of; in the same way or to the same degree as" (Oxford Dictionaries 1.1.), where in the third sentence it is utilised to get across the general attitude of somebody while not really quoting his or her words and the analogy is less straightforward, implying that somebody is behaving as if they could potentially say or think those words. Articles may be omitted or employed irregularly (with proper names, for example). Regarding demonstrative pronouns, they might be utilised instead of those. Elmes also reports (2005: 9) that "go to they" is more common than "go to them", thus showing that they may replace both Standard English those and them. Although this seems inconsistent at first sight, it becomes perfectly understandable if one takes into account the fact that in many regional variants those is replaced by them. Consequently, they may be here simply regarded as the local variant of them.
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