The Case of Estuary English – Supposed Evidence and a Perceptual Approach

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Case of Estuary English – Supposed Evidence and a Perceptual Approach Universität Basel – Philosophisch-Historische Fakultät Englisches Seminar LIZENTIATSARBEIT The Case of Estuary English – Supposed Evidence and a Perceptual Approach Eingereicht am: 13. Juli 1999 Ruedi Haenni e-mail: [email protected] Referent: Prof. Dr. W. Elmer Korreferent: Prof. Dr. D. J. Allerton Acknowledgements Before tackling the allegedly frightening task of writing a licentiate paper, I was warned by fellow students that I was about to embark on a truly lonesome chore… However, these gloomy predictions were to be entirely disproved: I am indebted to a great number of people who in some way or another contributed to this paper, either by providing in- valuable material, by helping me to set up and carry out the survey within a few weeks only, by proof-reading again and again at relatively short notice or, last but not least, by steadily encouraging me throughout the whole writing process: D.J. Allerton, Sylvia Boynton, Merilyn Brason, Peter Burleigh, Paul Coggle, Neil Ed- wards, Willy Elmer, Peter Grace, Samantha Jones, Adrian Käch, Paul Kerswill, Eva Morawietz, John Porter, Dennis Preston, Guy Schiltz, William Skilton, Walter Sodeau, Sheila Stubbs, Catherine Tye, Clive Upton, Michael Woodyatt, and the many anonymous National Trust volunteers, members of the YMCA section in Reading and students of the University of Reading whose conscientious work formed the very basis of this study. R.H. ii Contents List of Abbreviations iv 1. Introduction 1 PART I: WHAT IS ESTUARY ENGLISH? 2. Constructing Estuary English 4 2.1. Attempts at Definitions of EE and Other General Comments 6 2.2. The Salient Features of EE 14 2.2.1. Consonantal Features 14 2.2.2. Vowel and Diphthong Phenomena 26 2.2.3. Other Features of EE 39 2.2.4. Summary 46 2.3. Geographical and Sociolinguistic Aspects 47 2.4. A Broader View on EE – Accommodation Theory and Dialect Levelling 55 PART II: PERCEPTIONS OF ESTUARY ENGLISH 3. Perceptual Studies of Estuary English so far 61 4. Methodological Background – Social Psychology and Perceptual Dialectology 64 5. Design of the Study 72 5.1. The Sample 72 5.2. The Questionnaire 75 6. Results – Perceptions of Estuary English 82 6.1. Drawing Maps: The Mental Dialect Landscape of Britain 83 6.2. Overt Notions of EE 89 6.3. Testing the Validity of the Concept – Overt Notions of British Speech by the ‘non-EE group’ 93 6.4. Ratings of Voice Samples 102 7. Coda – Assessing the Case of Estuary English 119 Appendices 126 A – Perceptual Maps 126 B – Summary of Respondents’ Biographical Data 131 C – Transcripts of Voice Samples 133 D – A few Examples of Respondents’ Maps 134 E – Summary of Labels 137 F – The Geographical Spread of EE (as perceived by members of the ‘EE group’) 140 G – Ratings of Public Figures 141 H – Detailed Ratings of Voice Samples 142 Bibliography 149 Supplement: Questionnaire iii List of Abbreviations AmE American English BrE British English C Cardinal Vowel cf. confer DTW ‘Disgusted of Tunbridge Wells’ (cf. 2.4.) EE Estuary English EFL English as a Foreign Language EngE English English (= British English) EPD English Pronouncing Dictionary (cf. bibliography) GB General British (cf. Windsor Lewis 1990) GenAm General American GLC Greater London Council LDOCE Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (cf. bibliography) LPD Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (cf. bibliography) MGT Matched-Guise Technique NHS National Health Service NLV New London Voice NT National Trust p. page PD Perceptual Dialectology R Respondent RP Received Pronunciation SED Survey of English Dialects (cf. bibliography) StdEng Standard English TES Times Educational Supplement UCL University College London US United States V Vowel YMCA Young Men’s Christian Association # ‘number’ (used for the seven voice samples) iv 1. Introduction In a crime novel1 by the Scottish writer Val McDermid, the accent of one of the pro- tagonists is described as follows: The accent was Estuary English. It had never been one of Lindsay’s favourites, al- ways reminding her of spivvy Tory MPs on the make. Distance hadn’t lent it en- chantment. (p. 14) Arguably, the exact nature of this character’s accent might have been as much of a mys- tery to many readers as the actual plot itself. However, this ‘Estuary English’ is by no means only a figment of this particular author’s imagination, as it keeps cropping up in many other places as well, e.g. in a ‘lifestyle diary’ on the Internet:2 Where I’m currently doing my freelance thing – a government body I’ll refer to as the Department of Cushions – is a very male place. […] There are lots of men in their fifties with hair like mad chemistry teachers’ and jolly regional accents (instead of that slovenly Estuary English spoken by everyone under 35), [etc.]. (my italics) Or in a CD review:3 Elsewhere ‘The Jam Collection’ is akin to leafing through someone’s old photo al- bum or scrapbook. Petulant teenage traumas turned into ineffectual broadsides, the crippling three-piece chemistry (one loudmouth driving two dullish henchmen) and Weller’s valiant struggle to adapt his voice – posturing, prolish, estuary English – into a vibrant and soulful entity cloud the songwriting craft. (my italics) So far, these quotes seem to suggest that Estuary English (or EE, for short) does not rank among the most pleasant accents. There are exceptions to the rule, though: In Hugh Linehan’s feature in the Irish Times on the screening of the film Sliding Doors at the Dublin Film Festival 1998, the term is used much more neutrally: […] Peter Howitt’s slick, funny romantic comedy Sliding Doors, starring Gwyneth Paltrow as a young Londoner working in public relations. […] Howitt’s good- looking if somewhat glib directorial debut is aimed foursquare at the Sleepless in Seattle market, with a touch of Four Weddings and a Funeral thrown in for good measure, although Paltrow, sporting an impeccable estuary English accent, is much more likeable than either Meg Ryan or Andie McDowell.4 (my italics) The seemingly natural use of the term by all these writers suggests the existence of a dis- tinct accent – distinct enough even to be chosen by an American actress (Paltrow) to convey a certain image. Quite obviously, there is more to EE than merely being another example of voluble ‘mediaspeak’. Indeed, „there is a new buzzword going the rounds in England – Estuary English“ (Wells 1997)5. But what exactly is it? 1 McDermid, Val (1997): Booked for Murder. The Fifth Lindsay Gordon Mystery. London: The Women’s Press. 2 cf. <http://www.impolex.demon.co.uk/diary/current/december97/021297.html> 3 Review of ‘The Jam Collection’ by Gavin Martin ©NME 1996 (cf. <www.skynet.co.uk/~kefansu/the_jam/jamar16.html>). 4 Linehan, Hugh (1998): ‘Painting the social canvases’. Irish Times, 10 March 1998. 5 Many of the articles, essays, etc. quoted in this paper are either taken from the Internet (in particular, from Wells’ ‘Estuary English’ Homepage, cf. below) or have been sent to me by e-mail. In these cases, there is no point in giv- 1 The term ‘Estuary English’ was coined in 1984 by the EFL teacher David Rosewarne in an article in the Times Educational Supplement. According to the article’s subtitle, it de- scribes a „newly observed variety of English pronunciation“ in the surroundings of the Thames – thus the name. Later on, Rosewarne published further articles on EE,6 but his primary focus since has been on lecturing and broadcasting on the subject. The other main source of information is Paul Coggle’s book Do You Speak Estuary? (1993) – the most extensive work so far and a kind of ‘recipe-book’ of EE7 which is aimed at a broad readership. For a long time, Rosewarne’s and Coggle’s writings have remained the only substan- tial publications on EE. Apart from a few occasional comments8, the academic world has been remarkably silent – or even indifferent. The only exceptions are J.C. Wells and his ‘phonetic think-tank’ at the UCL who have made considerable efforts to provide a more systematic analysis of EE.9 The media, however, exhibited fewer reservations on the subject. Always game for a good story, journalists dwelled on the prospect of embarking on another discussion of language standards. Nearly all major ‘broadsheets’ in Britain, but also other papers around the world (e.g. The New York Times or the South China Morning Post10) have pub- lished one or more articles on EE in recent years.11 And once the term had been discov- ered by the media, the public’s fierce reaction – against what was thought to be yet an- other example of the steady decay of society – was not very long in coming. Even politi- cians felt compelled to join in the public outcry: Gillian Shephard, the former British Education Secretary, called EE „a bastardised version of Cockney dialect“12 and used it as an opportunity to launch her ‘Better English Campaign’.13 Such overt stigmatisation of EE stands in sharp contrast to the pioneers’ understand- ing of the concept: Coggle’s book is subtitled ‘The new Standard English’ and Rosewarne ing exact page references, as they would be entirely arbitrary. The same applies to the draft versions or printouts of forthcoming papers which were given to me directly by the respective authors. This policy will be maintained throughout this paper. 6 i.e. Rosewarne (1994a, 1994b and 1996); though Rosewarne (1984) and (1994a) are nearly identical. 7 cf. Parsons (1998:40). 8 e.g. Battarbee (1996), Kerswill (1994), Köhlmyr (1996). Schoenberger (s.a.) has merely summarised Rosewarne’s ideas without further comments (<http://www.padl.ac.at/luf/e/est01.htm>). 9 e.g.
Recommended publications
  • O-TYPE VOWELS in CORNISH Dr Ken George
    GEORGE 2013 2ovowels O-TYPE VOWELS IN CORNISH by Dr Ken George Cornish Language Board 1 A B S T R A C T Evidence from traditional Cornish texts and from place-names is used to trace the development of the two o-type vowels, /o/ and / ɔ/. Recent denials by Williams of the existence of two long o-type vowels are refuted. Further evidence shows a difference between /o/ and / ɔ/ when short, and by inference, when of mid-length. The significance of this for the spelling of the revived language is briefly discussed. 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 /ɔ/ and /o/ In George (1984), I showed that there were two o-type vowels in Middle Cornish (MidC), which will be denoted /o/ and / ɔ/. /o/, from Old Cornish (OldC) /ui/ and /ɔ/ from OldC / ɔ/ were separate phonemes. Support for their separateness, when followed by [s], [z], [ θ] and [ ð] appears in three different historical orthographies, in rhymes and in place-names. (The evidence in other phonetic environments, particularly when followed by nasal and liquid consonants, is weaker, and is reviewed below). My discovery has gained wide acceptance, but has been persistently attacked by Nicholas Williams. In Williams (2006), he devoted a whole chapter (31 pages) to the case of the long stressed vowels, concluding: “Middle Cornish never contained two separate long vowels /o ː/ and / ɔː/. 2. The distinction … between troes ‘foot’ and tros ‘noise’ is unjustified.” In this paper, the evidence for the two o-type vowels is reviewed in detail, and the reasons for Williams’ erroneous conclusion are examined.
    [Show full text]
  • Natural Phonetic Tendencies and Social Meaning: Exploring the Allophonic Raising Split of PRICE and MOUTH on the Isles of Scilly
    This is a repository copy of Natural phonetic tendencies and social meaning: Exploring the allophonic raising split of PRICE and MOUTH on the Isles of Scilly. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/133952/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Moore, E.F. and Carter, P. (2018) Natural phonetic tendencies and social meaning: Exploring the allophonic raising split of PRICE and MOUTH on the Isles of Scilly. Language Variation and Change, 30 (3). pp. 337-360. ISSN 0954-3945 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954394518000157 This article has been published in a revised form in Language Variation and Change [https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954394518000157]. This version is free to view and download for private research and study only. Not for re-distribution, re-sale or use in derivative works. © Cambridge University Press. Reuse This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs (CC BY-NC-ND) licence. This licence only allows you to download this work and share it with others as long as you credit the authors, but you can’t change the article in any way or use it commercially. More information and the full terms of the licence here: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Title: Natural phonetic tendencies
    [Show full text]
  • Records of the Chicheley Plowdens A.D. 1590-1913; with Four
    DUKE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY J ^e \°0 * \ RECORDS OF THE CHICHELEY PLOWDENS, a.d. 1590-1913 /{/w v » Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from hb Duke University Libraries https://archive.org/details/recordsofchichel01plow RECORDS it OF THE Chicheley Plowdens A.D. I59O-I9I3 With Four Alphabetical Indices, Four Pedigree Sheets, and a Portrait of Edmund, the great Elizabethan lawyer BY WALTER F. C. CHICHELEY PLOWDEN (Late Indian Army) PRINTED FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION HEATH, CRANTON & OUSELEY LTD. FLEET LANE, LONDON, E. C. 1914 ?7 3AV CONTENTS PAGB Introduction ....... i PART I FIRST SERIES The Plowdens of Plowden ..... 6 SECOND SERIES The Chicheley Plowdens . .18 THIRD SERIES The Welsh Plowdens . .41 FOURTH SERIES The American Plowdens ..... 43 PART II CHAPTER I. Sir Edmund Plowden of Wanstead, Kt. (1590-1659) 51 II. Francis the Disinherited and his Descendants, the Plowdens of Bushwood, Maryland, U.S.A. 99 III. Thomas Plowden of Lasham .... 107 IV. Francis of New Albion and his Descendants in Wales . - .112 V. The first two James Plowdens, with some Account OF THE CHICHELEYS AND THE STRANGE WlLL OF Richard Norton of Southwick . .116 VI. The Rev. James Chicheley Plowden, and his Descendants by his Eldest Son, James (4), with an Account of some of his Younger Children . 136 v Contents CHAPTER PAGE VII. Richard and Henry, the Pioneers of the Family in India, and their Children . 151 VIII. The Grandchildren of Richard Chicheley, the H.E.I.C. Director . , . .176 IX. The Grandchildren of Trevor, by his Sons, Trevor (2) and George ..... 186 Conclusion . .191 VI EXPLANATION OF THE SHIELD ON COVER The various arms, twelve in number, in the Chicheley Plowden shield, reading from left to right, are : 1.
    [Show full text]
  • LINGUISTIC CONTEXT of H-DROPPING Heinrich RAMISCH University of Bamberg Heinrich
    Dialectologia. Special issue, I (2010), 175-184. ISSN: 2013-22477 ANALYSING LINGUISTIC ATLAS DATA: THE (SOCIO-) LINGUISTIC CONTEXT OF H-DROPPING Heinrich R AMISCH University of Bamberg [email protected] Abstract This presentation will seek to illustrate how linguistic atlas data can be employed to obtain a better understanding of the mechanisms of linguistic variation and change. For this purpose, I will take a closer look at ‘H-dropping’ – a feature commonly found in various European languages and also widely used in varieties of British English. H-dropping refers to the non-realization of /h/ in initial position in stressed syllables before vowels, as for example, in hand on heart [ 'ænd ɒn 'ɑː t] or my head [m ɪ 'ɛd]. It is one of the best-known nonstandard features in British English, extremely widespread, but also heavily stigmatised and commonly regarded as ‘uneducated’, ‘sloppy’, ‘lazy’, etc. It prominently appears in descriptions of urban accents in Britain (cf. Foulkes/Docherty 1999) and according to Wells (1982: 254), it is “the single most powerful pronunciation shibboleth in England”. H-dropping has frequently been analysed in sociolinguistic studies of British English and it can indeed be regarded as a typical feature of working-class speech. Moreover, H-dropping is often cited as one of the features that differentiate ‘Estuary English’ from Cockney, with speakers of the former variety avoiding ‘to drop their aitches’. The term ‘Estuary English’ is used as a label for an intermediate variety between the most localised form of London speech (Cockney) and a standard form of pronunciation in the Greater London area.
    [Show full text]
  • “Cockney and the Queen”
    “Cockney and the Queen” The importance and development of the accent known as Estuary English Maren Kristine Haugom MA Thesis UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Faculty of Humanities Department of Literature, Area Studies and European Languages Spring 2012 Abstract For this MA thesis I have chosen to investigate the accent known as Estuary English (EE). Even though it is having a massive impact on the development of the English language (especially in Britain) there are few extensive sources regarding this accent, and even though studies have been conducted they are few and hard to come across. Even linguists agree that there are few sources regarding EE, which makes it an interesting research topic. Due to the structure and (lack of) status of EE it is being discussed by linguists and commoners alike, and the media has acted as a linguistic “battlefield” of sorts where linguists and members of the general public have presented their arguments, suggested definitions, and frustrations regarding the new accent. The fact that the general opinions differ greatly and that definitions are changing continually makes it a very interesting base for research. It is a dynamic topic, a linguistic phenomenon which is happening in our time. As my thesis is being written over the course of only one semester I have chosen not to do field work or conduct a survey, although I will attempt to refer to studies conducted by other researchers where this is feasible. Because of the time limit I have chosen to focus mainly on theoretical aspects, such as the problems regarding a proper definition of EE and the discussion around which phonemic traits are part of the accent.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix a – Perceptual Maps
    Appendix A – Perceptual Maps 1) A Perceptual Map of Dutch-Speaking Areas (Rensink 1955:22; taken from Preston 1989a:5) 126 2) Three Examples of Grootaers’ Perceptual Maps of Japan i) The determination of regions in which the perceptions of dialect differences are shared in a small area of Japan [descriptions taken from Preston 1989a): (cf. Grootaers 1959:359) 127 ii) The inner and outer boundaries of a region (10) in which respondents share perceptions of dialect differences in a small area of Japan: (Grootaers 1959:364) 128 iii) The boundaries of regions which respondents in a small area of Japan feel use unintelligibly different dialects (Grootaers 1959: 379) 129 3) Doncaster and District Development Council’s caricature of Londoners’ per- ceptions of the North (taken from Preston 1989a:15) 130 Appendix B: Summary of Respondents’ Biographical Data University Northerners/ of Reading/ ’Midlanders’/ YMCA Southerners/ Reading/ Classification National Grown up in Now living in Uncertain Trust M/F Age (county only) (county only) Occupation (cf. 5.1.) R1 UR F 20 (varying) Devon Student S R2 UR F 46 Middlesex Berkshire Student S R3 UR F 18 Lancashire Devon Student CU R4 UR F 24 Berkshire Berkshire Student S R5 UR M 18 Leicestershire Berkshire Student S R6 UR F 21 Berkshire Berkshire Student S R7 UR F 34 Hampshire Hampshire Student S R8 YMCA M 38 Berkshire Berkshire Consultant S R9 YMCA F 24 Cleveland Berkshire Unemployed CU R11 YMCA M 26 Berkshire Berkshire General Builder S R12 YMCA M 25 Bedfordshire Berkshire Unemployed S R13 NT F 25 (varying)
    [Show full text]
  • The Cornish Language in Education in the UK
    The Cornish language in education in the UK European Research Centre on Multilingualism and Language Learning hosted by CORNISH The Cornish language in education in the UK | 2nd Edition | c/o Fryske Akademy Doelestrjitte 8 P.O. Box 54 NL-8900 AB Ljouwert/Leeuwarden The Netherlands T 0031 (0) 58 - 234 3027 W www.mercator-research.eu E [email protected] | Regional dossiers series | tca r cum n n i- ual e : Available in this series: This document was published by the Mercator European Research Centre on Multilingualism Albanian; the Albanian language in education in Italy Aragonese; the Aragonese language in education in Spain and Language Learning with financial support from the Fryske Akademy and the Province Asturian; the Asturian language in education in Spain (2nd ed.) of Fryslân. Basque; the Basque language in education in France (2nd ed.) Basque; the Basque language in education in Spain (2nd ed.) Breton; the Breton language in education in France (2nd ed.) Catalan; the Catalan language in education in France Catalan; the Catalan language in education in Spain (2nd ed.) © Mercator European Research Centre on Multilingualism Cornish; the Cornish language in education in the UK (2nd ed.) and Language Learning, 2019 Corsican; the Corsican language in education in France (2nd ed.) Croatian; the Croatian language in education in Austria Danish; The Danish language in education in Germany ISSN: 1570 – 1239 Frisian; the Frisian language in education in the Netherlands (4th ed.) 2nd edition Friulian; the Friulian language in education in Italy Gàidhlig; The Gaelic Language in Education in Scotland (2nd ed.) Galician; the Galician language in education in Spain (2nd ed.) The contents of this dossier may be reproduced in print, except for commercial purposes, German; the German language in education in Alsace, France (2nd ed.) provided that the extract is proceeded by a complete reference to the Mercator European German; the German language in education in Belgium Research Centre on Multilingualism and Language Learning.
    [Show full text]
  • From "RP" to "Estuary English"
    From "RP" to "Estuary English": The concept 'received' and the debate about British pronunciation standards Hamburg 1998 Author: Gudrun Parsons Beckstrasse 8 D-20357 Hamburg e-mail: [email protected] Table of Contents Foreword .................................................................................................i List of Abbreviations............................................................................... ii 0. Introduction ....................................................................................1 1. Received Pronunciation .................................................................5 1.1. The History of 'RP' ..................................................................5 1.2. The History of RP....................................................................9 1.3. Descriptions of RP ...............................................................14 1.4. Summary...............................................................................17 2. Change and Variation in RP.............................................................18 2.1. The Vowel System ................................................................18 2.1.1. Diphthongisation of Long Vowels ..................................18 2.1.2. Fronting of /!/ and Lowering of /"/................................21 2.2. The Consonant System ........................................................23 2.2.1. The Glottal Stop.............................................................23 2.2.2. Vocalisation of [#]...........................................................26
    [Show full text]
  • A Sociolinguistic Analysis of the Philadelphia Dialect Ryan Wall [email protected]
    La Salle University La Salle University Digital Commons HON499 projects Honors Program Fall 11-29-2017 A Jawn by Any Other Name: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of the Philadelphia Dialect Ryan Wall [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/honors_projects Part of the Critical and Cultural Studies Commons, Other American Studies Commons, and the Other Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Wall, Ryan, "A Jawn by Any Other Name: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of the Philadelphia Dialect" (2017). HON499 projects. 12. http://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/honors_projects/12 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Program at La Salle University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in HON499 projects by an authorized administrator of La Salle University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Jawn by Any Other Name: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of the Philadelphia Dialect Ryan Wall Honors 499 Fall 2017 RUNNING HEAD: A SOCIOLINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE PHILADELPHIA DIALECT 2 Introduction A walk down Market Street in Philadelphia is a truly immersive experience. It’s a sensory overload: a barrage of smells, sounds, and sights that greet any visitor in a truly Philadelphian way. It’s loud, proud, and in-your-face. Philadelphians aren’t known for being a quiet people—a trip to an Eagles game will quickly confirm that. The city has come to be defined by a multitude of iconic symbols, from the humble cheesesteak to the dignified Liberty Bell. But while “The City of Brotherly Love” evokes hundreds of associations, one is frequently overlooked: the Philadelphia Dialect.
    [Show full text]
  • Analogy in the Emergence of Intrusive-R in English MÁRTON SÓSKUTHY University of Edinburgh 2
    Analogy in the emergence of intrusive-r in English MÁRTON SÓSKUTHY University of Edinburgh 2 ABSTRACT This paper presents a novel approach to the phenomenon of intrusive-r in English based on analogy. The main claim of the paper is that intrusive-r in non-rhotic ac- cents of English is the result of the analogical extension of the r∼zero alternation shown by words such as far, more and dear. While this idea has been around for a long time, this is the first paper that explores this type of analysis in detail. More specifically, I provide an overview of the developments that led to the emergence of intrusive-r and show that they are fully compatible with an analogical approach. This includes the analysis of frequency data taken from an 18th century corpus of English compiled specifically for the purposes of this paper and the discussion of a related development, namely intrusive-l. To sharpen the predictions of the analog- ical approach, I also provide a mathematically explicit definition of analogy and run a computer simulation of the emergence of the phenomenon based on a one million word extract from the 18th century corpus mentioned above. The results of the simulation confirm the predictions of the analogical approach. A further advantage of the analysis presented here is that it can account for the historical development and synchronic variability of intrusive-r in a unified framework. 3 1 INTRODUCTION The phenomenon of intrusive-r in various accents of English has inspired a large number of generative analyses and is surrounded by considerable controversy, mainly because of the theoretical challenges that it poses to Optimality The- ory and markedness-based approaches to phonology (e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Ba Chelor Thesis
    English (61-90), 30 credits BACHELOR BACHELOR Received Pronunciation, Estuary English and Cockney English: A Phonologic and Sociolinguistic Comparison of Three British English Accents THESIS Caroline Johansson English linguistics, 15 credits Lewes, UK 2016-06-27 Abstract The aim of this study is to phonologically and sociolinguistically compare three British English accents: Cockney English (CE), Estuary English (EE) and Received Pronunciation (RP), including investigating the status these accents have in Britain today. Estuary English, which is spoken in London and the Home Counties, is said to be located on a continuum between Cockney English, which is a London working class accent, and Received Pronunciation, spoken by the higher classes in Britain. Four authentic Youtube lectures by an author who considers herself to be an EE speaker were compared with previous research in the area. The findings regarding phonetic differences between the accents displayed many opposing opinions between the Youtube material and the previous research. This is likely to be partly because of regional and social differences, and partly because of the fact that accents change and also depend on the formality of the situation in which they are spoken. Furthermore, accents are not clearly defined units and Estuary English has been shown to be many different accents that also figure on a broad spectrum between Received Pronunciation and Cockney English (and any other regional accents that are spoken in the area). When it comes to attitudes to the three different accents, the Youtube material and previous research seem to agree on most levels: RP can be perceived as cold and reserved and is not the only accepted accent today for people who wish to acquire a high status job, at the same time as it is still associated with the highest prestige.
    [Show full text]
  • Sounding Southern: Identities Expressed Through Language1
    FEATURED ARTICLE Sounding Southern: Identities Expressed Through Language1 Irina Shport and Wendy Herd 2 “Where are you from?” is the question one often hears in innovations necessary to understand them, and the inter- the United States. Many English speakers from the South- play of sociolinguistic variables in identity expression ern United States can hardly avoid this question (similar through language. Elements typical to Southern speech to speakers of English as a second language) unless they are used selectively and creatively by individual Southern become bidialectal and learn to switch between a Southern speakers rather than as a stereotypical bundle that some accent and a more mainstream, Standard American accent, are accustomed to see in descriptions of Southern speech. as many Southerners nowadays do (to compare South- ern and Standard pronunciation of a bidialectal speaker, The Stabilized Representation of listen to Multimedia1 at acousticstoday.org/shportmm). Southern United States English Southern US English stands out among North American Comprehensive overviews and synthesis of acoustic English dialects as being talked about and stigmatized the research on Southern US English can be found in works most, similar to English spoken in New York City (Pres- such as the Atlas of North American English (ANAE; Labov ton, 1988). It is often portrayed in the media and public as et al., 2006) and the special issue on Southern US English having a Southern drawl, twang, nasal, or sing-song qual- of The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America (Shport ity to it. These labels serve to stereotype Southern speech and Herd, 2020; Thomas, 2020).
    [Show full text]