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Home , Fidel Castro, Foco, Guevarism, New Democracy, On Guerrilla Warfare, Popular front

56 Colombios The Strotegy People's Wqr By the Communist Group of (GCR)* Introduction regarding how to understand the es- , or at least no proletori- Since its foundation in 1982 the sence of New . This does an revolution, without the guidance GCR hos set for itseff the tosk of not meon that all of our views of --Moo Tsetung building the Revolutionary Com- regarding New Democrocy have Thought. This does not represent munist Party, s task it has been car- been wrong. Although today's the slightest dogmotism of any kind rying out in the sense that the GCR quantitative distribution of the on our part. We ore convinced that is a party in formotion. population with its high degree of without odvoncing on the bosis of In the course of this process of urbanisation (two thirds urban and Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung building the party and its political one third rurol) has led many forces Thought there con be no reul revo- line, the GCR has come to more to simplistically characterise the lution in Colombis, and that the t horoughly understand und correct- revolution Colombia needs as soc- way to adyance correctly is to take ly upply the science of revolution, ialist, the GCR continues to hold ss our starting point the Chinese Morxism-Leninism- Mao Tsetung that this revolution will be New Reyolution and the Great Proletar- Thought, and with this it has been Democratic in itsfirst stage and that ian , as well as rectifying wrong views regording the the strategic road is people's . the contributions of the Revolution- tasks and road ofthe reyolution. It We continue to hold that the two ary Internationalist Moyement in has come to understand that the basic tasks of the New Democratic which our orgonisation is a proud ideological and politicol building of revolution are totol, thorough and participant. the party and its political line must complete independence from im- be inseparoblefrom the building of perialism, and the solution of the In Colombia the masses of peo- the other two fundamental weapons agrarian problem, the destruction ple face two diverging roads. On the of the revolution, the army and the of the monopoly of the land pres- one hand, there is the road of and thut the building of these ently held by the big landowners. counter-revolution, which is the N front, three weapons is a universolly valid This rectffication and the devel- road of , bureaucrat principle that must be concretely ap- opment of our political line hove and semi-feudalism. The a; o\ plied to Colombio, with its par- given our organisation a greater in- of the big is ticularities as a notion oppressed by ternol strength snd cohesion and developing a capitalism that serves imperialism. Thus the building of hove roised the political and ideo- the interests of foreign , = the porty, linked to its political line, logical level of its members. On the especially U.S. capital, while main- = is intertwined with the correctness basis of discussion and struggle be- taining the monopoly of land own- oL or incorrectness of its approach to tween different opinions regarding ership and the class political power o the questions of the ormed struggle line questions, we have achieved a of the big landowners. This gives q and the . cleor demarcation with ideas os- rise to ever-sharpening economic o The GCR has come to also under- sociated with the so-called " insur- crises, political instability and stand the powerful truth of Mao's rectionalist strategy" that have repression. On the other hand, there = views regarding "putting forword come into fashion in the oppressed is the road of revolution, the road armed struggle from the start" snd countries since the Sondinista victo- that will lead the and the the proletariat's need to rely on its ry in . This document we masses of people, guided by the own armed forces to estublish red are presenting to the revolutionary proletariat's genuine communist political power ond revolutionary communists snd in party now being formed, towards base ureas. It hos come to more general arose os o port and a , and fi- clearly understand the charocter of product of this demarcation. nally . This road will be society and the character ond laws When we demarcote from "insur- opened up by the proletariat and its of the revolution, qs well as the uni- rectionulism" os a strategy for the party when the party launches a ty between the universsl truth of revolution in the oppressed coun- people's war, the only way to re- Mqrxism-Leninism-Moo Tsetung tries, we are not confusing this line solve the two big problems the revo- Thought ond its application to the with the roqd and orientotion for lution must resolve: the national concrete conditions of Colombia. revolutionary wor in the imperiolist question, to liberate the country On this bssis, the GCR recognises countries, where the revolution must from the yoke of imperialism, and lhat it has held erroneous views begin with insurrection in the cities the agrarian problem, the centre of at o point when the bourgeoisie can the democratic problem. These two * From Alboroda Comunista, be defeated. Furthermore, in the great tasks are mutually inter- periodical of the GCR, May lst imperialist countries, as in the op- related. 1988 (Abridged) pressed countries, there con be no The road of revolution faces two 67 of lnsurrection vs. qnd Red Politicql Power

different directions which cor- and part of the national bourgeoisie mon is that they do not seek to over- respond to two opposite outlooks to take over the for their own turn the old order.... vying to point the way for the work- interests and those of Soviet social- ing class and the masses of people. imperialism.... Characteristics of Faced with these two directions, Imperialism is an international Insurrectionalism revolutionaries, class-conscious production relation, a relation in workers and the advanced from which international finance capital It is within the framework of this among the masses, and the masses subordinates the economies of the situation that we must draw a line themselves, will have to examine the dominated nations by creating pro- of demarcation with the "insurrec- ideologies, and classes in- duction relations and bureaucrat tionalist strategy" and the trend volved and take a stand. These two within them. This bur- which recently has taken to calling directions are the "insurrectional" eaucrat bourgeoisie serves as the itself "People's Power." After- strategy on the one hand, and on agent of imperialist finance capital; wards we will focus on the analysis the other, the direction of revolu- furthermore, the landlord class also of the "insurrectionalist strategy" tionary communism, of the prole- serves as a social base for imperialist in Colombia, which has its own tariat, with its strategy and doctrine penetration. Imperialism, mainly characteristics, though the basic ele- of people's war. The problem of the through its export of capital, gives ments of that strategy come from two directions is the question of the rise to a bureaucrat capitalism the "Nicaraguan road." future of the masses of people in which serves foreign capital, lead- We will begin by describing its Colombia and the nation: either ing to the disarticulation and dise- basic characteristics: that future is "insurrectionalism," quilibrium of Colombia's economy, 1. The insurrectional strategy is whose content is negotiation, na- while the "development" that takes centred in the cities, since the mass tional subjugation and mortgaging place is in contradiction to the in- movements, the focal point of the the people's revolutionary struggles terests of the working class and struggle, according to this strategy, to imperialism and to part of the masses of people and even that seg- mainly converge in the cities. E bureaucrat bourgeoisie and land- ment of private capital whose Thus "political" forces play the o lord ruling classes, or it is a total, character is national. decisive role and military forces a Fn thorough and complete 's oppression of the secondary role. The important thing U Democratic revolution to destroy country, closely linked to the land- is the mass struggles and not the of the domination of imperialism, the lord's monopoly control of the "vanguard" for which the masses bureaucrat bourgeoisie and the land, requires solutions that go to are simply supporters. According to s landlords, and build a new order, the roots of the problem, which this strategy the vanguard is not as = state and society on the smoking means the destruction of imperial- important as flexible alliances with 5 ruins of the old order. The New ism, bureaucrat capitalism and the bourgeois . Further, 6 Democratic republic and state will semifeudalism. The essence of the this strategy relies on the support of E clearly aim for socialism and serve New Democratic revolution is that powerful forces on an international N as a base area for the world it is a of the revolution- level, such as (the which will ary classes under the of ) and Soviet lead all humanity to communism. the proletariat, whose purpose is to social-imperialism. The "insurrectionalists" are or- put an end to imperialist oppression 2. The essence of the "insurrec- ganised in the Simon Bolivar Guer- and semifeudal social relations and tional strategy" is that it seeks to rilla Coordinating Committee open the way to socialism. It is im- narrow the targets of the New (CGSB) [the umbrella organisation possible to achieve this without a Democratic revolution, to preach which recently gathered together all revolutionary war of the masses. reliance on bourgeois-democratic the organisations criticised in this Nevertheless, the "insurrectional forms and to hide the need to des- article - AWTWI. Theirviews are strategy" proposes and fights for troy the regime and reformist, and if they struggle for capitalist development, with the il- state. Since the "insurrectional state power, they do not do so on lusory and utopian solution of dev- strategy" is linked to Soviet social- the basis of the interests of the eloping an "independent capitalist" imperialism and social democracy, proletariat but rather the class in- country. The particular pro-Soviet the "anti-imperialist struggle" it terests ofthe , the variant of this seeks a bureaucrat promotes only targets U.S. imperi- national bourgeoisie and even a new capitalist country dependent on alism, and even this in a limited pro-Soviet comprador bourgeoisie Soviet social-imperialism. What way. After all, European imperial- which seeks to ally with landlords both these solutions have in com- ism (social democracy) forms a part 68

of the imperialist bloc headed by the people's war. In contrast, the "in- 1967) They sought to establish "a U.S., and Soviet social-imperialism surrectional strategy" organises and democratic revolutionary govern- seeks to confront only certain pro- mobilises them as a pressure group, ment and an equally democratic and U.S. sections of the ruling classes not to unleash their pent-up revolu- revolutionary programme for na- and not the whole of the ruling tionary potential. tional liberation." b) "The main classes and the state. The USSR's 4. .. . In class terms, although they theatre of the struggle in Latin strategic orientation is to take over maintain a certain social America and Colombia is the coun- the state by means of a coup d'6tat, base, the "insurrectional strategy" tryside." This was because the rural negotiations or violent action so as is oriented towards the petite bour- population, in the 1960s, was big- to share political power with some geoisie, parts of the national bour- ger than the urban population, be- pro-U.S. and pro-European forces. geoisie and opposition forces among cause the working class did not 3. Within this insurrectional the ruling classes themselves, forces possess "the necessary maturity to strategy, is inten- which they call "progressive." lead a real revolutionary struggle," sified but does not go over to mo- The "insurrectional strategy," because "clandestine work can be bile warfare or positional warfare, with its emphasis on political strug- carried out in the mountains." although it can take those forms. gle over military struggle, is the op- Since the know the coun- The insurrectional strategy foresees posite of the doctrine of people's tryside best, they become "the van- the 's overthrow in the war. People's war sees armed strug- guard of this struggle." c) wake of a combination of general gle as the highest form of struggle "Unequivocal support for the strikes and mass uprisings with because it is the only road through " and "admira- guerrilla warfare. which the masses can seize, build tion for the ideological firmness There is a profound hole in this and defend their political power. It with which the leadership of the strategy, namely, the role to be means the struggle to destroy the revolutionary government headed played by the peasants in this revo- old order and state and build a new by Fidel guides its people." lution. For those who follow the state and a new order piece by piece, Since its foundation the ELN Sandinista model, the peasants are and in this way seize power and con- spoke of "base areas" as a tactic: not the principal force. The goal in trol throughout society and reor- "Our first stage of guerrilla life the countryside is to establish a so- ganise it. went through the following phases: called "mixed economy" by main- first, clandestine survival; second, taining the big and medium-sized UC-ELN: Not One reconnaissance of the terrain; third, capitalist farms and combining this Step Back? military training of the guerrillas; N with forms of "self-management." fourth, the creation ofa revolution- The "insurrectional strategy" ary base among the peasants; fifth, 6\ us look a does not consider guerrilla warfare Let in more detail at the the formation of intelligence and o\ this strategy" to be the key element in constantly form "insurrectional liaison units." At that time the ELN takes in First there is the mobilising the masses, especially the Colombia. also contrasted protracted warfare poor peasant and rural labourers, to UC-ELN, the Camilista Union- to the "short-cut mentality," speak- = build a Revolutionary Red Army National Liberation Army [Camilis- ing of protracted warfare as "a = refers to Camilo Torres, pro- o and smash the old order on this ba- ta the mentality" and strategic tactical h priest "a sis. For people's war, guerrilla war- Cuban who was associated approach." The ELN used and still a with this movement AWTrl4. q fare is indispensable in order to - does use the term "base among the mobilise the masses and raise their The ELN arose in July 1964 in peasants" in the way that Guevara o the mountains of the department political level. The leadership of the of did. But this idea of a "base" as (in = proletariat and its Santander eastern Colombia) as equivalent to influence among the is basic to this strategy. In contrast, a "political- military organisation" masses is totally opposed to Mao whose aims were: a) The seizure the "insurrectional strategy" sees of Tsetung's concept of base areas. power for the popular classes, with guerrilla warfare as just one more The conceptions "bases among the the insurrectional road as the main means of pressure, along with peasants" and "fixed base camps" form was necessary mobilisations, demonstrations and of struggle. This are Guevarist and opposed, we strikes, national and international because "according to our concep- repeat, to the Marxist-Leninist con- people, political pressure, in order to snatch tion of war of the a war cept of base areas (we'll return to waged immense exploited political power. by the this later). The same can be said of Thus one difference between the majority against the exploiting prolonged warfare as a strategy and minority, we believe that when le- "insurrectional strategy" and guer- not as a "strategic tactical ap- rilla warfare is that the latter gives gal channels are closed for the proach." people great importance to the masses, to majority of an armed van- The ELN's line at the time of its guard guarantee their organisation, to arming them, must arise to the foundation was revolutionary polit- a to their mobilisation and political continuity of the struggle for democratic expression of the radi- power." ("Not one and ideological education. The ical step back- cal and nationalist petite bour- conscious, active participation of ward, Liberation or death!", geoisie that saw in the Cuban interview Yazquez the masses of people in the revolu- with Fabio revolution "a line that showed the Castano, Sucesos magazine, July tion and the war is the key factor in way to insurrection, the road the 59

peoples of must fol- Cayetano Carpio gave the following "new relation between the van- Iow".... This Guevarist-type - definition for "political-military or- guards and the masses." In other ism was in opposition to the line of ganisation" : "The political-military words, according to the UC-ELN the pro-Soviet communist parties, organisation is the practical appli- the strategy of protracted people's although in the end the focoists al- cation of the political-military war means establishing a certain ways sought to come to an agree- strategy, that is, the combination of relationship between the guerrillas ment with them, so that the CP all methods of struggle." and the mobilisation of sections of would provide them with fighters It follows from all this that the the masses. and give them a political way out. guerrilla unit is the political leader- When UC-ELN-type insurrec- In other words, the Guevarist line ship of a mass movement and in this tionalists argue that the political propagated by the "insurrectional" sense there is no need for a party to forces are the principal thing and ELN needed urban forces to carry chalk out political and military that the military forces or guerril- out its politics. Thus it won over strategies. The guerrilla unit is the las are secondary, they are attack- Camilo Torres' United Front and leading force and the main form of ing Marxism-Leninism-Mao sought the support of the pro-Soviet struggle for the masses is political Tsetung Thought, which holds that Communist party and the youth or- struggle (strikes, mobilisations, the party is the highest form of or- ganisation of the Revolutionary Lib- peasant marches on the city, ganisation of the proletariat, that eral Movement (MRL), a part of the parliamentary cretinism, etc.). This the army is the principal form of big bourgeoisie. So it could be said becomes clear when in "the combi- mass organisation and that the that the present line of the UC-ELN nation of all methods of struggle" party commands the gun, and that is a "mature" form of the "insurrec- guerrilla warfare turns out to play the other forms of mass organisa- tional strategy," based on a mixture simply an auxiliary role, even tion are subordinate to the principal of and Sandinism.... though the guerrilla organisation is form under the leadership of the In the course of its history this leading the movement. For exam- party. Without these conditions it is "political-military organisation" ple, in El Salvador, the FMLN is a no use even talking about people's was hit very hard with "encircle- political-military organisation war. Prolonged warfare is a strate- ment and annihilation" campaigns, which leads "all methods of strug- gy and its character flows from the but its basic doctrinal conception gle" for insurrection. fact that the revolutionary war can- has not changed qualitatively.... Since for the "insurrectionalists" not triumph quickly. "The protract- l. Now they say they uphold the the main form of mass organisation ed character of the war is explained strategy of "protracted people's is nol the army, but mass organisa- by the fact that the reactionary war," but what do they understand tions and the political parties of the forces are powerful, while the by these words? They say that this opposition, naturally the guerrilla revolutionary forces accumulate E strategy is expressed through "peo- struggle becomes an auxiliary to the strength only gradually. Therefore, o ple's power," that it is "a new rela- movement as a whole. This is what any impatience would be harmful F- tionship between the vanguard and they mean when they say that "the and to seek a 'quick decision' would tr the masses"; "the vanguards vanguards strengthen the participa- be wrong." (Mao Tsetung) This I strengthen the participatory role of tory role of the people and de- principle is applicable to Colombia, o the people and de-emphasise their emphasise their own role." though some would like to deny s own role." These Sandinista terms In essence, Guevarism and San- that. Therefore, a protracted peo- have a peculiar political meaning: dinism deny and fiercely oppose the ple's war must be centred in the = the "vanguards" means the guerril- necessity for a genuine communist countryside and not in the cities. To 65 las and their "political-military" or- party which is the only guarantee of make the principal thing the cities, 6 ganisations," and "the masses" or the leadership of the people's war. including the big cities, to promote N "political forces" means mainly ur- Perhaps it would be better to say insurrection, is not a strategy of ban forces such as the bourgeois op- that they deny the necessity for the protracted war but rather a strate- position and not the masses of three magic weapons of real revo- gy of "quick decision." workers and peasants. lution: a Marxist-Leninist-Mao 2.The UC-ELN calls for the con- The Guevarist outlook uses the Tsetung Thought party, an army led stitution of a "broad political term "vanguards" to mean guerril- by such a party, and a united front front" which would be made up of las or "political-military organisa- of the revolutionary classes to car- "the masses' autonomous or- tions": "It must be emphasised that ry out the war. ganisations." Through their organi- guerilla struggle is a war of the The UC-ELN, a faithful expo- sations, the masses would engage in masses, a war of the people; the nent of Salvadoran-Sandinista- the process of building a new legi- guerrilla is the armed nucleus, the Guevarist eclecticism, on this basis timacy, which would become the fighting vanguard of the people... . " proposes a "strategy of protracted "embryo of the new state." Fur- (, "General Principles people's war" which negates the im- ther, this would be achieved with of Guerrilla Struggle") They also portance of the leading nucleus of the "collective vanguard," "a con- call the guerrilla "the armed van- such a strategy: the party. Since it ception that allows us to unite the guard of the great nucleus of the rejects the party, it can only declare revolutionary forces in one integral people that support them." that what constitutes the "strategy and stable bloc, to begin creating The Salvadoran revisionist of protracted people's war" is a (Continued to page 74) 74

Colombio "Broad Patriotic Front" the start- bourgeoisie, over the landlords, tra- ing point is that alongside the po- itors and . The revolu- (Continued poge from 69) litical vanguard (the guerrillas) it is tion and the revolutionary organs of the conditions for the constitution possible to also have other opposi- political power are nothing more of a 'broad political front."' Can tion political groups, and to use the than the dictatorship of the front of a new state be built by winning combination of "" the revolutionary classes under the "" through working in (mass assemblies, etc.) with leadership of the proletariat. To put mass political movements, or by "," i.e., it even more clearly, "Who are the leading the masses in people's war? elections, for example, the election people? At the present stage in The heart of the problem remains of mayors. Thus "local power" , they are the working class, the role to be played by the masses "the autonomous organisation -of the peasantry, the urban petite in the revolution and the revolution- the masses" is combined with bourgeoisie and the national bour- ary war. It is obvious, as has already bourgeois-democratic- parliamen- geoisie. These classes, led by the been shown, that the "vanguards" tary elections. The centre of gravi- working class and the Communist (or the guerrillas) are not supposed ty for such "frontism" is not in the Party, unite to form their own state to be the principal factor, the pro- basic masses, but rather in the op- and elect their own government; tagonists, so then how can people's position forces, whether they be pe- they enforce their dictatorship over political power be built, since that tite bourgeoisie, national bour- the running dogs of imperialism means state power and state power geoisie or sections of the big bour- the landlord class and bureaucrat- means the armed power of the geoisie, and the utilisation of the bourgeoisie." (Mao Tsetung, "On masses who exercise their dic- parliamentary stables. the People's Democratic Dictator- tatorship? Still, our demarcation with ship") The organs of political pow- In Latin America and particular- "frontism" cannot lead to negating er, the new state and the New ly Colombia there has been a tradi- the importance of the kind of front Democratic Republic are formed tion of "frontism." We must of revolutionary classes advocated and gradually arise in the heat of the correctly distinguish between this by Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung people's war, in the revolutionary and the conception of a front of the Thought. Our essential point of base areas. Without armed struggle revolutionary classes. demarcation with the UC-ELN and the new state cannot be built or the "Frontism," now strengthened the rest of the "insurrectionalists" outmoded and reactionary state des- by the Sandinistas, can be defined on this matter is that they never troyed. In short, political power as a of certain po- mention the question of dictator- grows out of the barrel of a gun. In- N litical forces or political parties that ship. The reactionary ruling classes stead of a party, the UC-ELN calls 6\ oppose the current regime. It means carry out the class dictatorship of for a "collective vanguard"; in- 6 parties of the petite bourgeoisie, the the bourgeoisie and Iandlords stead of a front of the revolution- o\ national bourgeoisie and part of the against the people. What kind of ary classes, the "Broad Political ruling classes, united around a con- dictatorship is represented by the Front," frontism. programme. (or = crete Usually, "front- "Broad Political Front" the UC- The revisionist distortion in- = ism" looks towards using parlia- ELN calls for? Simply the dictator- comprehension, in other cases) oh ment. Just urs some parties have their ship of the bourgeoisie, especially a regarding the front of revolutionary a "armed wings," so also they have section of the national bourgeoisie, classes should also be pointed out. q their "fronts." Other parties only presumably in alliance with forces The New Democratic revolution o promote fronts and renounce war. from among the big bourgeoisie and and the front, in their eyes, are led What has been especially widespread landlords. In this way the urban pe- by the national bourgeoisie. = are -style "National Liber- tite bourgeoisie will also come to Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung ation Fronts," also called "patriot- power, all of them carrying out this Thought holds that the national ic fronts," "people's fronts," dictatorship under the signboard bourgeoisie can participate at cer- "patriotic unions" and so on. The "people's government." If this is tain times and to a certain extent, essence of such "fronts" is a nar- not their goal, then what kind of both in the front and in the revolu- row and restricted vision of the dictatorship do they put forward? tion. This does not mean the whole tasks of the national-democratic They would answer, "None, be- national bourgeoisie, but only its revolution, a belittling of the leader- cause we are not totalitarians." most revolutionary forces. As Mao ship of the party of the proletariat The front of revolutionary class- Tsetung said, "the national bour- and the propagation of narrow na- es is a dictatorship and it is the con- geoisie is only an ally during certain tionalism. Lately we see El crete expression of the new state and periods and to a certain degree," Salvador-style "Broad Political the new revolutionary political pow- and even more importantly regard- Fronts" advocated to promote na- er arising in the revolutionary base ing this point, "The entire history tional liberation struggles but not areas. From a political point of of the revolution proves that New Democratic revolution. view, the New Democratic revolu- without the leadership of the work- Doubtlessly the "insurrection- tion means an alliance of revolu- ing class the revolution fails and alists" are learning from the "origi tionary classes "to enforce a that with the leadership of the work- nal contributions" of the Central dictatorship" over the imperialists, ing class the revolution triumphs. In American process. To build a the bureaucrat and comprador the epoch of imperialism, in no 75 country can any other class lead any forces by establishing relations with nine congresses Al(TWl the genuine revolution to victory. This progressive and par- PCC(ML) held that- since Colombia is clearly proved by the fact that the ties, with emphasis on the socialist is "a predominantly capitalist coun- many led by China's pe- countries. "... try with feudal remnants," the revo- tite bourgeoisie and national bour- The UC-ELN is pro-Soviet, but lution could not be bourgeois- geoisie have failed." (Mao Tsetung, it has contradictions with the big- democratic (of a new type) or New "On the People's Democratic Dic- gest pro-Soviets, the PCC - FARC Democratic, but rather "patriotic- tatorship") It is ironic that the na- UP [respectively, the Communist popular-anti-imperialist," that is, tional bourgeoisie has played an Party- of Colombia; its army, the popular but not democratic. In real- important role, including taking up Revolutionary Armed Forces of ity, they called for a semi-socialist armed struggle, and many of those Colombia; and its legal . They referred to the who deny the existence of this class party, the Patriotic Union "continental reyolution," negating in Colombia are actually either its AWTW). The UC-ELN combines- the various national revolutions; representatives or seek to ally with pro-Soviet views with those of they negated the existence of a na- it. In any case, reality and history Christian social-democracy. Its in- tional bourgeoisie. They held that is proving the revisionists wrong. ternational diplomacy uses pseudo- the conditions for revolution are 3. When they discuss the prin- Marxist terminology as a trick.... created by the guerrillas themselves, cipal aspects of their strategy, they Since the UC-ELN have their acting as an "insurrectional foco." give primary importance to the mass own army and a social base in the The PCC(ML) was not founded at political movement and the broad city and countryside, they can claim the lfth Congress based on the political struggle in alliance with the that the "shortest" and the "quick- guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao middle classes and "democratic per- est way" to seize political power in Tsetung Thought, but rather by sonalities" who can assure that it Colombia is the insurrectional road; Guevarism and Trotskyite theses. really will be a "Broad Political they say people's war takes "too Nevertheless Marxism-Leninism- Movement"; this goes together with long" and is not the road because, Mao Tsetung Thought did have the "centralisation" of the various among other reasons, Nicaragua some influence, though only in the sections of the masses in different has "demonstrated" that the sense of the erroneous idea that one organisations which are to come revolutionary military line deve- can accept only certain aspects of the together to form a "national coor- loped by Mao Tsetung is not valid. military theory Mao Tsetung deve- dinating committee of the masses" Perhaps the road was very short in loped. The PCC(ML) drifted as happened in El Salvador. Nicaragua, but is that country ruled through eclectic waters from 1965 to Here we have another "original by a regime of the dictatorship of 1976, when it definitively split apart. contribution" from Central Ameri- the proletariat? Are they building Its conceptions of the party, the E ca which flows from the points socialism there? Does the aid of front and the revolutionary army o previously discussed. The Salvado- , that agent of Soviet social- were wrong. The People's Libera- F- ran concept consists of a guerrilla imperialism, guarantee the construc- tion Army @PL) was the "armed U front, a national coordinating com- tion of a society in which the mass- wing" of the party, and the front - mittee of the masses (in which the es decide their own destiny without which they called the "Patriotic Na-- o various mass organisations take having to mortgage their revolution tional Liberation front" - was real- s part), the Revolutionary Democrat- to any imperialist power? ly a form of the frontism traditional z ic Front (the alliance of the bour- in Latin America. In reality, the \o geois opposition parties) and the Fight against...? PCC(ML) never took up the New 6 Revolutionary Democratic Govern- Democratic revolution. The splinter- E ment. All this is under the leader- ing produced by the ideological and The road put forward for the N ship of the FMLN (Farabundo revolution by the revisionists of the political decomposition through Marti National Liberation Front). Communist Party of Colombia which it left Marxism-Leninism-Mao The essence of this strategy was (Marxist-Leninist), the PCC(ML), is Tsetung Thought behind led one of previous dealt with in the section of also the insurrectional road, its fractions to "reconstruct" itself this essay. The essence of this party's present in the image of in 1980, 4. The UC-ELN holds that the line has its origins in the 1980 llth so that the of the organi- revolution needs "an international party congress when the party was sation that calls itself the PCC(ML) rearguard" based fundamentally on "restructured" on the basis of Hox- today has its own distinct historical the peoples "who are building so- haism. At that time, they used the roots. cialism" and furthermore, that pretext of repudiating their previous The PCC(ML) revisionists' sum- there must be efforts to "win stra- "Maoist deviations" to repudiate mation of this period is the follow- tegic space by improving interna- Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung ing: "In 1965 people begin to filter tional work with other Thought and the concept of people's into the Northeast to work and cre- struggling peoples, especially Latin war. ate conditions for uprisings. Logical- American peoples, with the aim of Already, in its lfth or Founding ly, focoist errors were corrected in continental revolution- uniting the Congress in 1965, [the PCC(ML) the course of this work, but there ary moYement, while striving to win considered itself a continuation of was still the continued negative in- over and neutralise intermediate the old CP and that party's previous fluence of Mao Tsetung's theory 76

regarding protracted people's war. " prepare people's war because "the repudiation of Mao Tsetung is the This "negative influence" of theory objective and subjective conditions heart of the PCC(ML)'s revisionism, and the strategy of people's war for revolution do not exist." An er- from which a whole erroneous po- according to the Hoxhaists was- roneous conception of preconditions litical line arises. really primitivism in leading- the prevented the accumulation of forces Secondly, they preach the insur- armed struggle. It was positive in the through armed struggle. Regarding rectional strategy and socialist revo- sense of raising the question of peo- the objective conditions, it was said lution. But the insurrectional path ple's war, but still from the first the that first it was necessary to win over they argue for is a combination of PCC(ML) was not consistent in the the masses nationwide through eco- the insurrectional road, the "Oc- self-criticism it made of its focoism nomic mass movements. This was tober road" Lenin formulated for and did not break with this revi- linked to criteria which saw a revolu- the imperialist countries, together sionist conception in theory and tionary situation as though it would with a strong dose of Sandinism. practice. develop along the lines of the Rus- In a nation oppressed by imperi- For a long time the PCC(ML) sian revolution. Regarding the sub- alism, the revolution goes through promoted Mao Tsetung and the jective forces, it was said that it was two stages: the New Democratic Great Proletarian Cultural Revolu- necessary to build the party, un- revolution and the socialist revolu- tion, but it was not alone in doing hooking party building from the tion. To eclectically combine these so; many other organisations and building of the army and the front. two different stages into one is not circles defined themselves as The army was said to be the "armed a demonstration of "ideological pur- defenders of Marxism-Leninism- wing" of the party, and the front, ity," but rather of a profound ideo- Mao Tsetung Thought. Even while according to some organisations, logical deviation and an erroneous taking this positive aspect into con- was a pretext to engage in analysis of Colombian society. sideration, what really took place in parliamentary cretinism. Some The revolution in Colombia can- the "Maoist movement" in Colom- "ML" organisations, for example, not be a proletarian-socialist revolu- bia in the 1960s was a revisionist cur- carried out the line of "political- tion because the interests of the rent expressed in two different military organisations." They car- different classes and social strata op- forms. First, there was the focoist ried out armed actions without really posed to the reactionary classes cor- approach to armed struggle, being on a war footing, a small-scale respond to democracy and not represented by the PCC(ML). The version of focoism. These deviations socialism. What history demands is positive thing was that it defended must be resolutely corrected and to sweep away the domination of the importance of armed struggle to combatted in order to correctly imperialism, bureaucrat capitalism N make the revolution, and held that replace them with the revolutionary and semifeudalism, and sweeping 6\ there was no other road; the nega- communist concept of people's war, away these enemies does not consti- a practice o\ tive side was that there was no un- in the theory and of class tute socialism but rather democracy, derstanding of the difference struggle, of the revolutionary action that is, New Democracy. between armed struggle and people's of the masses.... The New Democratic revolution = war, that people's war is not just Now the PCC(ML) has repudiat- only abolishes the private property = guerrilla warfare, although guerril- ed Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung of the imperialists, big bourgeoisie oh la warfare is fundamental, and there Thought, the theory of New and big landowners. But the Trot- o were no ideological, political and or- Democracy and the strategy and the- skyite revisionists of the PCC(ML) q ganisational preparations to wage ory of people's war. But what does hold that what should be abolished o people's war. The EPL did not arise it propose instead? is all private property, all capitalism as a result of planned work, but In the first place, they define in Colombia in general, in "one sin- = rather because of the "necessity of themselves as plain Marxist- gle stroke of the pen," just because the moment," to defend oneself. Leninists. Is it possible to define one- that is the subjective wish of a hand- The experiences of other fractions self as "ML" without recognising ful of people, without taking into ac- arising out of the old PCC(ML) that Mao Tsetung? Clearly it is not. It is count the fact that there are have carried out armed struggle, not possible to be Marxist-Leninist bourgeois classes and social strata such as the Destacamento Pedro without recognising and defending that do not form part of the target Leon Arboleda (PLA), have been Mao Tsetung's immortal contribu- of the national-democratic revolu- based on a revisionist combination tions to the science of revolution, in tion. When the Hoxhaists of the of Guevara and Marighela [a all of its aspects and not just regard- PCC(ML) argue for their socialist Brazilian who wrote the Mini- ing a few points of military theory, revolution, what they mean is that Manual of Urban Guerrills Warfore without recognising that the science they don't want any revolution. in the 1960s - AWTA and have of revolution is a harmonious and The PCC(ML) says that Colom- not taken up the military line of the integral whole called Marxism- bia is a "state monopoly capitalist proletariat. Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. country," accepting the pro-Soviets' The other main tendency in the The question of whether or not to views in this regard. The root of the "Maoist movement" was the revi- build on the basis of Marxism- question does not lie in a discussion sionist current that accepted people's Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought is about whether or not there is state war in words but never carried it out ultimately a question of whether or monopoly capital, but rather in in reality, and postponed work to not one seeks a real revolution. This characterising what this concept me- 77 ans for an oppressed nation. The PCC(ML) has a peculiar idea of the masses, and although they do rely on question is, what kind of capitalism principal contradiction and the tar- them up to a certain point they do exists in Colombia? The state mo- gets of the revolution. not mobilise them nor raise their po- nopoly capitalism is not the kind of When they speak of the "fascisti- litical consciousness. state monopoly capitalism found in sation of the state," they say that the The "" prograrnme an imperialist country; it is not im- targets to be fought are militarism emphasises plebiscites, referenda and perialist finance capital, but rather and ; in pro-Soviet style they a national constituent assembly as a specific and particular form, called claim that there are "democratic "mechanisms to make possible the bureaucrat capital. To carry out its personalities" among the ruling changes this country needs." The domination, imperialism creates classes who are not "fascists" and anti-imperialist struggle they call for bureaucrat capital. But since the who oppose "the process of fascisti- aims at "the self-determination of PCC(ML) also blurs the distinction sation." On the basis of this claim peoples," for the defence of "na- between imperialist countries and about "fascism" in Colombia they tional sovereignty and natural countries oppressed by imperialism, conclude that there are two camps resources." The agrarian question, its "state monopoly capitalism" is in this country: the "fascists and which for them is secondary, is the same as imperialist finance cap- reactionaries on one side; the work- reduced to "a democratic agrarian ital. This is wrong. To believe that ing class, the masses of people, reform" on the basis of "expropri- in Colombia there is "state monop- together with the revolutionary- ation by the state without indemnifi- oly capital" resembling imperialist democratic forces, on the other." cation." Ultimately, negotiations finance capital must inevitably lead, (Supplement to Liberacion, organ of and deals. They want to use the in the sphere of politics, to the line the EPL, 1987) struggle against imperialism in ord- that incorrectly speaks about the ex- This is the contradiction because er to better negotiate with it and to istence of "fascism" defined as the "this is precisely the context in which negotiate with the big landowners dictatorship of the most reactionary the guerrilla movement of which we over the "expropriation" ofthe land section ofthe bourgeoisie, and in the are a part is calling for the unity of in their hands. The PCC(ML) economic sphere to the conclusion the revolutionary-democratic move- represents the interests of the "rad- that imperialism equals the transna- ment, so that alongside it there can ical" petite bourgeoisie, and from a tional corporations, the IMF and appear a movement of democratic political point of view basically tend World Bank, etc., and that it con- convergence, closing the door to the towards pro-Sovietism. stitutes an "external enemy." A process of fascistisation and mili- The interests of the bourgeoisie, strange eclecticism. In Colombia tarism and providing a political so- especially the national bourgeoisie there is no finance bourgeoisie nor lution to this country's situation." and the petite bourgeoisie, are ex- finance capital; what exists is a This political solution proposed by pressed in lines and programmes that E bureaucrat bourgeoisie which ad- the PCC(ML) is a deal, an agree- aim to resolve the problems of an o ministers imperialism's finance cap- ment negotiated with the ruling oppressed nation from their class FT ital without owning that capital. This classes who run the reactionary, point of view. The kind of society tr "state monopoly capitalism" is bureaucrat-landlord state. A solu- that exists also propels different so- oT closely linked with imperialist capi- tion that includes a constitutional re- cial forces to participate in the revo- tal, with the comprador interests and form, a referendum, a national lution, including in the armed s with the landlords. In reality, this constituent assembly, in short, a re- struggle, but they do so with narrow z government short-sighted ideas regarding "state monopoly capital" is form of the system of and \o bureaucrat capital (comprador and and the reactionary organs of polit- what must be a total, thorough and 6 feudal). ical power. To win all these complete New Democratic revolu- q Since the PCC(ML) sees Colom- "wonders" they call for a combina- tion. This is the case with the N bia as a capitalist country, of course tion of "all forms of struggle," with PCC(ML). it preaches socialist revolution, in- the political movement being prin- surrection and civil war. In order to cipal and the guerrilla struggle aux- The Autumn of the Patriarchs? carry out such a revolution they ad- iliary. Here we have their Sandinism. vance a Popular Front, which is a From a military point of view, In class terms the pro-Soviet "tactical front," in the "insurrec- they call for the building of a regu- forces, the PCC-FARC-UP, are tional strategy" style; they advocate Iar army, giving emphasis to tech- representatives of the comprador a so-called "democratic conver- nique, advanced training in tactics bourgeoisie and certain pro- Soviet gence," that is, an alliance with sec- and methods, commanders specialis- forces among the landlords, as well tions of the petite bourgeoisie, na- ing in mobile and positional warfare, as a certain part of the national tional bourgeoisie and even opposi- as well as the creation of and bourgeoisie. The outlook of these tion forces from within the ruling local civil guards. The real question reactionary Soviet social-imperialist classes, with the aim of "democrat- is not "advanced training in tactics agents in Colombia, their under- ic reforms." In their clearly revi- and methods" but rather that this is standing of the concept of revolu- sionist conception, they argue that linked to a revisionist military line tion, is the insurrectional strategy: the front and "convergence" should that argues for relying on weapons, a combination of the pro-Soviet include bourgeois personalities op- technique and technology as the bourgeois line including the Viet- posed to "fascistisation." The main thing and not relying on the namese military line with a strong 78

dose of Sandinism. The principal tic line formulated by the Nevertheless, while at present the aspect is its pro-Soviet bourgeois Vietnamese General Nguyen Giap, pro-Soviet forces are seeking to uti- line. For these political and military who put forward the necessity of lise reforms and democratic open- forces the "insurrectional strategy" combining work in the countryside ings, they could move to seize can be concentrated in the follow- and city equally. They speak of power, through a coup d'6tat, an ing points: combining all political and military insurrectional-type movement, elec- 1. The mass struggle combined forms of struggle, as well as of the tions, or a through a combination with guerrilla actions, with the lat- necessity to have "bases in the of these. ter auxiliary. As the UP leader puts countryside," which they under- 2. At this point the pro-Soviet it, "Convergence of the armed stand in a way similar to what the forces are not in a position to movement in the countryside with Salvadorans call "territorial con- Iaunch an insurrection.... the union and civic movements in trol." This has nothing to do with 3. The pro-Soviet forces of the the cities." The central point is the the idea of revolutionary base areas. FARC hold that to carry out their revisionist theory of the "combina- Their famous thesis about "the "insurrectional strategy" they must tion of all forms of struggle." This combination of all forms of strug- move "step by step" towards unity eclectic theory holds that the coun- gle" so that the "guerrilla move- of action between the guerrilla tryside and city are equally impor- ment" is transformed into "a big groups, as already called for by the tant, thus obscuring the vital mass movement" has nothing to do CGSB and on that basis create a importance of defining the centre of with a revolutionary war of the unified joint command, along the gravity and the central task. masses, since the objective is to model of the FMLN in El Salvador, The formula of the "conver- "broaden the urban and rural mass although they say they do not dis- gence" of the armed movement in movement for reforms and against count the possibility of uniting all the countryside and "union and civ- militarism and fascism." The basic the guerrilla groups into the FARC ic work" in the cities does not de- idea, they say, is to maintain and itself. To achieve this aim they must fine the centre of gravity, because develop the self-defence capacity of dominate the rest of the guerrilla for revisionism the main work in the the revolutionary-democratic movement, as in fact they are do- countryside is not armed struggle process, "the armed movement's ing, imposing their reactionary in- but the utilisation of other forms of power to negotiate." terests and programmes so as to struggle such as civic strikes [the Thus the essence of the pro- increase their "negotiating power." closing down of shops and all eco- Soviet line and strategy is to strug- Through this road of guerrilla uni- nomic activity AWTW\ peasant gle to reform the political regime, ty and "union and civic" move- N mobilisation for- reforms including the organs of political power of the ments, they seek state power, with i- peasant "exoduses" [marches from bureaucrat-landlord pro-U.S. state, the objective of "cleansing and the countryside city and gradually gain ground within strengthening the state sector of the o\a to a AWTWI, some land seizures, this state by means of "democratic economy, to ensure its total in- z parliamentary cretinism, and guer- openings" (reforms, mass and mili- dependence from transnational cap- rilla actions as auxiliary to all this. tary pressure, negotiations between ital and the IMF which represents = In answer to a question about the the guerrillas and the reactionary re- it, so that this sector can become the l-o relation of guerrilla struggle to the gime). The "democratic opening" leading sector of the Colombian o mass struggle, Jacobo Arenas re- line followed by the totality of the economy." This means that the ilq plied, "Its task is precisely to en- "institutionalised left" is what state should not be controlled by o courage an offensive of mass guides all the pro-Soviets' present U.S. imperialism but instead by mobilisations leading to regional activity; the FARC and the UP are Soviet social-imperialism. The rest = and national strikes which we in both subordinated to this line. This of the "Bolivarists" of the CGSB turn will defend with our military is why the FARC signed the 1984 are in agreement with this line. action." (Cromos magazine, April "armed truce" [with the govern- The problem for the pro-Soviets 1988, Bogota) In other words, for ment AWTA and calls for is not how to build a new state but the pro-Soviets the principal form "electoral- truces" to guarantee "the how to "cleanse" the existing reac- of struggle is not armed struggle and cleanliness of the electoral process," tionary state so that it serves the rule the main form of organisation is not and why they now call for an "in- of the pro-Soviet bureaucrat bour- the army but rather the "mass po- definite ceasefire" and are going all- geoisie and strengfhens the reaction- litical organisation" Patriotic Un- out for a plebiscite. The pro-Soviet ary dictatorship over the working ion (UP), an expression of their forces need to strengthen their alli- class and the masses of people. bourgeois "frontist" conception. ances with sections of the landlords 4. In order to get state power they Of course the party responsible for and the pro-U.S. ruling classes. It hold that the targets of the revolu- this political line, the PCC, a con- is characteristic of the "insurrec- tion should be reduced: the targets centration of backwardness, paral- tional strategy" to seek alliances should be the pro-U.S. section of ysis and pro-Soviet imperialism, has with bourgeois opposition forces the bureaucrat bourgeoisie, the so- nothing positive to teach about while on the international level the called "militarist" forces, and they revolutionary war and proletarian "peoples' natural ally," the Soviet seek to reach negotiated agreements leadership. Instead, pro-Soviet reac- Union, shows them the strategic with representatives of European tion in Colombia follows the eclec- way. imperialism (social democrats). 79

They call some people "fascists" democratic tendencies. In class sistent in its views. They were the and others "democrats." The pro- terms this organisation represents first to promote urban warfare and Soviets have been the main the interests of a section of the na- later, in the countryside, to develop promoters of the theory of two sec- tional bourgeoisie and the urban pe- mobile and positional warfare. The tors within the reactionary statel tite bourgeoisie. Part of the M-I9 war waged by the M-19 in the coun- one pro-people and the other anti- also came out of the FARC, among tryside has been guided by an urban people. They have also drawn les- people who came to believe that the mentality. They are perhaps the sons from the overthrow of Allende FARC have "no future." The clearest representatives of the "clas- in Chile. Of course the lesson is not M-19's summation of the move- sic" bourgeois military line of regu- that one must develop guerrilla ment in Colombia led them to be- lar armies, combined with Guevarist warfare of the masses. Rather, on lieve that they had to reclaim "the theories. They say that in the polit- the contrary, the lesson according to symbols of the fatherland" and ical and military field they respect them is that it is possible to get into proclaim that a proletarian interna- "the thought of Simon Bolivar." power through parliamentary tional and proletarian internation- The M-19's views constitute a cretinism as long as one has an army alism are simply outmoded particular version of "insurrection- t' to back it up. That is why the FARC "nonsense. alism" and they have never put for- ideologists say that there are many Their basic line has been to ward the destruction of the possibilities to seize power, such as "wage war for peace," by which reactionary state, since for them the elections, general strikes, insurrec- they mean negotiations and national state is not the problem. Theirs is tions. They definitely do not mean dialogue to achieve power- sharing. a utopian conception of seeking an that the masses are to make history They propose a "transitional "independent capitalist" country. and build a new society through government" called "the national people's war. pact" because "Colombia is being Red Political Power and 5. In the military sphere, the torn apart by debate and bloodshed FARC are a reactionary and merce- in a war we do not want," endan- People's War nary army, a concentration of the gering "the concept of democracy" political line and interests of the - which, for the M-19, means the Lately there has been a lot of talk pro-Soviet comprador bourgeoisie bourgeoisie's dictatorship; the ex- about "People's Power." The UC- and landlords, agents of Soviet ecutive, legislative and judicial ELN, for example, argues that peo- social-imperialism. This is the bour- spheres of power; parliamentarism ple's power is a tactical question, in geois and pro-Soviet content of and universal suffrage for "all the terms of "forging forms of local their line. Their plan is to "work" people." The democracy they seek power" that constitute "spaces" to "build a regular army of 30,000 is the worn-out, old-style bourgeois within which to exercise democra- E men," since according to Don democracy that is not possible in a cy, organisational forms, cultural o Manuel "Tirofijo" ["Deadeye," nation oppressed by imperialism in manifestations, etc., through which - U the head of the FARC - AWTW1, the era of imperialism and the world economic problems can be solved. without achieving this precondition proletarian revolution. This "power" is to replace the po- o it is impossible to launch the insur- The M-19's present views arise litical power of the "oligarchy" and rection. This bourgeois line makes from the military reverses it has from there launch a "general tacti- weapons and technique the main suffered and also reflect how the na- cal offensive." They also call for = aspect and necessitates the forma- tional bourgeoisie has been hit econ- = combining bourgeois-democratic \o tion of "elite commando units" as omically as well as how they have parliamentarism par- 6 with "direct 6 in Vietnam, using the masses for lost the audience they used to enjoy ticipation" or "the autonomous or- logistic support. But in order to cre- among sections of the - ganisation of the masses." In N ate such an army they also need "a es. Since joining the Simon Bolivar addition to calling for the election mass movement as fun- Guerrilla Coordinating Committee, strong a of mayors [who were until recently precondition."... this accepted the damental organisation has appointed by the government - theories of "democratic conver- AWTWf , they call for "communi- Power-Sharing gence for peace and life" and the ty assemblies" as an institution to "centralisation" of the mass or- counterbalance traditional city The M-19 arose in 1970 when the ganisations, and has come to in- councils. These resemble the "as- right-wing populist party ANAPO clude in its programme such points semblies" called for by the Iost the presidential elections and as "foreign debt and national PCC(ML), whereas the UP calls the subsequently split up. [This is the sovereignty, " "political solution to city councils "patriotic city halls." date refered to by the formal name the armed conflict," and especially All you have to do is change the of this organization, the April 19th calls for the defence of small and name of these reactionary institu- Movement AWTWI.It has al- medium industry against the mo- tions, and presto, People's Power! ways defined- itself as a "political- nopolies, a point which is of a Speaking of these "patriotic city military organisation," and not as democratic character though it is halls," the pro-Soviets say that the a leftist group, and still less as a not the essence of the matter. "popular election of mayors pro- Marxist-Leninist organisation, but The M-19 also shares the "insur- vides us with a mirror in which to rather as nationalist with social- rectionalist" line without being con- check ourselves out and prove to 80

what extent we are capable of exer- A New Democratic state means a war has to do with the power of im- cising political power," so that these worker-peasant dictatorship over perialism. The forces of the imperi- elections are the road to "democra- the reactionaries. Organs of politi- alists and the ruling classes are more tise" society. cal power mean people's assemblies powerful than the forces of the The mayoralties and city councils and . All this revolution, while by means of a war are the local executive and legisla- is political power. of annihilation the enemy can be tive power of the reactionary state; The existence of red political destroyed piece by piece and the they are organs of the reactionary power depends on the evolution of balance of forces changed. Mao did bureaucrat-landlord political pow- the revolutionary situation. not consider people's war protract- er, controlled by gomonales llocal The agrarian reform should be ed simply in the sense of being ex- feudal despots AWTWI. Popu- deepened through violent, revolu- tended through time; he warned lar election of mayors- is a way to tionary means. that excessive impatience "will "reform" and "democratise" the Though the cardinal problem of never do." Nevertheless, the mere political regime, the organs of reac- every revolution is the violent sei- fact of holding that the enemy is tionary power, while the state sys- zure of power, which in Colombia strong and the revolutionary forces tem remains intact.... means concretely the strategy of weak does not define the protract- What is people's power? More people's war, still the building of edness of the war either. "Neither correctly, what is red political pow- political power in the course of such in theory nor in practice can a strug- er and how is it built? To build a war is a question of both princi- gle be protracted merely by pitting revolutionary political power the ples and strategy. To say, as does the weak against the strong. Nor following conditions must be taken the UC-ELN, that the question is can it be protracted simply by pit- into account: merely tactical, is to reduce the ting the big against the small, the The existence of a party of the question to one of organisational progressive against the reaction- revolutionary communists. It is im- forms with no future perspective. ary.... Our conclusion is derived possible without this prerequisite. All the "insurrectionalist" forces from the interrelations of all the This is shown by historical ex- that speak of political power never factors at work on both sides." perience in Colombia and interna- talk about what kind of dictatorship The theory and strategy of peo- tionally. It is an important or state system they are promoting ple's war is not a purely military condition. The party must play the and what kind of organs of politi- outlook. Mao formulated it based leading role in the organs of politi- cal power or system of government on his analysis of the weak points cal power. they seek and we won't even and strong points of the reaction- N The existence of a revolutionary mention the- new-style Trotskyites aries as well as of the proletariat and i\ army of the masses. According to who blather about "workers'pow- people, in the military, political, a the Marxist theory of the state, the er.tt economic and cultural spheres. o\ army is the main component of The theory and strategy of peo- It is a strategy to weaken the ene- state power. Political power grows ple's war, developed by Mao my politically and politically = out of the barrel of a gun. Tsetung during the course of the strengthen the people's forces, with = The organs of political power are Chinese revolution, cannot be con- the objectives of military victory oh the representatives of the new state, sidered a synonym for focoism or and the training of the masses in a built through armed struggle. The similar to it or to the so-called "in- building and exercising the new qrl front of revolutionary classes surrectional strategy. " state power, and preparing them to o represents this form of New Mao Tsetung held that protract- overthrow imperialism and the reac- Democratic state. ed people's war is a strategy by tionary classes, reorganise society = The development, consolidation showing the relationship between and construct a new society under and expansion of red political pow- the unevenness of the revolutionary the leadership of the proletariat. er is possible only on the basis of situation (corresponding to the un- The strategy of people's war in- revolutionary base areas. even socio- economic development volves an ensemble of political, Political power is built on the ba- of society) and the protractedness of ideological, economic, cultural and sis of having launched people's war, the war. As he pointed out, "As a military factors. where the armed and mobilised rule, revolution starts, grows and The strategy of people's war is masses wage blows against the big triumphs first in those places where closely linked to the fact that in a landlords and reactionaries. The lo- the counter-revolutionary forces are nation oppressed by imperialism, cal political power of the big land- comparatively weak, while it has yet the revolution must go through two lords, the gamonales and the to start or grows very slowly in distinct stages: the New Democrat- municipal authorities must be liqui- those places in which they are ic and socialist revolutions. The dated; the armed power of the reac- strong". ("On Tactics Against New Democratic revolution can tion must be destroyed, including Japanese Imperialism") The uneven only be carried out and brought to the armed bands led by the land- development of the revolution de- victory based on the development of lords, etc. The revolutionary polit- mands that the war be strategically protracted people's war. This is true ical power of the masses of peasants protracted. But this is one aspect of because in the political sphere the and workers must be built the question. The other aspect is programme of New Democracy gradually. that the protractedness of people's calls for a new state and a new- 8l

democratic republic; in the econom- an ideological component, that is, war. It is characteristic of guerrilla ic sphere, confiscation of the im- the education of the masses, their warfare behind enemy lines that it perialist and reactionary-owned mobilisation in building the organs is fought without a rear, for the enterprises and the landlords' land of political power, in such a way so guerrilla forces are severed from the and application of the system "land that in the course of the war they are country's general rear. But guerril- to the tiller"; support and restric- trained and achieve a high level of la warfare could not last long or tion for private capital of a nation- political consciousness and ideolog- grow without base areas. The base al character; in the cultural sphere, ical firmness and are prepared for areas are, indeed, its rear." (Mao a New Culture whose nucleus is cul- the moment when they seize control Tsetung, "Problems of Strategy in tural revolution. The programme of of all society and reorganise it. Guerrilla War Against Japan") New Democracy can only be rea- The strategy of people's war is a Certain conditions are required to lised on the basis of people's war war of the masses, organising them, create base areas: 1. the existence of whose foundation is guerrilla mobilising them and relying on armed forces; 2. the existence of a warfare. them. One of the basic principles of Revolutionary Communist Party; 3. Those who preach "socialist people's war is confidence in the inflicting defeats on the enemy us- revolution and people's war" or masses' revolutionary potential. ing the armed forces with the sup- "national liberation and people's This principle takes the concrete port of the masses of people; 4. the war" do not understand the essence form of organising and mobilising mobilisation of the masses in the of the question. Exactly because of the peasantry, especially the poor revolutionary struggle and arming these reasons people's war can only peasants, the urban and rural the people in the course of the strug- be led by the proletariat and its proletariat, and the petite bour- gle, organising detachments and Revolutionary Communist Party; it geoisie which means organising guerrilla units and, furthermore, cannot be carried out by any other them into- the guerrilla army so creating revolutionary mass organi- class. To put the New Democratic that they carry out the destruction- sations, organising the workers, programme into practice, a strate- of the old political power and build peasants, youth, women, children, gy and theory of people's war is the new power and the New merchants and professionals, "ac- necessary; conversely, the objective Democratic state. The "insurrec- cording to the degree of their polit- of people's war and its nucleus, tionalists," whether they be pro- ical consciousness and fighting guerrilla warfare, is to carry out the Soviets, revisionists, social- enthusiasm." New Democratic programme. Polit- democrats or Christians, do have to In the course of the revolutionary ical power, a new economy and a rely on the masses to a certain ex- struggle, relying on the masses of new culture are obtained through tent. But they do not do so with the people, the old political power of people's war. Guerrilla warfare and aim of unleashing the masses' pow- the gamonales and other open and E the red guerrilla army permit the er to destroy the old and create the hidden enemies of the masses is des- o gradual solution of the two fun- new, but instead simply see the troyed, and the new power, red po- Fa damental tasks of New Democracy: masses as a way to pressure the litical power, is consolidated, tr total, thorough and complete in- reactionary state and achieve mobilising the revolutionary - dependence from imperialism, and negotiated agreements. They mobi- strength of the masses. The organs o the destruction of the semifeudal lise the masses only insofar as it of political power must put into s system, the monopoly of land suits their interests, due to their fear practice the New Democratic z revolutionary programme and the politics of the ownership in the hands of the big of the masses' \o landlords. People's war means con- strength and the fact that they can- United Front, that is, the concreti- 6 sistent anti-imperialism and revolu- not and do not seek to carry the sation of the new state of the 6 tionary democracy. revolution through to the end. worker-peasant dictatorship under N Other social classes such as the Taking the protractedness of the the leadership of the proletariat and petite bourgeoisie or sections of the war as our starting point, the crea- its communist party, and in this way national bourgeoisie can lead move- tion of revolutionary base areas is unite the masses of people against ments and armed struggle, but they a strategic problem to be able to imperialism, the bureaucrat and can only develop limited work with lead the revolution and revolution- comprador bourgeoisie and the big limited objectives due to their bour- ary warfare. landowners. geois conception of the revolution What, then, are revolutionary In the course of the revolution- and to their class interests. These base areas in guerrilla warfare? ary struggle, the strength of the forces promote various varieties of "They are the strategic bases on mobilised masses will thoroughly, narrow and are not which the guerrilla forces rely in completely and gradually destroy consistent in the anti-imperialist performing their strategic tasks and the old social and production rela- struggle nor in solving "the agrari- achieving the objective of preserv- tions and build new social and an question." The proletariat and ing and expanding themselves and production relations, expressing a its genuine communist party can destroying and driving out the ene- new politics, economics and culture. help these forces come forward as my. Without such strategic bases, The economic line to follow in allies, along the road blazed by there will be nothing to depend on the base areas should be based on revolutionary communism. in carrying out any of our strategic the New Democratic programme The strategy of people's war has tasks or achieving the aim of the and the united front and on self- 82

reliance, including, as part of this, from which to fight their vicious the carrying out and deepening of enemies who are using the cities for agrarian reform by revolutionary attacks on the rural districts, and in means. Thus base areas, like the this way gradually to achieve the strategy of people's war itself, are complete victory of the revolution not just a military question. As Mao through protracted fighting. " (Mao said, the base areas are the strateg- Tsetung, "The Chinese Revolution ic rear of the revolution. Further, and the Chinese Communist the proletariat speaks of the rear Party") Mao's summation is valid formed by the world proletarian for the conditions of present-day revolution, but in a way opposite to Colombia. the revisionist idea of "an interna- The strategy of people's war fol- tional rear area" promoted by the lows the strategic lines of surround- Sandinista types. ing the cities from the countryside, The strategic question of revolu- on the basis of establishing one or tionary base areas has to do with another type of base areas in the whether or not one wants to destroy small cities and countryside, based the imperialist system, bureaucrat . This does not capitalism and semifeudalism, to rip negate the possibility of uprisings by out their roots, or whether on the the urban masses leading to insur- contrary one seeks compromises rections in the cities. Nor does it with the reactionary regime or parts negate the use of strikes and gener- of it. As Mao Tsetung put forward, al shut-downs in specific areas. But "Since China's key cities have long these forms are part of the overall been occupied by the powerful im- strategy of people's war and cannot perialists and their reactionary be separated from that. The central Chinese allies, it is imperative for point is the Revolutionary Com- the revolutionary ranks to turn the munist Party's capacity to mobilise backward villages into advanced, the peasants to take part in the New consolidated base areas, into great Democratic revolution under military, political, economic and proletarian leadership. n N cultural bastions of the revolution b o\a

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