Restructuring the Socialist Economy
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Miércoles, 8 De Diciembre Del 2010 NACIONALES
NACIONALES miércoles, 8 de diciembre del 2010 de cuál había sido siempre nuestra conducta con (Aplausos). ¡Ahora sí que el pueblo está armado! recibido la orden de marchar sobre la gran los militares, de todo el daño que le había hecho la Yo les aseguro que si cuando éramos 12 hombres Habana y asumir el mando del campamento tiranía al Ejército y cómo no era justo que se con- solamente no perdimos la fe (Aplausos), ahora militar de Columbia (Aplausos). Se cumplirán, siderase por igual a todos los militares; que los cri- que tenemos ahí 12 tanques cómo vamos a per- sencillamente, las órdenes del presidente de minales solo eran una minoría insignificante, y que der la fe. la República y el mandato de la Revolución había muchos militares honorables en el Ejército, Quiero aclarar que en el día de hoy, esta noche, (Aplausos). que yo sé que aborrecían el crimen, el abuso y la esta madrugada, porque es casi de día, tomará De los excesos que se hayan cometido en La injusticia. posesión de la presidencia de la República, el ilus- Habana, no se nos culpe a nosotros. Nosotros no No era fácil para los militares desarrollar un tipo tre magistrado, doctor Manuel Urrutia Lleó (aplau- estábamos en Habana. De los desórdenes ocurri- determinado de acción; era lógico, que cuando los sos). ¿Cuenta o no cuenta con el apoyo del pue- dos en La Habana, cúlpese al general Cantillo y a cargos más elevados del Ejército estaban en blo el doctor Urrutia? (Aplausos y gritos). Pero los golpistas de la madrugada, que creyeron que manos de los Tabernilla, de los Pilar García, de los quiere decir, que el presidente de la República, el iban a dominar la situación allí (Aplausos). -
Ernesto 'Che' Guevara: the Existing Literature
Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara: socialist political economy and economic management in Cuba, 1959-1965 Helen Yaffe London School of Economics and Political Science Doctor of Philosophy 1 UMI Number: U615258 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615258 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I, Helen Yaffe, assert that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Helen Yaffe Date: 2 Iritish Library of Political nrjPr v . # ^pc £ i ! Abstract The problem facing the Cuban Revolution after 1959 was how to increase productive capacity and labour productivity, in conditions of underdevelopment and in transition to socialism, without relying on capitalist mechanisms that would undermine the formation of new consciousness and social relations integral to communism. Locating Guevara’s economic analysis at the heart of the research, the thesis examines policies and development strategies formulated to meet this challenge, thereby refuting the mainstream view that his emphasis on consciousness was idealist. Rather, it was intrinsic and instrumental to the economic philosophy and strategy for social change advocated. -
Cuban Leadership Overview, Apr 2009
16 April 2009 OpenȱSourceȱCenter Report Cuban Leadership Overview, Apr 2009 Raul Castro has overhauled the leadership of top government bodies, especially those dealing with the economy, since he formally succeeded his brother Fidel as president of the Councils of State and Ministers on 24 February 2008. Since then, almost all of the Council of Ministers vice presidents have been replaced, and more than half of all current ministers have been appointed. The changes have been relatively low-key, but the recent ousting of two prominent figures generated a rare public acknowledgement of official misconduct. Fidel Castro retains the position of Communist Party first secretary, and the party leadership has undergone less turnover. This may change, however, as the Sixth Party Congress is scheduled to be held at the end of this year. Cuba's top military leadership also has experienced significant turnover since Raul -- the former defense minister -- became president. Names and photos of key officials are provided in the graphic below; the accompanying text gives details of the changes since February 2008 and current listings of government and party officeholders. To view an enlarged, printable version of the chart, double-click on the following icon (.pdf): This OSC product is based exclusively on the content and behavior of selected media and has not been coordinated with other US Government components. This report is based on OSC's review of official Cuban websites, including those of the Cuban Government (www.cubagob.cu), the Communist Party (www.pcc.cu), the National Assembly (www.asanac.gov.cu), and the Constitution (www.cuba.cu/gobierno/cuba.htm). -
Los Estudiantes Universitarios En La Revolución Cubana De 1959*
LOS ESTUDIANTES UNIVERSITARIOS EN LA REVOLUCIÓN CUBANA DE 1959 Referencia para citar este artículo: Acevedo-Tarazona, Á., & Lagos-Cortés, E. (2019). Los estudiantes universitarios en la revolución cubana de 1959. Revista Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Niñez y Juventud, 17(1), 89-101. doi:https://dx.doi.org/10.11600/1692715x.17105 Los estudiantes universitarios en la revolución cubana de 1959* ÁLVARO ACEVEDO-TARAZONA** Profesor Universidad Industrial de Santander, Colombia. EMILIO LAGOS-CORTÉS*** Candidato a Magíster Universidad Industrial de Santander, Colombia. «Los estudiantes son los baluartes de la libertad y su ejército más firme.» José Martí Artículo recibido en agosto 2 de 2018; artículo aceptado en octubre 24 de 2018 (Eds.) • Resumen (descriptivo): este artículo de reflexión aborda la actividad revolucionaria desarrollada por el movimiento estudiantil cubano de la Universidad de La Habana durante la lucha contra la dictadura de Fulgencio Batista entre los años de 1952 y 1959. A través del análisis de algunos documentos primarios se identifica el proceso de lucha entre los opositores conciliadores y los radicales ante la dictadura de Batista para obtener el apoyo del estudiantado cubano. Entre los radicales se ubicaron dos corrientes agrupadas en torno a Fidel Castro y José Antonio Echeverría; en la medida en que avanzó la lucha revolucionaria, la cor- riente propiamente estudiantil de Echeverría disminuyó su autonomía y terminó subordinándose política y militarmente a la dirección revolucionaria del Movimiento 26 de Julio. Palabras clave: Cuba, dictadura, historia, movimiento estudiantil, revolución, violencia (Tesauro digital Unesco). University students in the Cuban Revolution of 1959 • Summary (descriptive): This reflective article highlights the revolutionary activities carried out by the Cuban student movement at the University of Havana during the struggle against Fulgencio Batista’s dictatorship between 1952 and 1959. -
Che Guevara's Final Verdict on the Soviet Economy
SOCIALIST VOICE / JUNE 2008 / 1 Contents 249. Che Guevara’s Final Verdict on the Soviet Economy. John Riddell 250. From Marx to Morales: Indigenous Socialism and the Latin Americanization of Marxism. John Riddell 251. Bolivian President Condemns Europe’s Anti-Migrant Law. Evo Morales 252. Harvest of Injustice: The Oppression of Migrant Workers on Canadian Farms. Adriana Paz 253. Revolutionary Organization Today: Part One. Paul Le Blanc and John Riddell 254. Revolutionary Organization Today: Part Two. Paul Le Blanc and John Riddell 255. The Harper ‘Apology’ — Saying ‘Sorry’ with a Forked Tongue. Mike Krebs ——————————————————————————————————— Socialist Voice #249, June 8, 2008 Che Guevara’s Final Verdict on the Soviet Economy By John Riddell One of the most important developments in Cuban Marxism in recent years has been increased attention to the writings of Ernesto Che Guevara on the economics and politics of the transition to socialism. A milestone in this process was the publication in 2006 by Ocean Press and Cuba’s Centro de Estudios Che Guevara of Apuntes criticos a la economía política [Critical Notes on Political Economy], a collection of Che’s writings from the years 1962 to 1965, many of them previously unpublished. The book includes a lengthy excerpt from a letter to Fidel Castro, entitled “Some Thoughts on the Transition to Socialism.” In it, in extremely condensed comments, Che presented his views on economic development in the Soviet Union.[1] In 1965, the Soviet economy stood at the end of a period of rapid growth that had brought improvements to the still very low living standards of working people. -
Not for Distribution
6 The decline of the legitimate monopoly of violence and the return of non-state warriors Cihan Tuğal Introduction For the last few decades, political sociology has focused on state-making. We are therefore quite ill equipped to understand the recent rise of non-state violence throughout the world. Even if states still seem to perform more violence than non- state actors, the latter’s actions have come to significantly transform relationships between citizens and states. Existing frameworks predispose scholars to treat non-state violence too as an instrument of state-building. However, we need to consider whether non-state violence serves other purposes as well. This chapter will first point out how the post-9/11 world problematises one of sociology’s major assumptions (the state’s monopolisation of legitimate violence). It will then trace the social prehistory of non-state political violence to highlight continui- ties with today’s intensifying religious violence. It will finally emphasise that the seemingly inevitable rise of non-state violence is inextricably tangled with the emergence of the subcontracting state. Neo-liberalisation aggravates the practico- ethical difficulties secular revolutionaries and religious radicals face (which I call ‘the Fanonite dilemma’ and ‘the Qutbi dilemma’). The monopolisation of violence: social implications War-making, military apparatuses and international military rivalry figure prominently in today’s political sociology. This came about as a reaction to the sociology and political science of the postwar era: for quite different rea- sons, both tended to ignore the influence of militaries and violence on domestic social structure. Political science unduly focused on the former and sociology on the latter, whereas (according to the new political sociology) international violence and domestic social structure are tightly linked (Mann 1986; Skocpol 1979; Tilly 1992). -
Revolutionaries
Relay May/June 2005 39 contexts. In his book Revolutionaries (New York: New Press, 2001), Eric Hobsbawm notes that “all revolutionaries must always believe in the necessity of taking the initia- tive, the refusal to wait upon events to make the revolu- tion for them.” This is what the practical lives of Marx, Lenin, Gramsci, Mao, Fidel tell us. As Hobsbawm elabo- rates: “That is why the test of greatness in revolutionar- ies has always been their capacity to discover the new and unexpected characteristics of revolutionary situations and to adapt their tactics to them.... the revolutionary does not create the waves on which he rides, but balances on them.... sooner or later he must stop riding on the wave and must control its direction and movement.” The life of Che Guevara, and the Latin American insurgency that needs of humanity and for this to occur the individual as part ‘Guevaraism’ became associated with during the ‘years of this social mass must find the political space to express of lead’ of the 1960s to 1970s, also tells us that is not his/her social and cultural subjectivity. For Cuban’s therefore enough to want a revolution, and to pursue it unselfishly El Che was not merely a man of armed militancy, but a thinker and passionately. who had accepted thought, which the reality of what then was The course of the 20th century revolutions and revolu- the golden age of American imperialist hegemony and gave tionary movements and the consolidation of neoliberalism his life to fight against this blunt terrorizing instrument. -
CHE, the ERRORS and the CUBAN REVOLUTION Dr
ROCA. Revista científico - educacional de la provincia Granma. Vol.14 No.1, enero-marzo 2018. ISSN: 2074-0735. RNPS: 2090. [email protected] CHE, THE ERRORS AND THE CUBAN REVOLUTION Dr. C. Manuel de Jesús Verdecia-Tamayo, Profesor Asistente, University of Granma, [email protected], Cuba. Lic. Eleinis Rodríguez-Guisado, Profesora Instructora, University of Granma, [email protected], Cuba. Lic. Dangel Alexeis García-González, Profesor Instructor, University of Granma, [email protected], Cuba. INTRODUCTION The twentieth century and the passing of the new millennium confirm, dramatically, the need to reflect on how to build the Socialist Revolution from concrete potentialities, limitations, dangers and constraints, which are diverse but also common. This issue calls for the unprejudiced, honest and objective examination of the mistakes made in failed experiments and in the existing "socialist" models. In this context, the social sciences acquire a special significance, since they can offer answers through the examination of reality, and their perspectives, that allow to warn, to avoid or to solve errors that could hinder or make impossible the construction of the new society. The accumulated results indicate that to make socialism we cannot act and much think as we have done so far. The historical-social, theoretical-practical referents are not found in the collapsed experiments of Eastern Europe, nor in the former "real" Soviet socialism; nor on the roads that have survived. Moreover, the transformations that are now carried out in the current socialisms generate doubts, ruptures, resistances, incongruities, contradictions and questions still to be cleared. Examining errors becomes a vital condition for building the Socialist Revolution. -
THE POLITICAL THOUGHT of the THIRD WORLD LEFT in POST-WAR AMERICA a Dissertation Submitted
LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Washington, DC August 6, 2020 Copyright 2020 by Benjamin Feldman All Rights Reserved ii LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Michael Kazin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the full intellectual history of the Third World Turn: when theorists and activists in the United States began to look to liberation movements within the colonized and formerly colonized nations of the ‘Third World’ in search of models for political, social, and cultural transformation. I argue that, understood as a critique of the limits of New Deal liberalism rather than just as an offshoot of New Left radicalism, Third Worldism must be placed at the center of the history of the post-war American Left. Rooting the Third World Turn in the work of theorists active in the 1940s, including the economists Paul Sweezy and Paul Baran, the writer Harold Cruse, and the Detroit organizers James and Grace Lee Boggs, my work moves beyond simple binaries of violence vs. non-violence, revolution vs. reform, and utopianism vs. realism, while throwing the political development of groups like the Black Panthers, the Young Lords, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, and the Third World Women’s Alliance into sharper relief. -
Marxism and Guerrilla Warfare
chapter 6 Marxism and Guerrilla Warfare Marx and Engels had noted the important role played by guerrilla warfare in Spain during the Napoleonic Wars (Marx 1980), in India during the Indian Rebellion of 1857 (Marx and Engels 1959), and in the United States, particularly by Confederate forces, during the Civil War (Marx and Engels 1961), but they never made a direct connection between guerrilla warfare and proletarian rev- olution. Indeed, it is notable that Lenin, in writing about guerrilla warfare in the context of the 1905 revolution, made no mention of Marx and Engels in this regard. For Lenin, guerrilla warfare was a matter of tactics relevant “when the mass movement has actually reached the point of an uprising and when fairly large intervals occur between the ‘big engagements’ in the civil war” (Lenin 1972e: 219). Trotsky, as we saw in Chapter 5, thought of guerrilla warfare in the same way, relevant for the conditions of the Civil War but not so for the stand- ing Red Army after the Bolsheviks achieved victory. It was the association between guerrilla warfare and national liberation and anti-imperialist movements over the course of the twentieth century that el- evated guerrilla warfare to the level of strategy for Marxism. There was no one model of guerrilla warfare applied mechanically in every circumstance, but instead a variety of forms reflecting the specific social and historical condi- tions in which these struggles took place. In this chapter I examine the strategy of people’s war associated with Mao Zedong and the strategy of the foco as- sociated with Che Guevara. -
The Communist International, the Soviet Union,And Their Impact on the Latin America Workers’ Movement
The Communist International, the Soviet Union,and their impact on the Latin America Workers’ Movement DAN LA BOTZ Abstract: The Soviet Union and A L the Communist International had an adverse influence on the Latin CONTRA American workers’ movement, ), 1957-1964. continually diverting it fighting for UCIÓN L a democratic socialist society. They ALHE T REVO A DE subordinated the workers’ movements L ( to the interests of the Soviet . Union’s ruling class, the Communist IQUEIROS PORFIRIANA bureaucracy. At one moment, they led S the workers’ movement in disastrous ARO F L uprisings, while in a subsequent era A they encouraged it to build alliances DICTADURA AVID with capitalist and imperialist power. D Keywords: Soviet Union. Communist International. Communist Parties. Cuba. Workers Movement. A Internacional Comunista, a União Soviética e seu impacto no movimento de trabalhadores da América Latina Resumo: A União Soviética e a Internacional Comunista tiveram uma influência adversa no movimento latino-americano de trabalhadores, frequentemente, distraindo-o de sua luta por uma sociedade socialista democrática. Ambas subordinaram os movimentos de trabalhadores aos interesses da classe dominante na União Soviética, a burocracia comunista. Em um momento, dirigiram o movimento de trabalhadores para levantes desastrosos, DAN LA BOTZ enquanto em um período subsequente encorajaram-no a fazer alianças com Ph.D in American history and poderes capitalistas e imperialistas. professor at the Murphy Institute, the Palavras-chaves: União Soviética. labor school of the City University Internacional Comunista. Partidos of New York. He is the author of ten Comunistas. Cuba. Movimento de books on labor, social movements, Trabalhadores. and politics in the United States, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Indonesia. -
Breaking the Spell
Praise for Breaking the Spell “Christopher Robé’s meticulously researched Breaking the Spell traces the roots of contemporary, anarchist-inflected video and Internet activism and clearly demonstrates the affinities between the anti-authoritarian ethos and aesthetic of collectives from the ’60s and ’70s—such as Newsreel and the Videofreex—and their contemporary descendants. Robé’s nuanced perspective enables him to both celebrate and critique anarchist forays into guerrilla media. Breaking the Spell is an invaluable guide to the contempo- rary anarchist media landscape that will prove useful for activists as well as scholars.” —Richard Porton, author of Film and the Anarchist Imagination “Breaking the Spell is a highly readable history of U.S. activism against neo- liberal capitalism from the perspective of ‘Anarchist Filmmakers, Videotape Guerrillas, and Digital Ninjas,’ the subtitle of the book. Based on ninety interviews, careful readings of hundreds of videos, and his own participant observation, Robé links the development of better-known video makers such as Videofreex, Paper Tiger Television, ACT UP and Indymedia with activist media makers among key protest movements, such as the League of Revolutionary Black Workers in Detroit, Oregon’s Cascadia Forest Defenders, the day workers of Voces Mobiles/Mobile Voices in Los Angeles, and the indigenous youth in Outta Your Backpack Media. Underscored by significant tensions of class, race/ethnicity, and gender among the groups and the videos discussed, Robé traces the continuing concerns