DOCSLIB.ORG

In the Liberation Struggle

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
In the Liberation Struggle 11 Latin Rmerican Christians inthe Liberation Struggle Since the Latin American Catholic Bishops the People's United Front. When this failed, due met in Medellin, Colombia in August and September to fragmentation and mistrust on the left and the 1968 to call for basic changes in the region, the repression exercised by the government, he joined Catholic Church has been increasingly polarized the National Liberation Army in the mountains. between those who heard their words from the He soon fell in a skirmish with government troops point of view of the suffering majorities and advised by U.S. counterinsurgency experts. those who heard them from the point of view of Camilo's option for violence has clearly affected the vested interests. The former found in the the attitudes of Latin American Christians, but Medellin documents, as in certain documents of so also has his attempt to build a United Front, the Second Vatican Council and the social ency- as we shall see in the Dominican piece which fol- clicals of Popes Paul VI and John XXIII, the lows. But more importantly, Camilo lent the fire legitimation of their struggles for justice and of committed love to the Christian forces for their condemnations of exploitation and struc- change around the continent. To Camilo it had tures of domination. The Latin American Bishops become apparent that the central meaning of his had hoped that their call published in Medellin Catholic commitment would only be found in the would be enough, all too hastily retreating from love of his neighbor. And he saw still more their public declarations when their implications clearly that love which does not find effective became apparent. expression is no more than a lie. Thus he came to argue that "the revolution is not only permis- Everywhere in Latin America today, including sible but obligatory for those Christians who see the Catholic Church, one hears a litany of the it as the only effective and far-reaching way to need for change. No one is saying things are as make the love of all people a reality."* they should be, not even the far right -- which The importance of Camilo in setting a new feels that things have gone entirely too far. standard of Christian commitment cannot be under- The breakdown occurs when it becomes a question estimated. of methods for achieving change, who are to be allies in the fight for change, and the type of Several splits in the ranks of Christian changes which are needed. Polarization takes the Democracy followed the Medellin deliberations of form then of options between Marxist and Devel- the Latin American hierarchy. The Christian opmentalist analyses of the social and economic Democracy's Chilean showcase -- an experiment in crisis of the region; between models of change which U.S. imperialism invested hundreds of mil- which are socialist and those which favor capi- lions of dollars in government-financed loans talist modernization; between violent and non- and technical assistance grants as well as pri- violent means of struggle; between confessional- vate investment -- had begun to show wide cracks ism in politics (i.e., providing "Christian po- by 1968, when it was apparent that the regime of litical alternatives") and militancy in secular Eduardo Frei Montalva was unable to satisfy the radical parties and movements. Some of these aspirations of the Chilean masses. In 1969 the diverging tendencies suggest polarization between first serious break in the ranks occurred with left and right, and in some cases they represent the withdrawal of an important sector of the tensions among left Christians themselves. party which then formed the United Popular Action Movement (MAPU), allying with the parties of the Two other important factors are to be ob- Marxist left in the Unidad Popular electoral served in the growth of the Christian left. One coalition which brought Salvador Allende to power is the importance of the example set by Camilo in 1970. Similar splits occurred elsewhere, and Torres, and the other is the widespread disen- they have continued to occur in Chile up to the chantment among politically radical Christians present time. with the Christian Democratic or Social Christian option. Both of these are to be found in the One of the questions which has arisen from Chilean and Dominican documents which follow this growing disenchantment with Christian Demo- (Numbers 1 and 2). cracy is whether it is wise and correct for Christians to form confessional parties of the Colombia's revolutionary priest, Camilo Torres, left, center or right. It is out of this ques- attempted to build a mass revolutionary movement tioning that "Christians for Socialism" was f ed in that country during 1965 under the banner of in Chile, which is reflected in the words of 12 Gonzalo Arroyo in the second of the documents which follow. In fact this group has increasingly identified itself not as Christians who are ready to cooperate with Marxists, but as Christian These materials on Christians in the Latin Marxists. If there is any novelty in the Chris- American liberation struggle represent part tian left in Latin America it is this: beyond the of a NACLA pamphlet to be published later in Marxist-Christian dialogue, beyond cooperation, the spring. The publication, produced by there are now Marxist Christians (or Christian NACLA's Church Research Project, will in- Marxists) who are steadily gathering forces clude articles on the role of missionaries throughout the continent. (See page 16.) in the U.S. penetration of the Third World, the churches and the U.S. power structure Rick Edwards and documents and articles on religious groups in the struggle for liberation. * John Gerassi (ed.), Revolutionary Priest: The Complete Writings and Messages of Camilo Torres (New York: Vintage, 1971), p. 368. 1.Camilista Underground in Santo Domingo As the following report by Carlos Maria Gutierrez makes clear, the Dominican Camilista Movement stresses student work, organization of peasants and industrial workers and the search for unity on the left. Since Gutierrez interviewed the Camilista leader ten months ago, these projects have continued as the Movement has gained more and more adherents. In its strategy v-is-a-vis CASC, the Catholic labor federation, Camilismo suffered a setback in February of this year when its allies forming the Unity and Change slate failed to unseat the conserv- ative union leadership (the latter employed highly questionable tactics to assure its hold on the organization). But the Unity and Change group still control some of the unions which make up the federation. Given the continued resistance of reformist PRD leader Juan Bosch to unity on the left, the Camilista efforts in this direction face great difficulties. In fact, however, work has been inten- sified and has enjoyed some progress through Camilismo's rapprochement with other forces of left Catholic inspiration which are strong in rural areas. Success in this alliance would mean a movement with combined effectiveness among urban and rural workers, as well as high school and university students. Camilismo, perhaps because of its Christian identity, has not suffered so severely from the ex- tremely violent repression exercised by the youthful right-wing terrorists of La Banda, only recently restrained after increasing domestic and foreign criticism. The repression has killed, injured, jailed or forced to flee some of the best leadership in the Dominican left. Most hard-hit in this respect has been the MPD, an openly Marxist-Leninist group. [For more on Dominican repression see the NACLA Newsletter, Vol. 5, No. 4 (July-August 1971), pp. 7, 21; Vol. 5, No. 2 (April 1971), pp. 19-31; Vol. 4, No. 7 (November 1970), p. 8.] The following report will appear in slightly revised form in a book by Gutierrez called The Dominican Republic: Rebellion and Repression, to be published in the fall of 1972 by Monthly Review Press. Translated by Richard E. Edwards. POLITICAL AND LABOR GROUPS MENTIONED IN ARTICLE MPD, the Dominican People's Movement: Marx- cludes peasants, workers, middle class. ist-Leninist in orientation, has been CASC, the Autonomous Confederation of Christian the principal focus of official repres- Trade Unions, Santo Domingo's branch of sion and suffered attacks also from CLASC, the Latin American Confederation of Joaquin Balaguer. Christian Trade Unions. This movement PSP, the Popular Socialist Party: predecessor has taken anti-U.S. and anti-communist of the Dominican Communist Party, but positions in Latin American labor still exists in its own right. Moscow struggles, operating as the labor front recognizes both parties. of the Christian Democratic parties. PDC, the Dominican Communist Party. COPEI, is the Venezuelan version of Christian PRD, The Dominican Revolutionary Party: led Democracy. The initials stand for by Juan Bosch, it is the only mass party Committee for Independent Political and in the country. Leadership is in the Electoral Organization. nationalist bourgeoisie; following in- 13 In the Dominican Republic, the Revolutionary In the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo I Social Christian Party (PRSC) is in the middle of a interviewed a member of the national leadership of profound crisis which may lead to its disappearance. Camilismo, whose name cannot be published because In 1965 the PRSC possessed enough vitality to sign of the clandestine nature of his work. In the the insurrectionary Rio Piedras Pact with Juan Bosch conversation which follows, the leader - a university and to participate directly in the April youth - defines the most outstanding aspects of the Constitutionalist rebellion that year.* Today, Movement and outlines an analysis of the Dominican infected by the decomposition of the Dominican political situation. political milieu, it presents the appearance of an GUTIERREZ: What were the motives which led artificial party sustained either as an ornamental you to break with the Social Christian party? opposition to Balaguerism or simply to maintain an LEADER: A group of youth withdrew from the affiliate of the world Christian Democratic movement PRSC because we found, on analyzing the Social in the country.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • China As a Hybrid Influencer: Non-State Actors As State Proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI
    Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 JUNE 2021 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI JUKKA AUKIA Hybrid CoE Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies JUKKA AUKIA 3 Hybrid CoE Research Reports are thorough, in-depth studies providing a deep understanding of hybrid threats and phenomena relating to them. Research Reports build on an original idea and follow academic research report standards, presenting new research findings. They provide either policy-relevant recommendations or practical conclusions. COI Hybrid Influence looks at how state and non-state actors conduct influence activities targeted at Participating States and institutions, as part of a hybrid campaign, and how hostile state actors use their influence tools in ways that attempt to sow instability, or curtail the sovereignty of other nations and the independence of institutions. The focus is on the behaviours, activities, and tools that a hostile actor can use. The goal is to equip practitioners with the tools they need to respond to and deter hybrid threats. COI HI is led by the UK. The European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats tel. +358 400 253 800 www.hybridcoe.fi ISBN (web) 978-952-7282-78-6 ISBN (print) 978-952-7282-79-3 ISSN 2737-0860 June 2021 Hybrid CoE is an international hub for practitioners and experts, building Participating States’ and institutions’ capabilities and enhancing EU-NATO cooperation in countering hybrid threats, located in Helsinki, Finland. The responsibility for the views expressed ultimately rests with the authors.
    [Show full text]
  • Box1 Folder 45 2.Pdf
    e~'~/ .#'~; /%4 ~~ ~/-cu- 0 ~/tJD /~/~/~ :l,tJ-O ~~ bO:cJV " " . INTERNA TIONA L Although more Japanese women a.re working out.ide the home than ever belore, a recent lurvey trom that country lndicateB that they a re not likely to get very high on the eorpotate la.dder. The survey, carried out by a women-, magazlne, polled 500 Japanese corpora.tions on the qualltles they look tor when seekl.l'1! a temale staff member. I Accordlng to lhe KyGdo News Service.! 95'0 of the eompanlel said they look fop female workers who are cheerful and obedLent; 9Z% sou.,ht cooperative women; and 85% wanted temale employees wllllng to take respoDs!bllity. Moat firms indtcated that they seek women worker, willLng to perform tasks such as copying and making tea. CFS National Office 3540 14th Street Detroit, Michigan 48208 (31 3) 833-3987 Christians For Socialism in the u.S. Formerl y known as American Christians Toward Socialism (A CTS), CFS in the US " part of the international movement of Christians for Socialism. INTERN..A TIONA L December 10 i. Human Rightl Day aroUnd the world. But Ln Talwan, the arrests in recent yeaI'I of feminists, IdDIibt clvll rlghts advocate., lntellec.uals, and re11gious leaders only symbolize the lack of human rlghts. I Two years ago on Dec. 10 In Taiwan, a human rights day rally exploded 1nto violence ~nd more than ZOO people were arrested. E1ght of them, including two lemlnl.t leaders. were tried by milltary tribunal for "secUtlon, it convicted and received sentences of from 1Z years to Ufe.
    [Show full text]
  • Moscow Takes Command: 1929–1937
    Section 3 Moscow takes command: 1929–1937 The documents in this section cover the period from February 1929 until early 1937, with most of them being concentrated in the earlier years of this period in line with the general distribution of documents in the CAAL. This period marks an important shift in the history of relations between the CPA and the Comintern for two main reasons. First, because the Comintern became a direct player in the leadership struggles within the Party in 1929 (the main catalyst for which, not surprisingly, was the CPA's long-troubled approach to the issue of the ALP). And second, because it sent an organizer to Australia to `Bolshevize' the Party in 1930±31. A new generation of leaders took over from the old, owing their positions to Moscow's patronage, and thusÐuntil the Party was declared an illegal organization in 1940Ðfully compliant with the policies and wishes of Moscow. The shift in relations just outlined was part of a broader pattern in the Comintern's dealings with its sections that began after the Sixth Congress in 1928. If the `Third Period' thesis was correct, and the world class struggle was about to intensify, and the Soviet Union to come under military attack (and, indeed, the thesis was partly correct, but partly self-fulfilling), then the Comintern needed sections that could reliably implement its policies. The Sixth Congress had been quite open about it: it now required from its national sections a `strict party discipline and prompt and precise execution of the decisions of the Communist International, of its agencies and of the leading Party committees' (Degras 1960, 466).
    [Show full text]
  • Labor's Divided Ranks: Privilege and the United Front Ideology
    Cornell Law Review Volume 84 Article 2 Issue 6 September 1999 Labor’s Divided Ranks: Privilege and the United Front Ideology Marion Crain Ken Matheny Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Marion Crain and Ken Matheny, Labor’s Divided Ranks: Privilege and the United Front Ideology , 84 Cornell L. Rev. 1542 (1999) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol84/iss6/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "LABOR'S DIVIDED RANKS": PRIVILEGE AND THE UNITED FRONT IDEOLOGY Marion Craint & Ken Mathenytt INTRODUCTION The American workforce, once a relatively homogenous group by race, ethnicity, and gender, has grown increasingly diverse.' As the workforce has diversified, workplace disputes, once framed in terms of class conflict and considered the province of labor unions, have been eclipsed by identity-based claims raising issues relating to race, ethnic- ity, gender, sexual orientation, or disability. Antidiscrimination laws reify and reinforce gender, ethnic, race, sexual orientation, and disa- bility consciousness in workers, and academics, civil rights lawyers, and progressive social change movements have enthusiastically taken up these causes. 2 Meanwhile, the labor movement has fallen into public disfavor, as indicated by the corresponding drop in union density.3 Increasingly, the lines of identity politics divide the workforce more than issues of class unite it.
    [Show full text]
  • The Party-State in China's Military-Industrial Complex: Implications for US National Security
    Testimony before the U.S.- China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on "U.S. Investment in China's Capital Markets and Military-Industrial Complex" The Party-State in China’s Military-Industrial Complex: Implications for U.S. National Security Jason Arterburn Program Director, the Center for Advanced Defense Studies Friday, March 19, 2021 [Type here] US-China Economic Security Review Testimony Introduction China’s domestic political economy exposes the United States to national security risks that our regulatory systems are not well equipped to address. China’s commercial system blurs public and private distinctions, which have become even less meaningful under General Secretary Xi Jinping as the party-state has become resurgent in the commercial sector. While the U.S. policymaking community has largely acknowledged the risks of U.S. exposure to China’s military- industrial base, our regulatory community still faces challenges in how to identify and mitigate risks. This is largely because “the analytical frameworks that many of us are using to understand China’s economy are stuck in past paradigms” that do not reflect the “entirely new political- economic order” that China’s system has produced as both an emergent and intentional phenomenon.1 Experts like James Mulvenon, Anna Puglisi, William Hannas, Didi Kirsten Tatlow, and others have previously produced extensive analyses of China’s technology acquisition ambitions and military-civil fusion system, which have provided the policymaking community with a comprehensive overview of China’s technology acquisition system and its changes over the last decade. In this testimony, I seek to complement their work by contextualizing China’s military-industrial base against the backdrop of recent changes in China’s political economy, with the goal of developing a framework that policymakers and the business community can use to mitigate national security risk as General Secretary Xi Jinping continues to pursue illiberal governance reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • Fifteen Years of the Communist Party
    University of Central Florida STARS PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements 1-1-1934 Fifteen years of the Communist Party Alex Bittelman Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Book is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Bittelman, Alex, "Fifteen years of the Communist Party" (1934). PRISM: Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements. 260. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/prism/260 IY ALEX BITIELMAN 10c REPORTS, SPEECHES AND DECISIONS of the Historic IJTH PLENUM •I tll• Executive Committee of the COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL • Theses and Decisions, Thirtaellth Plenum of the E.C.C.I. • . • . • • . .OS Fascism,• the Danger of War and the Tasks of the Communist Parties a.port b')I ICUUSINEN .••• , . • . • . • . • • • . .10 We are Fighting for a Soviet Germany Rqorl b')I WILHELM Plli:CK, Sccrd•ry of th• Co"'''""''" Po-rty of Gc1'11'411'JI . • . • • . • . • . • . .to The Comm.Dist Parties in th.e Fight for the Masses Ste.ch by 0. PlATNITSICY • • . • • . .10 Revolutionary Crisis, Fascism and War S'ucb by D. Z. HANUILSJCY • • • • • • • . .OS Fascism, Social Democracy and the Communists Stucb by V. KNORIN, lfr"'b'r of tbe B.C.C.I. .10 .Revolutionary China Today Sp-.cb by WAN MING tutti KANG SIN . .10 ffhe Revolutionary Struggle of the Toiling Masses of Japan Sp1uu:b by OKANO, Jato. , . • . • . .OS • Ortln- fr01'1 WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • January 25, 1965 Record of Premier Zhou's Fourth Conversation With
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified January 25, 1965 Record of Premier Zhou’s Fourth Conversation with President Touré Citation: “Record of Premier Zhou’s Fourth Conversation with President Touré,” January 25, 1965, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, PRC FMA 203-00627-01, 40-54. Translated by Stephen Mercado. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/165478 Summary: Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Henry Luce Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation Record of Premier Zhou’s Fourth Conversation with President Toure Time: 5:30 p.m. to 8:00 p.m., 25 January 1964 Place: President’s villa, Labe Participants: Our side: Premier [Zhou Enlai], Vice Premier Chen [Yi], Assistant Minister Qiao [Guanhua], Ambassador Ke [Hua] Guinean side: President [Ahmed Sekou], Minister of State [Diallo] Saifoulaye, Foreign Minister [Louis Lansana] Beavogui, Minister of Economic Development Ismael [Toure], Minister of National Defense Fodeba [Keita], President of the National Assembly Leon Maka, Ambassador to China Camara Mamady Summary (1) Premier Zhou praised Guinea’s role in the Africa national liberation movement and national democratic struggle. (2) Premier Zhou introduced China’s experience of revolution and emphasized that if we combined Marxism-Leninism and Chinese practice and did not comply with this principle, the revolution would fail. (3) [President] Toure basically agreed with the substance of the Premier’s remarks but emphasized that Guinea’s nationalist democratic system did not rely only on the working class but had to rely on all the people. He also said that Guinea had class struggle, but that the manner of struggle was non-confrontational.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Organisation Not Leninist Vanguardism
    Wayne Price Anarchist Organisation not Leninist Vanguardism 2006 The Anarchist Library Contents Why an Anarchist Organization is Needed. But Not a “Van- guard Party”.............................. 3 The Anarchist Revolutionary Political Organization...... 4 The Leninist Party.......................... 7 The Myth of the Bolshevik Revolution.............. 9 Conclusion............................... 10 References ............................... 11 2 Why an Anarchist Organization is Needed. But Not a “Vanguard Party” Right now only a few people are revolutionary anarchists. The big majority of people reject anarchism and any kind of radicalism (if they think about it at all). For those of us who are anarchists, a key question concerns the relationship between the revolutionary minority (us) and the moderate and (as- yet) nonrevolutionary majority. Shall the revolutionary minority wait for the laws of the Historical Process to cause the majority (at least of the working class) to become revolutionary, as some propose? In that case, the minority really does not have to do anything. Or does the minority of radicals have to organize itself in order to spread its liberatory ideas, in cooperation with the historical process? If so, should the revolutionary minority organize itself in a top-down, centralized, fashion, or can it organize itself as a radically democratic federation, consistent with its goal of freedom? Perhaps the most exciting tendency on the left today is the growth of pro-organizational, class struggle, anarchism. This includes international Plat- formism, Latin American especifismo, and other elements (Platformism is in- spired by the 1926 Organizational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists; in Skirda, 2002). Even some Trotskyists have noticed, “ ‘Platformism’ [is] one of the more left-wing currents within contemporary anarchism.
    [Show full text]
  • Working Papers
    • LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM THE WILSONw CENTER SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUILDING WASHINGTON, D.C. WORKING PAPERS Number 174 RELIGION AND REVOLUTION: CUBA AND NICARAGUA Margaret Crahan, Henry R. Luce Professor of Religion, Power and Political Process Occidental College Number 174 RELIGION AND REVOLUTION: CUBA AND NICARAGUA Margaret Crahan, Henry R. Luce Professor of Religion, Power and Political Process Occidental College A portion of the research on Nicaragua included in this paper was accomplished while the author was a fellow at the Wilson Center in 1985-86. In addition to the Wilson Center, the author wishes to thank Miguel Guzman, Arlene Sullivan and the Woodstock Theological Center for their assistance in the preparation of this paper. This paper was presented at the author's colloquium, "Religion and Revolution: Cub~ and Nicaragua," on Monday, September 8, 1987. This essay is one of a series of Working Papers of the Latin American program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. the series includes papers in the humanities and social sciences by Program Fellows, Guest Scholars, interns, staff, and Academic Council, as well as work from Program seminars, workshops, colloquia, and conferences. The series aims to extend the Program's discussions to a wider community throughout the Americas, to help authors obtain timely criticism of work in progress, and to provide, directly or indirectly, scholarly and intellectual context for contemporary policy concerns. Support to make distribution possible is provided by the Inter-American Development Bank and the World Bank. Editorial Assistant for Working Paper No. 174: Maria A. Holperin. Single copies of Working Papers may be obtained without charge by writing to: Latin American Program, Working Papers The Wilson Center Smithsonian Institution Buildjng Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • UWS Academic Portal Gramsci, the United Front and Democratic
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Repository and Portal - University of the West of Scotland UWS Academic Portal Gramsci, the United Front and Democratic Strategy McNally, Mark Published in: Antonio Gramsci DOI: 10.1057/9781137334183_2 Published: 12/08/2015 Document Version Early version, also known as pre-print Link to publication on the UWS Academic Portal Citation for published version (APA): McNally, M. (2015). Gramsci, the United Front and Democratic Strategy. In M. McNally (Ed.), Antonio Gramsci (pp. 11-33). (Critical Explorations in Contemporary Political Thought). Basingstoke; New York: Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137334183_2 General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the UWS Academic Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 17 Sep 2019 1 Gramsci, the United Front Comintern and Democratic Strategy Mark McNally Introduction Antonio Gramsci is rightly regarded as one of the most important Western Marxists of the 20th century. This is largely due to the work of scholars like Perry Anderson, Noberto Bobbio, Stuart Hall and Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. They returned to the history of 20th century Marxism in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s to rediscover neglected intellectual currents, unsullied by the sins of Stalinism, which might still provide intellectual insights to radical socialist and democratic politics within and beyond the Marxist tradition.1 Gramsci’s Italian heritage – and critical interest in the work of Croce and Machiavelli – was obviously important here.
    [Show full text]
  • The Art of Making Friends
    The art of making friends How the Chinese Communist Party seduces political parties in Latin America Juan Pablo Cardenal © 2021 KONRAD-ADENAUER-STIFTUNG e. V. FUNDACIÓN KONRAD ADENAUER Plaza Independencia 749, of. 201, Montevideo, Uruguay Tel.: (598) 2902 0943/ -3974 E-mail: [email protected] www.kas.de/uruguay @KASMontevideo Director Sebastian Grundberger Subdirector Thomas Schaumberg English translation Judy Butler Cover image Shutterstock Design and layout Taller de Comunicación Obligado 1181, Montevideo, Uruguay www.tallerdecomunicacion.com.uy DIÁLOGO POLÍTICO (DP) is a platform for democratic dialogue among political opinionmakers about topics of relevance in Latin America, based on the values of freedom, solidarity, and justice. It connects the region with the great geostrategic debates in the world. It is a window for publicizing projects of the Konrad Adenauer Foun- dation in Latin America. DIÁLOGO POLÍTICO is part of the Regional Political parties and and Democracy in Latin America Program (KAS Partidos). Its objective is to reduce political polarization through constructive and informed pluralist debate oriented to the common good, to strengthen the po- litical center from its Social-Christian, Liberal and Conservative roots. www.dialogopolitico.org - @dplatinoamerica The Center for the Opening and Development of Latin America (CADAL) is a private nonprofit and a-party foundation, whose mission is to promote international human rights and democratic solidarity. This work is exclusively distributed without profit motives,
    [Show full text]
  • Socialist Organization Today by Charlie Post and Kit Wainer
    A Solidarity Publication $1 LABOR DONATED A Solidarity Publication Originally written in 1997. Second Edition, 2006. SOLIDARITY is a revolutionary socialist, feminist and anti-racist organization with branches and members throughout the United States. If you want to know more about Solidarity, please email [email protected] or call 313-841-0160. You can also visit our website at www.solidarity-us.org. Against the Current is an analytic journal for the broad revolutionary left, sponsored by Solidarity. If you’d like to subscribe to Against the Current, you can fill out the form on the back of this pamphlet. To browse articles online, go to www.solidarity-us.org/atc. www.solidarity-us.org Labor Donated socialist organization today By Charlie Post and Kit Wainer Introduction......................................................................1 I. The Socialist Left Today.................................................1 II. Key Questions..............................................................2 III. The History of the Workers’ Vanguard..........................5 IV. Building a Revolutionary Socialist Left Today...........12 INTRODUCTION TO THE SECOND EDITION The first edition of this pamphlet was written in the mid- 1990s and persistence of the movement against the US war and occupation published in 1997. At that time, the left that had emerged during the of Iraq. While national demonstrations have declined in size struggles of the 1960s and early 1970s— the liberation struggles after the massive mobilizations of the Winter-Spring of 2003, the of African-Americans, Latinos and Asians, the women’s and gay/ emergence of resistance to the war among military families and lesbian movement, the movement against the US war in Vietnam active duty GIs, the growing opposition to the war in the ranks of and the wave of wild-cat strikes that shook US industry—was organized labor and organizing against military recruitment (and in crisis.
    [Show full text]