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The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution

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The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution Internationalist Group League for th,e Fourth International The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution Volunteers from the anarcho-syndicalist CNT and POUM militias head to the front against Franco's forces in Spanish Civil War, Barcelona, September 1936. The bourgeois Popular Front government defended capitalist property, dissolved workers' militias and blocked the road to revolution. Internationalist Group Class Readings May 2007 $2 ® <f$l~ 1162-M Introduction The question of the popular front is one of the defining issues in our epoch that sharply counterpose the revolution­ ary Marxism of Leon Trotsky to the opportunist maneuverings of the Stalinists and social democrats. Consequently, study of the popular front is indispensable for all those who seek to play a role in sweeping away capitalism - a system that has brought with it untold poverty, racial, ethnic, national and sexual oppression and endless war - and opening the road to a socialist future. "In sum, the People's Front is a bloc of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat," Trotsky wrote in December 1937 in re­ sponse to questions from the French magazine Marianne. Trotsky noted: "When two forces tend in opposite directions, the diagonal of the parallelogram approaches zero. This is exactly the graphic formula of a People's Front govern­ ment." As a bloc, a political coalition, the popular (or people's) front is not merely a matter of policy, but of organization. Opportunists regularly pursue class-collaborationist policies, tailing after one or another bourgeois or petty-bourgeois force. But it is in moments of crisis or acute struggle that they find it necessary to organizationally chain the working class and other oppressed groups to the class enemy (or a sector of it). The popular front, of course, claims to stand for all things "progressive": "human rights," "peace," racial harmony, etc. The framework is usually presented as "democratic" and it is always bourgeois. But the popular front is more than just the usual hypocritical and empty phrases of capitalist politics: it is a guarantee by the misleaders of the workers movement to the rulers that in case of emergency, as the ranks radicalize, the workers organizations will stand in the way of revolutionary action, enforcing the discipline of their bourgeois "allies." As the class struggle sharpens and such coalitions are suddenly invented, the proletarian vanguard must fight to to break with the popular front in order to unchain workers' power and open the road to revolution. If they do not, the continued on page 5 5 Contents Visit the League for the Fourth International/ Internationalist Group on the Internet Leon Trotsky, The Transitional Program (1938) (EXcerpts) .... .... ... ... ... 3 http://www.internati onalist. org Leon Trotsky, The Lessons of Spain: Now available on our site: The Last Warning (1937) ..... ....... .. ... .. 6 • Founding Statement of the Internationalist Group May Days in Barcelona, 1937 .. ..... .. .. .. 13 • Declaration of the League for the The Stalin School of Falsification Fourth International Revisited, Pt. 4, The Popular • .Articles from rt1 lnf6rnationatist • Articles from VanguiJrrJa Operllrla Front (1973) ........ ... ... .. .. .... .... .. ... ..... .. 17 • Article · from El lnto·maclonotlsta Chilean Popular Front (1970) .. ... .. ........ 22 • Artiele5 and documents In German ~rench and Ru$S an Smash the Reactionary Junta - • The fight to free Mumia Abu.Ja.mal For Workers Revolution • M ~rx i st readings in Chile! (1973) ....... .. .... ... ..... .. ...... .. .. 24 No "Critical Support" to Popular Frontism (1979) ................... 30 Trotsky on the Popular Front: Not a Tactic But "The Greatest Crime" ...... 36 Letter to Samarakkody (1977) .... .... .... .. 38 From Millerand to Mitterrand: Popular Front Chains the Workers ... ..... .. ....... 41 Contact the Internationalist Group. ICL's New Line in Mexico: To Fight the Popular Front, You Have to and League for the Fourth International Recognize That It Exists (1997) .... .... 45 Write to: Internationalist Group, So How About the NPAC P.O. Box 3321 . Church Street Station, Popular Front? ... .... ..... .... ........... .... ... 49 New York, NY 10008. U.S.A. Telephone: (212) 460 ~ 0983 Declaration of Permanent Revolution Fax: (212.) 614-8711 Faction (1997) (Excerpt) .. .. .. ..... ........ 52 E-mail: [email protected] 2 Leon Trotsky The Transitional Program (1938) [Excerpts] The Proletariat and its Leadership expression of the instinctive striving of the American workers to raise themselves to the level of the tasks In all countries the proletariat is racked by a deep imposed on them by history. But here. too, the leading disquiet. The multi-milJioned '!lasses again and again political organizations, including the newly created enter the road of revolution. But each time they are CIO, do everything possible to keep in check and para­ blocked by their own conservative bureaucratic ma­ lyze the revolutionary pressure of the masses. chines. The definite passing over of the Comintem to the ·- The Spanish proletariat has made a series of heroic side of bourgeois order, its cynically counterrevolu­ attempts since April 1931 to take power in its hands tionary role throughout the world, particularly in and guide the fate of society. However, its own parties Spain, France, the United States and other "democ­ (Social Democrats, Stalinists, Anarchists, POUMists)1 ratic" countries, created exceptional supplementary - each in its own way acted as a brake and thus pre­ difficulties for the world proletariat. Under the banner pared Franco's triumphs. of the October Revolution, the conciliatory politics In France, the great wave of "sit down" strikes, practiced by the "People's Front" doom the working particularly during June 1936, revealed the whole­ class to impotence and clear the road for fascism. hearted readiness of the proletariat to overthrow the "'People's Fronts" on the one hand - fascism on capitalist system. However, the leading organizations the other: these are the last political resources of impe­ (Socialists, Stalinists, S)'ndicalists) under the label of rialism in the struggle against the proletarian revolu­ the Popular Front succeeded- in canalizing and dam­ tion. From the historical point of view, however, both ming, at least temporarily, the revolutionary stream. these resources are stopgaps. The decay of capitalism The unprecedented wave of sit down strikes and continues under the sign of the Phrygian cap in France the amazingly rapid growth of industrial unionism in 2 as under the sign of the swastika in Germany. Nothing the United States (the CI0 ) is the most indisputable short of the overthrow of the bourgeoisie can open a 1 road out .... The Partido Obrero de Unificaci6n Marxista (Workers Party of Marxist Unification) was founded in Spain in 1935 Workers' and Farmers' Government when the supporters of the Trotskyist Left Opposition broke with Trotsky and merged with the centrist Catalan Bloc This fonnula, ''workers' and farmers' government," Obrer i Campesol (Workers and Peasants Bloc). Although first appeared in the agitation of the Bolsheviks in 191 7 POUM leaders claimed to support Trotsky and uphold per­ and was definitely accepted after the October Revolution. manent revolution, the next year they entered the People's In the final instance it represented nothing more than the Front, leading Trotsky to denounce their betrayal of the fun­ popular designation for the already established dictator­ damental Marxist principle of class independence from the ship of the proletariat. The significance of this designa­ bourgeoisie and:·cut ·off al:l ties-'to--the new centrist party. tion comes mainly from the that it underscored the idea Although the POUM tailed after and even participated in the of an alliance between the proletariat and the peasanny popular-front government, rather than politically opposing it, as Trotsky did, while defending the bourgeois Republic upon which the Soviet power rests. against Franco and the fascists, the Stalinists still continued When the Comintern of the epigones tried to re­ to brand the POUM "Trotzkyite." During the 1936-39 Span­ vive the formula buried by history of the "democratic ish Civil War the Stalinists murdered many POUM mem­ dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry," it gave to bers and leaders, including Andres Nin. 2 The Congress of Industrial Organizations was formed in 1935 by unions expelled from the American Federation of played a prominent role in organizing the CIO and initia~ed Labor for breaking with the AFL's narrow craft unionism many of its militant tactics, such as the sit-down stn~e and instead organizing all workers in mass production in a (plant occupation). However, politically the CIO leadership single industrial union. Communists and other left-wingers supported Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt. 3 the formula of the "workers' and peasants' govern­ represents the chief obstacle to historical progress. The menf' a completely different, purely "democratic," chief accusation which the Fourth International ad­ i.e., bourgeois cuntent, counterposing it to the dictator-' vances against the traditional organizations of the pro­ ship of the proletariat. The Bolshevik-Leninists reso­ letariat is the fact that they do not wish to tear them­ lutely rejected the slogan of the "workers' and peas­ selves away from the political semi-corpse of the ants' government" in the bourgeois-democratic ver­ bourgeoisie. Under these conditions the demand, sys­
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