1

SPEECH BY MR. LEE KUAN YEW AT A MASS RALLY

IN KLUANG ON SUNDAY, 29TH MARCH, 1964.

Save the Tunku from his MCA 'friends"

I was saddened to read the Tunku's speech at the rally in Kuala Lumpur reported in today's newspapers. I had just met him on Thursday at the Rulers' conference at Istana Negara. After the conference we had a useful exchange of views about the future of our country and our people.

I found it difficult to believe that only two days later on Saturday, he could be reported as saying first, that I was running him down in Chinese saying that he did not have the calibre to lead the nation, and second that he considered it a

"real threat" because I had said that if the PAP came into power, we would change the policy of the Alliance Government.

A written script

My colleague, Mr. Rajaratnam, was present when the Tunku read from a written script at the rally. He told me over the phone from Kuala Lumpur that it was a pity that the Tunku should have been dragged into this thing, "They should

lky/1964/lky0329.doc 2 never have brought him down to this level, putting such stuff in his speech," he said.

One of the most endearing features of the Tunku is his staunch personal loyalty to old friends. Half the problems Malaysia faces have been created by his old "friends" who skilfully and cynically exploit his personal loyalties. To save the country from harm, we have to save the Tunku from his so-called "friends" like Senator T.H. Tan, Senator Khaw Kai Boh and Tun Lim Yew Hock, to name only a few.

Elementary principle never to shoot down one's own policy

These MCA friends of the Tunku have suggested to him that I said in

Chinese in Seremban on Thursday night, a few hours after I had met the Tunku at the Istana, K.L., that he did not have "the calibre to lead the nation." The implication is, first, that we are deceitful people who say one thing in Chinese and a different thing in English and Malay; second, that although I had said so often publicly that the Malay leadership in UMNO is irreplaceable, off the record in Chinese I have contradicted this by saying this leadership is not of the right calibre.

lky/1964/lky0329.doc 3

One of the elementary principles to observe before one can lead public opinion is never to contradict one's basic stand. The surest way to lose public confidence and the capacity to lead public opinion is to contradict yourself.

For the last three weeks, two weeks before nomination day and one week after it, I have been explaining why the UMNO leadership is irreplaceable.

There are quite a number of journalists, political leaders and a large number of the intelligentsia who speaks two or more languages, particularly both

Chinese and English. The MCA propagandists should credit us with enough intelligence to know that taking two different lines in two different languages is the surest way to discredit ourselves. To make things simple for ourselves, we say the same thing in all languages.

In Seremban, as at two rallies in Kuala Lumpur, I explained why the leadership of three men in UMNO -- the Tunku, Tun Razak and Dato Ismail -- must be supported and why the urban people should be grateful that people in the rural areas have supported this leadership, pragmatic and fully conscious of the needs for racial harmony and co-operation in building the prosperity of Malaysia.

If we thought differently, if we believed like Dr. Lim Chong Eu that this

lky/1964/lky0329.doc 4 leadership was inadequate and "not of the right calibre" we would say so publicly in all languages. We owe it to ourselves and to out people to tell them the truth.

Mr. Tan Siew Sin has referred in derogatory terms to "clever men who are able to make clever speeches." He should credit the PAP with intelligence enough to play it simple and consistent!

PAP's nine seats a bid not for power but a bid to

convince and help the Tunku in spite of his MCA friends

These MCA friends have persuaded the Tunku to talk about "a real threat to us all" because it seems I had said that if the PAP came into power, I would change the policy of the Alliance Government. First, nine candidates plus 12

MPs in Singapore cannot constitute a bid for power by any stretch of the imagination. Second, we have repeatedly said that we want the Tunku to win the elections and we want to help him to implement a more intelligent economic and social policy in the urban areas.

The threat to Malaysia will come if we do not implement intelligent economic and social policies which have been proved to be effective in combating Communist agitation in Singapore by denying them a disaffected mass

lky/1964/lky0329.doc 5 following. The battle will be lost if we allow politically unintelligent and insensitive men in the MCA to carry on as they have done over the last nine years.

The lack of social change has been because two multi-millionarie finance ministers, first Tun H.S. Lee and next Mr. Tan Siew Sin, have been in charge of the financial and economic policies of Malaya. If these policies had any relevance in meeting the social and economic problems of our time, there would not have been the growing volume of protest against the MCA in the towns, leading to the spontaneous surge of support for the PAP's policies with out participation in these elections.

MCA's new image with new faces

Had Mr. Tan Siew Sin understood this elementary principle of how to win confidence and influence people, he would not in one breath have protested against lack of specification in alleging corruption, and in the same breath talked of the attempt to build a new image of the MCA bringing new faces into the

MCA. If really there has been nothing wrong in MCA, if in fact the ill-repute has been unjustly earned, why should he aspire to create a new image with new faces? There are big men in the MCA whom Mr. Tan knows do them no credit.

lky/1964/lky0329.doc 6

Why has he not been able to get rid of them? I have studiously abstained from any wild allegations of corruption.

I do not know if Mr. Tan would like me to take advantage of a few inside bits of information of not honourable conduct in high places for he appears to be inciting me to specify and nail him down.

During the general elections in Singapore last September, a writ for libel was issued during the campaign by an Alliance leader so preventing us from pressing our point home, on the ground that the matter had become sub judice.

After the elections, the case has not been proceeded with. If Mr. Tan guarantees that, quite apart from proceeding with a writ for libel and stopping further debate, he will at the same time proceed with a commission of inquiry forthwith during the elections, I will publicly state a specific instance where people in high positions in Malaya were involved with a Singapore operator who fled there when the PAP assumed office in 1959. But perhaps he should consult his colleagues before he gives such an undertaking.

PAP threat to security

lky/1964/lky0329.doc 7

It is a common failing in human beings to project their personal and sectional interests as that of the whole community and of the nation. So Mr. Tan has spent seven out of nine pages of his speech attacking the PAP as being a threat to the security of the nation. He deals with the Socialist Front in 11 lines.

He is now on record as saying that the PAP is a "grave security risk to this country" more grave than the Communists because he says "we know the

Communists, but we do not know the PAP". A security policy acting on this assumption is the surest way to deliver the country to the Communists.

Now we have Mr. Tan's own admission that he prefers dealing with the

Socialist Front than the PAP. This was the very point we made in the general elections in Singapore last September that with Senator Khaw Kai Boh, their anti-Communist expert and elections strategist, the Alliance were preparing to split our votes to let Barisan Sosialis win, whereupon a simple solution could be found by simply knocking Barisan down and taking over.

For an important minister in the government of Malaysia to suggest that the PAP is a security risk because I have gone to Moscow without seeking leave and licence from him and his colleagues or because I replied to Mr. Chou En-lai's letter is too comic to merit a serious political rejoinder, but for the fact that probably Mr. Tan and his MCA boys believe it.

lky/1964/lky0329.doc 8

What he really means is that it is easier for him to meet the challenge for the leadership of the urban areas from the Socialist Front than from the PAP. The

Socialist Front is Communist and is anti-Malaysia. Its front leaders commit themselves from time to time to stupid and damaging policies. The PAP is non-

Communist, has gone through Communist fire and survived. It is pro-Malaysia and has helped the Tunku to bring it about. What is more, as Mr. Tan has learned from his own experience, we provide a more coherent and effective an alternative than the Socialist Front. So Mr. Tan is quite right when he concludes that the

PAP is a real threat to the security of tenure of office of the MCA. But to project the PAP as a security threat to the country more grave than the threat from the

Communists in the Socialist Front shows an imbalance of judgment of a magnitude to qualify its author for admission to an asylum for the politically insane.

In the other nine pages of Mr. Tan's speech, he attempted to score points on provident funds, automatic promotions from primary schools to secondary schools, the PAP's approach to constitutional democracy and so on. I am grateful to him for having brought up these talking points which I shall deal with at my next rally.

lky/1964/lky0329.doc 9

29th March, 1964.

lky/1964/lky0329.doc