Notes on the Language of Chinese Buddhist Ritual Texts

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Notes on the Language of Chinese Buddhist Ritual Texts ornamenting the departed stephen f. teiser Ornamenting the Departed: Notes on the Language of Chinese Buddhist Ritual Texts his essay originated in a concrete problem of philology I encoun­ T tered early in my study of liturgical manuscripts from Dunhuang: how to understand the meaning of the word zhuangyan 莊嚴, “to orna­ ment.” The word appears consistently in what I believe to be a crucial phrase in medieval Buddhist liturgies, the locution in which merit cre­ ated by the performance of good deeds is transferred to the benefici­ aries of the ritual. The phrase (here used twice) typically reads: Gathering these many good acts and unlimited excellent causes, we use them first to ornament the deceased [in] the spirit road where they have been reborn. We pray that their spirits be reborn in a pure land, that their consciousness be seated on a lotus platform, that they bid farewell to the five impurities, and that they forever escape the six heavens [of desire]. We further take these excellent good acts and offer them to ornament the sponsors of the rite and their family. We humbly pray that their minds be like the clear moon, always bright in spring and summer, and their bodies be­ come the sturdy pine, unchanging in fall and winter.” 總斯多善無 限勝因先用莊嚴亡者所生魂路. 惟願神生淨土識坐蓮臺長辭五濁之中永 出六天之外. 又持勝善奉用莊嚴齋主眷屬等. 伏願心同朗月春夏恆明體侶 貞松秋冬不變.1 My problems were fundamental, beginning with how to construe the meaning of the word zhuangyan. The standard encyclopedic diction­ aries for classical Chinese, spoken Chinese, and Chinese Buddhist terms provided different suggestions about how to interpret the word: it could mean “serious” or “seriously,” “to ornament” or “to decorate,” “to be endowed with virtue,” or “to prepare,” “to array,” or “to establish.”2 1 The liturgy, contained in the middle of an untitled formulary of prayers, is entitled “A Piece for Deceased Parents” 亡父母文. The formulary is on the verso side of the scroll S. 1441; an identical liturgy is contained on P. 3825; edited in Huang Zheng 黃徵 and Wu Wei 吳偉, Dunhuang yuanwen ji 敦煌願文集 (Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1995), pp. 61–62. 2 Cai Jinghao 蔡鏡浩, Wei Jin Nanbeichao ciyu lishi 魏晉南北朝詞語例釋 (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1990), pp. 379–80; Ciyi 慈怡 et al., eds., Foguang dacidian 佛光大辭典, 2d edn. (Gaoxiong: Foguang chubanshe, 1988–89), pp. 4776b–77a; Hirakawa Akira 平川彰, Buk- 201 stephen f. teiser In addition to questions of meaning, there were sociolinguistic ques­ tions about what strata of language and society the word comes from. Recent scholarship has emphasized the significant place of vernacular Chinese expressions in early translations of Buddhist scriptures from Indian languages, and some opinions regarded the word zhuangyan as an early vernacular term. Was the use of the word in ritual manuscripts a case of Buddhist authors incorporating the spoken language into their text, a practice we know occurred in the translation of canonical sˆtras, vinaya texts, and treatises? Other interesting problems were raised by textual variation: my survey of other manuscript sources revealed a host of other expressions (for example, zixun 資勳), most of which mean “to help” or “to assist,” used in place of this one in exactly the same ph(r)ase of the rite. This essay is intended to honor the memory of Denis C. Twitch­ ett. The subject — the paying of tribute to teachers and ancestors — is, of course, intentionally chosen. But beyond that, the questions raised herein are intended to honor Denis’s insistence on the thorough criti­ cism of primary sources, close attention to questions of language, and the importance of bringing the study of manuscripts and other excavated materials to bear on our knowledge of traditional China.3 THE PROBLEM The Dunhuang corpus, now believed to number upwards of 50,000 individual manuscripts scattered across collections in Europe, Asia, and North America, contains several hundred individual pieces of liturgy. ky± Kan-Bon daijiten 佛教漢梵大辭典 (Tokyo: Reiyˆkai, 1997), no. 3155.20, pp. 1015b–16a; Li Weiqi 李維琦, Fojing ciyu huishi 佛經詞語匯釋, Wei Jin Nanbeichao hanyi Fojing yuyan yanjiu congshu 魏晉南北朝漢譯佛經語言研究叢書 (Changsha: Hunan shifan daxue chuban­ she, 2004), pp. 398–405; Luo Zhufeng 羅竹風 et al., eds., Hanyu dacidian 漢語大辭典 (Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian; Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 1986–1993) 9, p. 428a; Mochi­ zuki Shink± 望月信亨, Bukky± daijiten 佛教大辭典, rev. edn. ed. Tsukamoto Zenryˆ 塚本善 隆 (Tokyo: Sekai seiten kank± ky±kai, 1954–1963), pp. 2607a–9b; Morohashi Tetsuji 諸橋 轍次, Dai Kan-Wa jiten 大漢和辭典 (Tokyo: Taishˆkan shoten, 1984–1986), no. 31035.59; Nakamura Hajime 中村元, Bukky±go daijiten 佛教語大辭典 (Tokyo: T±ky± shoseki, 1975), pp. 717d–18a; Zhang Qiyun 張其昀, ed., Zhongwen dacidian 中文大辭典, rev. edn. (Taipei: Huagang chuban youxian gongsi, 1979), no. 31795.178; Zhang Yushu 張玉書 et al., eds., Peiwen yunfu 佩文韻府 (Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1967), p. 1474b; Zhongguo dacidian bianzuanchu 中國大辭典編纂處, ed., Guoyu cidian 國語辭典 (Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yin­ shuguan, 1966), p. 2742a. 3 I would like to express my gratitude to three colleagues who read earlier drafts closely and generously provided important comments: Chen Jinhua 陳金華, Funayama T±ru 船山徹, and Robert Sharf. I also thank others who provided helpful comments and corrections: Timothy H. Barrett, Stephen Bokenkamp, Chen Huaiyu 陳懷宇, Chi Limei 池麗梅, Paul Copp, Benja­ min Elman, Thomas Hare, Michael J. Hunter, Martin Kern, Victor H. Mair, Susan Naquin, Stuart H. Young, and Jimmy Yu. 202 ornamenting the departed Ascertaining the precise number of extant liturgies depends on what one counts as a liturgical text: a complete physical manuscript, scroll, or booklet; a text explicitly titled “ritual text” (zhaiwen 齋文, or some­ times yuanwen 願文 [“prayer text”]); a formulary of individual pieces; or an individual piece designed to be used on a specific liturgical oc­ casion. The most recent modern collation, Huang Zheng’s 黃徵 and Wu Wei’s 吳偉 Dunhuang yuanwen ji 敦煌願文集, which determines its sample using all of these criteria and more, runs to 984 pages. Com­ posed and copied by monks in Dunhuang, the liturgies were used in a wide range of rituals conducted by monks, including funerals and memorial services for laypeople, monks, and nuns; preparatory feasts for the cultivation of posthumous merit; healing rituals; rituals pray­ ing for safe childbirth; blessings for a wedding; prayers for the safety of sons serving in the army; animal funerals; rituals celebrating the lantern festival (usually 1/15); rituals celebrating buddha’s birthday (usually 2/8); rituals celebrating the ghost festival (yulanpen hui 盂蘭盆 會 on 7/15); and prayers to accompany the dedication of temples, the commissioning of statues, and the copying of sˆtras. Most of the datable manuscripts were put together in the eighth through tenth centuries, when the Tibetan kingdom and then the Zhang 張 and Cao 曹 families ruled Dunhuang and other important towns in the Hexi corridor. The texts provide an unparalleled window onto Chinese ritual practice dur­ ing these centuries. The serious study of Buddhist liturgy is still in its infancy.4 Hence this essay, part of a larger project on Dunhuang materials, remains ten­ tative and exploratory. The importance and breadth of the field of study can hardly be overstated: imagining an afterlife and providing comfort for the ancestors was probably the most important role of Buddhism in Chinese history. It was certainly the arena in which most Chinese people over the centuries encountered Buddhist ideas and engaged in Buddhist practice. Buddhist ritual went through many stages of develop­ ment in China. Most of the sources for the early stages of this religious realignment are lost to us, since aside from purely monastic liturgies contained in vinaya sources (most dating from the early­fifth century) and polished literary pieces written by famous literati (assembled in Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集 [664] and similar collections), few materi­ 4 Helpful studies focusing on the earlier and later stages of Buddhist liturgy, respectively, are Kamata Shigeo 鎌田茂雄, Chˆgoku no Bukky± girei 中國の仏教儀禮 (Tokyo: Daiz± shup­ pan, 1986); and Marcus Günzel, Die Morgen- und Abendliturgie der chinesischen Buddhisten, Veröffentilichungen des Seminars für Indologie und Buddhismuskunde der Universität Göt­ tingen 6 (Göttingen: Seminar für Indologie und Buddhismuskunde, 1994). 203 stephen f. teiser als concerning religious practice survive. It is likely that over the long term, the main profit to be derived from the study of Dunhuang liturgies will lie in establishing a base­line for documenting religious practice as it was managed by lower­level Buddhist monks — a window into the rituals for laypeople performed by the local town priest. Beginning in the Song dynasty with the liturgies of Zunshi 遵式 (964–1032) and oth­ ers, surviving sources for the study of Chinese Buddhist liturgy become more numerous. The materials collected in the late Ming by Zhuhong 祩宏 (1535–1615) together with handbooks for daily ritual services (titled Recitations for Morning and Evening Services [Zhaomu kesong 朝暮課 誦]) compiled down to the present offer rich sources for the historical study of these traditions. In other articles I have argued that this genre of text can profit­ ably be defined by reference to the performance of the rituals it was designed to accompany.5 The best way to make sense of a liturgy is, in short, to analyze the relationship between the language of the text and the steps of the ritual. I have divided the longer liturgies into eight sections based on my interpretation of set phrases and different styles of language in each section. For present purposes the content of such texts can be described as prefatory sections (sections 1–5) that set forth general Buddhist principles and the specific ritual occasion at hand; (6) a section containing the crux of the ritual in which the merit produced by the prior ritual action is transferred to or bestowed upon the beneficiary, summed up by the word zhuangyan, “to decorate,” “to ornament,” or “to benefit”; (7) a section praying for specific benefits, such as rebirth in a pure realm or a return to good health; and (8) a concluding section of benedictions.
Recommended publications
  • A Buddhist Sütra's Transformation Into a Daoist Text
    A BUDDHIST SÜTRA'S TRANSFORMATION INTO A DAOIST TEXT Stephan Peter Bumbacher, Universities of Tübingen and Zürich for Robert H. Gassmann, at his 60th birthday Abstract Daoism and Chinese Buddhism interacted in complex ways over the last two millenia. However, the precise nature of this two-way exchange still awaits a systematic investigation. Since the early 1980s, the Buddhist impact on lingbao-Daoism has become evident. Recently, it was suggested that the developing Daoist monasticism of fifth century Southern China may also have been influ¬ enced by the then already existing Buddhist one. Of special interest are Daoist texts that predate the lingbao-corpus and show some form of Buddhist influence as they might have had an impact on the latter. As a possible point of departure, an analysis of Yang Xi's adaptation of the Buddhist Forty-two sections of Buddhist sutras is offered. It shows that already a generation earlier than Ge Chaofu's lingbao scriptures Daoists not only had first hand knowledge of Buddhism but even made verbatim use of their scriptures to their own ends. As a by-product of this analysis, it is even possible to emend the received version of the Forty-two sections of Buddhist sutras where it apparently is defective. 1. Introduction The first four centuries of the common era witnessed not only the arrival of some forms of Buddhism in China, this was also the formative period of several traditions of Daoism, the indigenous Chinese Hochreligion.1 Both were essen¬ tially different: whereas the Buddhists sought to get out of samsära by entering nirväna or final extinction, the Daoists aimed at becoming immortals - either earthly immortals who would live on on earth for centuries, now and then chang¬ ing their whereabouts and altering their social identities, or heavenly immortals who would ascend heaven in broad daylight in order to integrate themselves into the heavenly hierarchy.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstracts (PDF)
    Abstracts of the Psychonomic Society — Volume 7 — November 2002 43rd Annual Meeting — November 21–24, 2002 — Kansas City, Missouri Posters 1–7 Thursday Evening Papers and Posters Presented at the 43rd Annual Meeting of the Psychonomic Society Hyatt and Westin Hotels, Kansas City, Missouri November 21–24, 2002 POSTER SESSION I tection was improved, but stimulus identification did not show a com- Crown Hall, Thursday Evening, 6:00–7:30 parable improvement. These results suggest that other stimulus infor- mation, such as luminance, is capable of influencing detection per- •VISUAL PERCEPTION • formance but may not improve identification. (1) (4) Priming and Perception of Androgynous Faces: What You See Is Prerecognition Visual Processing of Words, Pseudowords, and Not What You Get. JAY FRIEDENBERG, SARIT KANIEVSKY, & Nonwords. BART A. VANVOORHIS, University of Wisconsin, La MEGAN KWASNIAK, Manhattan College—Fifty-six participants Crosse, & LLOYD L. AVANT, Iowa State University—Viewers made judged the perceived sex and attractiveness of male, female, and morph duration or brightness judgments for pre- and postmasked 15-msec in- faces. The morphs were 50:50 composite blends of single male and puts of words, pseudowords, and nonwords when the words were high- female faces. In the no-prime control, only morphs were presented. image nouns, abstract nouns, and verbs and when the pseudowords Each morph was preceded by its male face in the male-prime condition, and nonwords were derived from letters of the same word or across and by its female face in the female-prime condition. The results showed the three word types. Results showed that for both brightness and du- a reverse priming effect.
    [Show full text]
  • Religion in China BKGA 85 Religion Inchina and Bernhard Scheid Edited by Max Deeg Major Concepts and Minority Positions MAX DEEG, BERNHARD SCHEID (EDS.)
    Religions of foreign origin have shaped Chinese cultural history much stronger than generally assumed and continue to have impact on Chinese society in varying regional degrees. The essays collected in the present volume put a special emphasis on these “foreign” and less familiar aspects of Chinese religion. Apart from an introductory article on Daoism (the BKGA 85 BKGA Religion in China proto­typical autochthonous religion of China), the volume reflects China’s encounter with religions of the so-called Western Regions, starting from the adoption of Indian Buddhism to early settlements of religious minorities from the Near East (Islam, Christianity, and Judaism) and the early modern debates between Confucians and Christian missionaries. Contemporary Major Concepts and religious minorities, their specific social problems, and their regional diversities are discussed in the cases of Abrahamitic traditions in China. The volume therefore contributes to our understanding of most recent and Minority Positions potentially violent religio-political phenomena such as, for instance, Islamist movements in the People’s Republic of China. Religion in China Religion ∙ Max DEEG is Professor of Buddhist Studies at the University of Cardiff. His research interests include in particular Buddhist narratives and their roles for the construction of identity in premodern Buddhist communities. Bernhard SCHEID is a senior research fellow at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. His research focuses on the history of Japanese religions and the interaction of Buddhism with local religions, in particular with Japanese Shintō. Max Deeg, Bernhard Scheid (eds.) Deeg, Max Bernhard ISBN 978-3-7001-7759-3 Edited by Max Deeg and Bernhard Scheid Printed and bound in the EU SBph 862 MAX DEEG, BERNHARD SCHEID (EDS.) RELIGION IN CHINA: MAJOR CONCEPTS AND MINORITY POSITIONS ÖSTERREICHISCHE AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN PHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHE KLASSE SITZUNGSBERICHTE, 862.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    Daoxuan's vision of Jetavana: Imagining a utopian monastery in early Tang Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Tan, Ai-Choo Zhi-Hui Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 25/09/2021 09:09:41 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280212 INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are In typewriter face, while others may be from any type of connputer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overiaps. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 DAOXUAN'S VISION OF JETAVANA: IMAGINING A UTOPIAN MONASTERY IN EARLY TANG by Zhihui Tan Copyright © Zhihui Tan 2002 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2002 UMI Number: 3073263 Copyright 2002 by Tan, Zhihui Ai-Choo All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Introduction In March 1949, when Mao Zedong set out for Beijing from Xibaipo, the remote village where he had lived for the previous ten months, he took along four printed texts. Included were the Shiji (Records of the Grand Historian, c. 100 BCE) and the Zizhi tongjian (Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government, c. 1050 CE), two works that had been studied for centuries by emperors, statesmen, and would-be conquerors. Along with these two historical works, Mao packed two modern Chinese dictionaries, Ciyuan (The Encyclopedic Dictionary, first published by the Commercial Press in 1915) and Cihai (Ocean of Words, issued by Zhonghua Books in 1936- 37).1 If the two former titles, part of the standard repertoire regularly re- printed by both traditional and modern Chinese publishers, are seen as key elements of China’s broadly based millennium-old print culture, then the presence of the two latter works symbolizes the singular intellectual and political importance of two modern industrialized publishing firms. Together with scores of other innovative Shanghai-based printing and publishing enterprises, these two corporations shaped and standardized modern Chi- nese language and thought, both Mao’s and others’, using Western-style printing and publishing operations of the sort commonly traced to Johann Gutenberg.2 As Mao, who had once organized a printing workers’ union, understood, modern printing and publishing were unimaginable without the complex of revolutionary technologies invented by Gutenberg in the fifteenth century. At its most basic level, the Gutenberg revolution involved the adaptation of mechanical processes to the standardization and duplication of texts using movable metal type and the printing press.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/04/2021 08:34:09AM Via Free Access Bruce Rusk: Old Scripts, New Actors 69
    EASTM 26 (2007): 68-116 Old Scripts, New Actors: European Encounters with Chinese Writing, 1550-1700* Bruce Rusk [Bruce Rusk is Assistant Professor of Chinese Literature in the Department of Asian Studies at Cornell University. From 2004 to 2006 he was Mellon Humani- ties Fellow in the Asian Languages Department at Stanford University. His dis- sertation was entitled “The Rogue Classicist: Feng Fang and his Forgeries” (UCLA, 2004) and his article “Not Written in Stone: Ming Readers of the Great Learning and the Impact of Forgery” appeared in The Harvard Journal of Asi- atic Studies 66.1 (June 2006).] * * * But if a savage or a moon-man came And found a page, a furrowed runic field, And curiously studied line and frame: How strange would be the world that they revealed. A magic gallery of oddities. He would see A and B as man and beast, As moving tongues or arms or legs or eyes, Now slow, now rushing, all constraint released, Like prints of ravens’ feet upon the snow. — Herman Hesse1 Visitors to the Far East from early modern Europe reported many marvels, among them a writing system unlike any familiar alphabetic script. That the in- habitants of Cathay “in a single character make several letters that comprise one * My thanks to all those who provided feedback on previous versions of this paper, especially the workshop commentator, Anthony Grafton, and Liam Brockey, Benjamin Elman, and Martin Heijdra as well as to the Humanities Fellows at Stanford. I thank the two anonymous readers, whose thoughtful comments were invaluable in the revision of this essay.
    [Show full text]
  • 釋智譽 Phra Kiattisak Ponampon (Kittipanyo Bhikkhu)
    MISSION, MEDITATION AND MIRACLES: AN SHIGAO IN CHINESE TRADITION 釋智譽 PHRA KIATTISAK PONAMPON (KITTIPANYO BHIKKHU) THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO, DUNEDIN, NEW ZEALAND OCTOBER 2014 ii ABSTRACT An Shigao is well known for the important role he played in the early transmission of Buddhism into China, and Chinese Buddhists have considered him to be a meditation master for centuries. However, recent scholarship on An Shigao (Zürcher, 2007; Forte, 1995; Zacchetti, 2002; Nattier, 2008) has focused on his role as a precursor of the Mahāyāna, his ordination status, and the authenticity of the texts attributed to him rather than the meditation techniques he used and taught to his followers in China. One reason for this is because his biographies are full of supernatural details, and many of the texts attributed to An Shigao are pseudepigraphia. In the first part of this MA thesis, I explore the biographical traditions about An Shigao. The close reading of the oldest biographies of An Shigao shows that during the time he was active in China, An Shigao was respected as a missionary, a meditation master and a miracle worker as well as a translator. This reputation continued to be important for Chinese Buddhists long after his death. Despite his reputation, his biographies contain almost no information about the form of meditation that he practiced and taught. However they contain much information about his supernatural abilities. In the second part of this MA thesis, I make a statistical analysis of all the meditation sūtras attributed to An Shigao and his school.
    [Show full text]
  • Zen) Buddhism
    THE SPREAD OF CHAN (ZEN) BUDDHISM T. Grif\ th Foulk (Sarah Lawrence College, New York) 1. Introduction This chapter deals with the development and spread of the so-called Chan School of Buddhism in China, Japan, and the West. In its East Asian setting, at least, the spread of Chan must be viewed rather dif- ferently than the spread of Buddhism as a whole, for by all accounts (both traditional and modern) Chan was a movement that initially ] ourished within, or (as some would have it) in reaction against, a Buddhist monastic order that had already been active in China for a number of centuries. By the same token, at the times when the Chan movement spread to Korea and Japan, it did not appear as the har- binger of Buddhism itself, which was already well established in those countries, but rather as the most recent in a series of importations of Buddhism from China. The situation in the West, of course, is much different. Here, Chan—usually referred to (using the Japanese pronun- ciation) as Zen—has indeed been at the vanguard of the spread of Buddhism as a whole. I begin this chapter by re] ecting on what we (modern scholars) mean when we speak of the spread of Buddhism, contrasting that with a few of the traditional ways in which Asian Buddhists themselves, from an insider’s or normative point of view, have conceived the transmission of the Buddha’s teachings (Skt. buddhadharma, Chin. fofa 佛法). I then turn to the main topic: the spread of Chan.
    [Show full text]
  • A Silk Road Legacy: the Spread of Buddhism and Islam
    A Silk Road Legacy: The Spread of Buddhism and Islam Xinru Liu Journal of World History, Volume 22, Number 1, March 2011, pp. 55-81 (Article) Published by University of Hawai'i Press DOI: 10.1353/jwh.2011.0021 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jwh/summary/v022/22.1.liu.html Access Provided by University of Warwick at 11/07/12 5:12AM GMT A Silk Road Legacy: The Spread of Buddhism and Islam* xinru liu The College of New Jersey ince Andre Gunder Frank published The Centrality of Central Asia 1 Sin 1992, world historians have paid more attention to the dynamic forces radiating from Central Asia during the last few thousand years. However, scholars are frustrated by the extremely fluid nature of the region’s ethnic, religious, and political composition, which makes research on the historical process of any specific period seem like an overwhelming task. Scholars of Central Asia’s Buddhist culture feel reluctant to deal with the region after the Islamic conquest, which occurred in the late seventh and early eighth centuries, while those who study its history after the Islamic conquest are perplexed by the persistent presence of many pre-Islamic languages and cultural traits in the region. Likewise, scholars who are familiar with the Chinese historical literature on Central Asia often hesitate venturing into the deep ocean of Persian and Arabic literature on the region. Further- more, in the last two decades, the discovery of many documents writ- ten in various versions of Greek alphabets in the region that once was Bactria makes the task of treading through literary sources even more daunting.
    [Show full text]
  • Another Look at Early Chan: Daoxuan, Bodhidharma, and the Three Levels Movement
    T’OUNGT’OUNG PAO PAO T’oung Pao 94 (2008) 49-114 www.brill.nl/tpao Another Look at Early Chan: Daoxuan, Bodhidharma, and the Three Levels Movement Eric Greene University of California, Berkeley Abstract As one of the earliest records pertaining to Bodhidharma, Daoxuan’s Xu gaoseng zhuan is a crucial text in the study of so-called Early Chan. Though it is often thought that Daoxuan was attempting to promote the Bodhidharma lineage, recent studies have sug­­­­gested that he was actually attacking Bodhidharma and his later followers. The present article suggests that such readings are incor ­­rect and that Daoxuan was in fact attacking the followers of the Three Levels (Sanjie) movement founded by Xinxing, whose role in defining the meaning of chan during the seventh century has not been sufficiently appreciated. Résumé Étant un des premiers documents à parler de Bodhidharma, le Xu Gaoseng zhuan de Daoxuan constitue une source cruciale pour l’étude du “Chan primitif”. Même si l’on considère le plus souvent que Daoxuan s’efforçait de promouvoir la lignée de Bodhidharma, plusieurs études récentes suggèrent qu’en fait il attaquait Bodhidharma et ses héritiers. L’auteur suggère que cette interprétation n’est pas correcte: en réalité Daoxuan s’attaquait aux adhérents du mouvement des “Trois niveaux” (Sanjie) fondé par Xinxing, dont la contribution à la définition du sens duchan pendant le viie siècle n’a pas encore été suffisamment appréciée. Keywords Buddhism, Chan, Daoxuan, Xinxing, Sanjie movement © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2008 DOI: 10.1163/008254308X367022 50 E. Greene / T’oung Pao 94 (2008) 49-114 In the words of Bernard Faure, “Although Bodhidharma’s biography is obscure, his life is relatively well known.”1 Indeed, early records of this monk are so vague, and later hagiography embellishes him so extra­­vagantly, that the best approach seems to be, as Faure ultimately suggests, that we treat Bodhidharma not as an individual but as a textual paradigm.
    [Show full text]
  • Chan Buddhism During the Times of Venerable Master Yixuan and Venerable Master Hsing Yun: Applying Chinese Chan Principles to Contemporary Society
    《 》學報 ‧ 藝文│第三十二期 外文論文 Chan Buddhism During the Times of Venerable Master Yixuan and Venerable Master Hsing Yun: Applying Chinese Chan Principles to Contemporary Society Shi Juewei Director, Humanistic Buddhism Centre (Australia) Linji Venerable Master Yixuan 臨濟義玄 (d. 866) and Fo Guang Venerable Master Hsing Yun 佛光星雲1 (1927–), although separated by more than a millennium, innovatively applied Chan teachings to the societies in which they lived to help their devotees discover their humanity and transcend their existential conditions. Both religious leaders not only survived persecution, but brought their faiths to greater heights. This paper studies how these masters adapted Chan Buddhist teachings to the woes and conditions of their times. In particular, I shall review how Venerable Master Yixuan and Venerable Master Hsing Yun adapted the teachings of their predecessors, added value to the socio- political milieu of their times, and used familiar language to reconcile reality and their beliefs. Background These two Chan masters were selected because of the significance of their contributions. Venerable Master Yixuan was not only the founder of a popular 1. In the Pinyin system, the name should be expressed as Xingyun. In this paper, I use the more popular “Hsing Yun” instead. 170 Chan Buddhism During the Times of Venerable Master Yixuan and Venerable Master Hsing Yun: Applying Chinese Chan Principles to Contemporary Society Linji2 school in Chan Buddhism but was also posthumously awarded the title of Meditation Master of Wisdom Illumination (Huizhao Chanshi 慧照禪師)3 by Emperor Yizong 懿宗 of the Tang dynasty (r. 859–873). Venerable Master Hsing Yun, a strong proponent of Humanistic Buddhism, is the recipient of over 30 honorary doctoral degrees and honorary professorships from universities around the world.4 To have received such accolades, both Chan masters ought to have made momentous contribution to their societies.
    [Show full text]
  • Out of the Shadows: Socially Engaged Buddhist Women
    University of San Diego Digital USD Theology and Religious Studies: Faculty Scholarship Department of Theology and Religious Studies 2019 Out of the Shadows: Socially Engaged Buddhist Women Karma Lekshe Tsomo PhD University of San Diego, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digital.sandiego.edu/thrs-faculty Part of the Buddhist Studies Commons, and the Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons Digital USD Citation Tsomo, Karma Lekshe PhD, "Out of the Shadows: Socially Engaged Buddhist Women" (2019). Theology and Religious Studies: Faculty Scholarship. 25. https://digital.sandiego.edu/thrs-faculty/25 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Theology and Religious Studies at Digital USD. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theology and Religious Studies: Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Digital USD. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Section Titles Placed Here | I Out of the Shadows Socially Engaged Buddhist Women Edited by Karma Lekshe Tsomo SAKYADHITA | HONOLULU First Edition: Sri Satguru Publications 2006 Second Edition: Sakyadhita 2019 Copyright © 2019 Karma Lekshe Tsomo All rights reserved No part of this book may not be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, or by any information storage or retreival system, without the prior written permission from the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations. Cover design Copyright © 2006 Allen Wynar Sakyadhita Conference Poster
    [Show full text]