A PHONOLOGICAL SKETCH OF OMAGUA
Clare S. Sandy and Zachary O’Hagan
San Jose´ State University and University of California, Berkeley
1 1 Introduction
This article presents a sketch of the segmental and prosodic phonology of Omagua,
a highly endangered Tup´ı-Guaran´ılanguage of northwest Amazonia with two known
living speakers as of February 2019.1 Omagua (ISO 639-3: omg), along with its more
vital sister language Kukama-Kukamiria (cod) (Faust 1972; Vallejos 2016), descends
from Proto-Omagua-Kukama (O’Hagan 2011, 2014, 2019, to appear; O’Hagan et al.
2013, 2016), a Tup´ı-Guaran´ılanguage that underwent significant lexical and gram-
matical restructuring due to language contact. Cabral (1995, 2007, 2011) and Cabral
Rodrigues (2003) have proposed that Proto-Omagua-Kukama (POK) arose on Jesuit
mission settlements, although more recently it has been shown that POK must be
of Pre-Columbian origin (Michael 2014). Both traditional comparative work (Lemle
1971; Rodrigues 1958, 1984/1985) and more recent computational phylogenetic work
(Michael et al. 2015a) have shown that POK is most closely related to Tupinamb´a,
an extinct language originally spoken along the Brazilian Atlantic coast (Anchieta
1595; Figueira 1687).
In the Jesuit and colonial periods, speakers of Omagua were likely in regular
contact with speakers of several unrelated languages, including, at the western edge
of their territory, Masamae, Peba, Yagua (Payne 1985), Yameo (Espinosa P´erez1955)
(Peba-Yaguan); M´a´ıh`ık`ı(Tukanoan); Iquito (Zaparoan); and, at the eastern edge, the extinct and entirely undocumented languages Yurimagua and Aisuari. Arawak and
Panoan groups populated the uplands to the north and south, respectively.
2 Of particular typological interest in Omagua is the presence of a genderlect sys-
tem (Rose 2015), in which formal distinctions in certain subparts of the grammar
and lexicon are made based on the gender of the speaker.2 We use the terms male
speech (ms) and female speech (fs) to mark these distinctions, which are found in the following contexts: plural marking (=kana ms, =na fs), demonstratives (akia prox,
yuk´a dist, ms; amai prox, yuk´u dist, fs), locative adverbs, ‘thus’ and ‘also’, and
personal pronouns.
In the remainder of this section we briefly review the history of the Omagua, the
current sociolinguistic situation (§1.1), and describe our methodology (§1.2). Sections
2 and 3 describe the consonant and vowel inventories, respectively. Section 4 describes
syllable structure, §5 stress, §6 a minimum word requirement, and §7 postlexical
phonological processes.
1.1 Omagua History and Sociolinguistic Situation
At the time of European contact in 1542, the Omagua demographically dominated the
banks of the Amazon River from the mouth of the Napo in Peru to the mouth of the
Juru´ain Brazil (de Carvajal [1542]1934). Subsequent European expeditions in 1561
(Sim´on1861) and 1639 (de Acu˜na[1641]1891) show that these territorial bound-
aries remained relatively stable, although by the middle 17th century (de la Cruz
[1653]1900) Omagua settlements had relocated to riverine islands, likely in response
to severe population decreases brought on by European disease (Myers 1992; also
3 Newsom 1996, Porro 1981). In late 1685, the Jesuit Samuel Fritz began proselytizing among the Omagua, going on to found nearly 40 mission settlements (Sp. reducciones), one of which was christened San Joaqu´ınde Omaguas (Anonymous [1731]1922). How- ever, by the late 1690s, disease and increasing Portuguese slave raids had nearly erad- icated the remaining Omaguas. Some fled into the forest in an area that would come to be controlled by Carmelite missionaries and the Portuguese monarchy (near S˜ao
Paulo de Oliven¸ca,Brazil), while others fled upriver, ultimately settling in a com- munity on the left bank of the Amazon River by the middle 1720s (see Michael and
O’Hagan 2016 for details). This community, also known as San Joaqu´ınde Omaguas, became a prominent Jesuit settlement until the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 (Uri- arte [1776]1986).
Around 1880, as part of the large-scale dislocation of indigenous people due to plantation-style labor and the rubber boom, the former Jesuit settlement was aban- doned, and San Joaqu´ınde Omaguas, along with most of the Omaguas there, moved slightly upriver to its current site. Others remained downriver, in areas that would be- come the modern-day communities of Paucarpata, Porvenir, Santa Catalina, Lucero,
San Salvador de Omaguas, and Varadero de Omaguas, among others. However, by the 1920s, large-scale language shift had already begun to take hold in San Joaqu´ın de Omaguas, following some forty years of increased contact with and immigration of outsiders into the community and the later establishment of a Spanish-speaking school. As a result, children born in the 1930s seem to have been only passive first
4 language speakers of Omagua, and, unlike those born in the 1910s and earlier, used
Spanish as a dominant language. Most monolingual speakers of Omagua seem to have passed away by the 1960s, although some lived as late as the 1990s. Many fully bilingual speakers lived to the end of the 20th century, using Omagua regularly as an in-group language among relatives and familiar community residents of the same age, and Spanish with younger individuals and outsiders. The youngest living speaker of Omagua was born in 1932, and today no one employs the language as a primary means of communication. Nevertheless, documentation has made important strides in reducing extreme social stigmatization of the language, and the speakers with whom we have worked show impressive degrees of fluency given the situation of language shift described here.
1.2 Data and Methods
The data on which this paper is based was collected by the authors from some of the last remaining speakers of Omagua as part of the broader documentation of Omagua carried out by linguists at the University of California, Berkeley. Fieldwork was conducted in the community of San Joaqu´ınde Omaguas, located on the left bank of the Amazon River, as well as in the urban center of Iquitos, both in the Loreto region of Peru, from June to August 2010, June to August 2011, and in July 2013. The four primary consultants were Alicia Huan´ıoCabudivo (b. 1932), Lino Huan´ıoCabudivo
(1936–2017), Amelia Huanaquiri Tuisima (b. 1930), and Arnaldo Huanaquiri Tuisima
5 (1933–2016).
Documentary materials are archived in an open-access format with the Survey
of California and Other Indian Languages and available online.3 Data was collected primarily in the form of targeted elicitation of lexical items and grammatical and phonological features, and, to a lesser extent, spontaneous speech and texts, due to the situation of language attrition. All sessions were recorded as WAV files using a Zoom H4N Handy recorder with professional-quality lapel microphones. Elicita- tion was conducted in Spanish, glosses were determined jointly by the consultants and researchers, and English translations of glosses were provided by the researchers.
Lexical items elicited in isolation were also elicted in sentences to be sure of their phonological behavior in context, and were checked with multiple consultants for consistency. The text corpus was supplemented by recordings made by Edinson Hua- mancayo Curi and speaker Manuel Cabudivo Tuisima (1925–2010) in a pilot phase in
2004; these were transcribed and translated with our consultants. All lexical items and texts were entered into and parsed using FieldWorks Language Explorer.4
We made every effort to record as many speakers as possible, and worked with our principal consultants intensively (six days per week, between three and six hours per day), getting a real sense of their strengths and weaknesses over time. For instance, one consultant retained an excellent command of the morphology of the language but was unable to fluently narrate a story; another was the opposite. Despite experiencing different stages of attrition of a language that most of them had not used regularly
6 in over 50 years — and that had never been a dominant language for any of them
— the phonologies of the various speakers were consistent. We recognize that, due to the paucity of speakers and the fieldwork setting (e.g., less-than-ideal recording conditions), this research cannot and does not attempt to make statistically significant phonetic generalizations. Rather, we present the most complete and accurate picture of the phonology of this moribund language possible at this moment in time. In addition to contributing to the documentation of Omagua, this work builds on an increasing amount of detailed research on the phonologies of languages of the region
(Fleck 2003; Michael 2011; Michael Farmer submitted; Michael et al. 2013; Olawsky
2006; Overall 2007; Vallejos 2013; Thiesen Weber 2012).
2 Consonants
In this section, we provide a consonant inventory, followed by evidence for contrasts between consonants, descriptions of consonant distributions, and allophonic processes.
2.1 Consonant Inventory
Omagua distinguishes thirteen consonants at five places of articulation (Table 1), in addition to /n/, a nasal underspecified for place of articulation. There are no glottal consonants or voicing contrasts. We enclose /ts/ and /tS/ in parentheses to indicate that they occur in a small number of lexical items (see §2.3).
Consonants do not generally form codas, with four exceptions: glides, analyzed as
7 Bilabial Alveolar Alveo-Palatal Palatal Velar Stop p t k kw Nasal m n n Fricative s S Affricate (ts) (tS) Flap R Glide w j
TABLE 1: Omagua Consonant Phonemes
underlyingly vocalic (§4.2); surface [N], analyzed as /n/(§2.4); a handful of mostly
borrowed words, analyzed with underlying codas (Table 12); and cases of vowel syn-
cope in fast speech (§7.2).
2.2 Stops and Flap
Omagua contrasts simplex stops at three places of articulation, in addition to a labial- ized velar stop and an alveolar flap.5 Table 2 shows contrasts between these segments
in both initial and medial positions.
Phonetic Phonemic Gloss Phonetic Phonemic Gloss ["p1a] /p1a/ ‘liver’ ["t1a] /t1a/ ‘be wet’ p/t [ka"napa] /kanapa/ ‘mirror’ [ka"nata] /kanata/ ‘be clear’ ["pama] /pama/ ‘tree sp.’ ["kama] /kama/ ‘breast’ p/k [sa"p1ta] /sap1ta/ ‘base’ [sa"k1ta] /sak1ta/ ‘cut’ ["tuku] /tuku/ ‘palm sp.’ ["Ruku] /Ruku/ ‘achiote’ t/R ["juta] /juta/ ‘wall’ ["juRa] /juRa/ ‘floor’ ["tawa] /tawa/ ‘fetch’ ["kawa] /kawa/ ‘forest, wasp’ t/k ["ati] /ati/ ‘bird sp.’ ["aki] /aki/ ‘enter’ [ka"Ruka] /kaRuka/ ‘be late’ [kwa"Ruka] /kwaRuka/ ‘urinate’ k/kw [u"kaRa] /ukaRa/ ‘yard’ [u"kwaRi] /ukwaRi/ ‘be tired’
TABLE 2: Contrasts Between Stops
8 2.2.1 Post-nasal Voicing
Stops may be voiced following nasals in a number of environments.
Root-internal Post-nasal Voicing Root-internal /t/ and /k/ voice when they immediately follow a nasal, except in three forms, where they either optionally or never voice. All forms that exhibit this pattern are given in Table 3. The phoneme
/p/ happens not to occur in this phonotactic environment, although, if it did, we would expect it to voice, as it can across morpheme boundaries (see below). In all cases, the nasal and stop share the same place of articulation. Importantly, voicing occurs independently of whether the relevant stop is the onset to a stressed syllable.
All native Omagua words and several borrowings follow this voicing pattern; the single word that does not follow the pattern and the two words that show variation are all clearly loan words.6
Nasal-stop sequences additionally result from root-internal vowel deletion. Once the vowel is deleted, the nasal assimilates to the place of articulation of the following stop, and the stop optionally voices, as in (1).7
(1) a. /amaikati/ −→ [amaikjati] ∼ [ami"kjati] ∼ [aN"gjati] ‘here (fs)’
b. /janukata/ −→ [janu"kata] ∼ [jaN"kata] ∼ [jaN"gata] ‘place’
This vowel syncope is further described in §7.2.
Post-nasal Voicing Across Morpheme Boundaries Post-nasal voicing across morpheme boundaries is limited to the two environments in the language that exhibit
9 Phonetic Phonemic Gloss [1an"diRa] /1antiRa/ ‘ahead’ ["1nda] /1nta/ ‘complain’ [in"data] /intata/ ‘bother’ [inda"taj] /intatai/ ‘noise’ [maSan"dawa] /maSantawa/ ‘stork sp.’ [sun"daRu] /suntaRu/ ‘soldier’ [kaRaN"giSu] /kaRankiSu/ ‘crab’ [majsaN"gaRa] /maisankaRa/ ‘spirit type’ ["tSuNga] /tSunka/ ‘ten’ [wawaN"g1Ra] /wawank1Ra/ ‘child’ [jaNgwa"RaRa] /jankwaRaRa/ ‘remember’ [1"anti] ∼ [1"andi] /1anti/ ‘prow’ [wa"RaNka] ∼ [wa"RaNga] /waRanka/ ‘thousand’ [awa"Rinti] /awaRinti/ ‘liquor’ TABLE 3: Root-Internal Post-Nasal Voicing (and Exceptions)
nasal-final stems: 1) the root pan ‘be rotten’, followed by the verbal suffixes -pa cpl,
-ta caus, or -ka atten; and 2) the relativizer =n, which yields stem-final nasals.
In the former case, the stop optionally voices (2). In the latter case, nominal stems may take additional plural or oblique-licensing enclitics, the initial onsets of which optionally voice (3).8
(2) a. /pan–pa/ −→ ["pampa] ∼ ["pamba] be.rotten–cpl
b. /pan–ta/ −→ ["panta] ∼ ["panda] be.rotten–caus
(3) /saipuRa=n=kana/ −→ [sajpuRaN"kana] ∼ [sajpuRaN"gana] be.drunk=rel=pl.ms ‘drunk ones’
10 2.2.2 Velar Palatalization
The stop /k/ palatalizes following /i/ and preceding /a/, as seen with /itika/ ‘sweet potato’, realized as [i"tikja]. In contrast, /kw/ does not undergo palatalization in the above environment, as in [i"kwani] ‘go!’; nor does /I/ trigger palatalization, as in
/IpIka/ ‘be open’, realized as [I"pIka]. This palatalization is obligatory root-internally, that is, there are no roots containing the sequence [ika]. It also occurs across mor- pheme boundaries: for some speakers, it is obligatory across affix boundaries but optional across clitic boundaries; for others it is optional across both boundary types.
As an example, for speakers who require palatalization across affix boundaries, the suffix -ka always undergoes the alternation; if not, it is ungrammatical, as in (4).
(4) /sawiti–ka/ → [sawi"tikja], *[sawi"tika] encounter–recip The sequence produced by this process sounds more like ["i.kji.a] than ["i.kja], which makes palatalization appear to be due to co-articulation with a full high front vowel following /k/. It is preferable to analyze this process as palatalization rather than as insertion of an epenthetic vowel because there is no resulting change in the stress pattern of these forms — that is, if -ka is the only suffix, primary stress falls on the syllable preceding it, adhering to an expected pattern of penultimate stress, regardless of the allomorph of -ka ([ka] or [kja]). The stem behaves as if it were formed with a one-syllable suffix (see §5.2). If there were an additional full vowel in the palatalized forms, we would expect that vowel to be stressed, for example, *[sawiti"kia], which never occurs. Typologically, dorsal obstruents and high front vowels are among the
11 most common targets and triggers of palatalization, respectively; however, in most cases the trigger follows the target (Bateman 2011; Kochetov 2011).9
2.3 Fricatives and Affricates
In this section, we discuss the phonemic status of four fricatives and affricates in
Omagua. Table 4 shows oppositions between all coronal obstruents in initial and medial positions. Grayed cells indicate that no opposition between the sounds for that position exists. For each of the two affricates there exists exactly one minimal or near-minimal pair. For this reason, we grant them marginal phonemic status. Note that /ts/ occurs in only one form, tsI 1sg.fs. Phonetic Phonemic Gloss Phonetic Phonemic Gloss [ta"k1ta] /tak1ta/ ‘nail’ [sa"k1ta] /sak1ta/ ‘cut’ t/s ["p1ta] /p1ta/ ‘foot’ ["p1sa] /p1sa/ ‘fishing net’ ["saRa] /saRa/ ‘await’ ["SaRa] /SaRa/ ‘poor thing’ s/S [ja"suka] /jasuka/ ‘bathe’ [ja"Suka] /jaSuka/ ‘neck’ ["tIRa] /tIRa/ ‘caracara sp.’ ["tsI] /tsI/ 1sg.fs t/ts ["tina] /tina/ opt [tSi"nani] /tSinani/ ‘be quiet’ t/tS ["kuti] /kuti/ ‘have eye sand’ ["kutSi] /kutSi/ ‘pig’ ["sI] /sI/ ‘be sweet’ ["tsI] /tsI/ 1sg.fs s/ts ["suni] /suni/ ‘be black’ [tSu"nani] /tSunani/ ‘be small’ s/tS
S/tS [mi"SiRa] /miSiRa/ ‘roast over fire’ [mi"tSiRa] /mitSiRa/ ‘roast in lard’ ts/tS
TABLE 4: Contrasts Between Coronal Obstruents
Diachronically, Omagua /s/ and /S/ result from the lenition of POK *ts and
12 *tS, respectively. We suggest that Omagua /tS/ is the result of borrowings from
Kukama-Kukamiria, which contrasts /ts/ and /tS/, but not /s/ and /S/ (Vallejos
2016:40), or from Quechua. These phonologically anomalous forms have yielded a handful of minimal pairs between fricatives and their affricate counterparts. No forms exist which contrast /ts/ with /tS/, which is due to the vagaries of these patterns of borrowing.
2.4 Nasals
Omagua exhibits four surface nasal consonants, [m, n, ñ, N]. The first two contrast in initial and medial onset positions, as shown in Table 5.
Phonetic Phonemic Gloss Phonetic Phonemic Gloss ["mua] /mua/ ‘firefly sp.’ ["nua] /nua/ ‘be big’ m/n [1"wama] /1wama/ ‘cut bank’ [1"wana] /1wana/ ‘bad omen’
TABLE 5: Contrasts Between Nasals
The nasal /n/ optionally palatalizes to [ñ] when a following /i/ is glided — we do not discuss it further here, but refer the reader to §4.2. Regarding the distributions of the remaining nasals, [m], [n], and [N] occur in coda position when followed by a homorganic stop; [m] and [n] do not occur word-finally, while [N] does, as in (5).
These facts are summarized in Table 6.
(5) a. /pan/ ‘be rotten’ −→ [paN]
b. /jap1ka=n/ −→ [jap1"kaN] sit=rel
13 mV mp *m# nV nt *n# *NV Nk N#
TABLE 6: Distribution of Omagua Nasals
We now turn to a discussion of the underlying forms of coda nasals, namely those that precede homorganic stops or occur word-finally. The data for this discussion was in part introduced in Table 3, which we used to illustrate the phenomenon of postnasal voicing (§2.2.1). Now we draw attention to the same table to illustrate the fact that word-medial nasals always match in place with a following stop. Furthermore, nasal place assimilation is an active process, as evidenced by nasal-stop sequences resulting from vowel syncope. As shown in example (1), underlying /m, n/ both assimilate to a following velar stop.
As a start, we posit three nasal phonemes, /m, n, n/. The first two are uncontro- versial given the data in Table 5. We posit a third phoneme, a nasal underspecified for place of articulation, because in roots that show static place assimilation (Table 3), the choice between /m/ or /n/ would be arbitrary because, as seen in (1), both would undergo place assimilation. Furthermore, we have no positive evidence of word-final
[N] deriving from either /m/ or /n/. In some languages, as with the Spanish indefinite article un, such positive evidence is present in the form of the relevant nasal in the context of a following vowel (i.e., [n]). In other languages, as with Muniche (isolate,
Peru), there is independent evidence for the non-assimilation of /m/ and /N/ in coda position, thus leaving /n/ as the only nasal phoneme that might assimilate (Michael
14 et al. 2013). Lastly, we see an analytical advantage in positing /n/ because it allows
us to to account for nasal vowels in a small number of roots (§3.3).
It is not surprising that the word-final nasal is realized as [N] specifically. A cross-
linguistic tendency for nasals in coda position to neutralize to [N] is seen in several
dialects of Spanish, among other languages (e.g., Pi˜neros (2006); Goodin-Mayeda
(2016)). The otherwise marked velar place of articulation arising as the apparent
default in this context has been analyzed variously as a dorsal default for placeless
nasal codas (Trigo Ferre 1988) or an incidental velar occlusion for a glottal nasal stop
(de Lacy 2002). Furthermore, neutralization in codas but not onsets is unsurprising
(Beckman 1998). Pi˜neros(2006) connects velarization to nasal place assimilation and
absorption as one step in a gradient process, of which the nasalized vowels in Omagua
can be seen as an example (see §3.3).
2.5 Glides
Table 7 shows oppositions between glides. See §4.1 for a justification for giving these
segments phonemic status, as opposed to analyzing them as vowel /u/ and /i/.
Phonetic Phonemic Gloss Phonetic Phonemic Gloss ["waRa] /waRa/ ‘catfish sp.’ ["jaRa] /jaRa/ ‘master’ w/j [u"waRi] /uwaRi/ ‘fall’ [u"jaRi] /ujaRi/ ‘come ashore’
TABLE 7: Contrasts Between Glides
15 3 Vowels
In this section, we provide a vowel inventory, evidence for contrasts between vowel phonemes and sample measurements, and discuss surface nasal vowels and surface mid vowels.
3.1 Vowel Inventory and Contrasts
Omagua exhibits five oral vowels /i, I, 1, u, a/. From a cross-linguistic perspective, this system is unusual in possessing four high vowels and only one low vowel, although the presence of a high central vowel is common within Amazonia (Michael et al. 2015b).
Contrasts in stressed position are shown in Table 8; those in unstressed position are shown in Table 9. We provide minimal pairs of roots, except for the pairs /i 1/
(stressed, unstressed), /I 1/ (unstressed), and /I a/ (unstressed), where we provide near minimal pairs due to accidental lexical gaps.
Phonetic Phonemic Gloss Phonetic Phonemic Gloss i/I ["sisa]10 /sisa/ ‘face’ ["sIsa] /sIsa/ ‘flower’ i/1 [a"tikja] /atika/ ‘throw’ [ja"t1ka] /jat1ka/ ‘sting’ i/u ["SiRa] /SiRa/ ‘name’ ["SuRa] /SuRa/ ‘unripe’ i/a ["wiRa] /wiRa/ ‘penis’ ["waRa] /waRa/ ‘catfish sp.’ I/1 ["sIta] /sIta/ ‘want’ ["s1ta] /s1ta/ ‘fry’ I/u ["mIna] /mIna/ ‘husband’ ["muna] /muna/ ‘steal’ I/a ["pIwa] /pIwa/ ‘be flat’ ["pawa] /pawa/ ‘shell’ 1/u ["p1a] /p1a/ ‘liver’ ["pua] /pua/ ‘hand’ 1/a ["t1ta] /t1ta/ ‘be tight’ ["tata] /tata/ ‘fire’ u/a ["muSi] /muSi/ ‘flint’ ["maSi] /maSi/ ‘snot’
TABLE 8: Omagua Vowel Contrasts in Stressed Position
16 Phonetic Phonemic Gloss Phonetic Phonemic Gloss i/I ["kapi] /kapi/ ‘grass’ ["kapI] /kapI/ ‘defecate’ i/1 ["nami] /nami/ ‘ear’ ["jam1] /jam1/ ‘plate’ i/u [i"nami] /inami/ proh [i"namu] /inamu/ ‘tinamou sp.’ i/a ["tini] /tini/ ‘be white’ ["tina] /tina/ opt I/1 ["IpI]/IpI/ 2pl ["sIp1] /sIp1/ ‘price’ I/u ["sInI] /sInI/ ‘be aflame’ ["sInu] /sInu/ ‘hear’ I/a [a"tIRI] /atIRI/ ‘gourd sp.’ ["tIRa] /tIRa/ ‘caracara sp.’ 1/u [1"wata] /1wata/ ‘hill’ [u"wata] /uwata/ ‘walk’ 1/a ["t1p1] /t1p1/ ‘be deep’ ["t1pa] /t1pa/ ‘dry up’ u/a ["sIsu] /sIsu/ ‘star’ ["sIsa] /sIsa/ ‘flower’
TABLE 9: Omagua Vowel Contrasts in Unstressed Position
In the remainder of this section we present formant plots of the vowel spaces of
three Omagua speakers (§3.2), invoke /n/ to account for nasal vowels in a set of roots
(§3.3), and describe the environments in which surface mid-vowels appear (§3.4).
3.2 Acoustic Vowel Space
Figures 1–3 show the vowel spaces of one female speaker, Alicia Huan´ıoCabudivo
(AHC), and two male speakers, Arnaldo Huanaquiri Tuisima (AHT) and Lino Huan´ıo
Cabudivo (LHC), respectively. They are drawn from the averaged first and second
formant frequencies in Table 10.
i I 1 u a Speaker F1 F2 F1 F2 F1 F2 F1 F2 F1 F2 AHC 455.33 2145.67 534.8 2245.8 538.2 1443.8 481.67 822.67 872.25 1719.13 AHT 245.2 2176.6 334.4 1986.8 390 1540.4 334.25 753 669.2 1205.2 LHC 343 1960.5 358.38 1956.38 345 1457.9 350.33 906.83 581.5 1349.75
TABLE 10: Averaged Formant Values per Speaker
Values were obtained by averaging the F1 and F2 of a given vowel across two
17 tokens of the same form, and then across five distinct forms that show the vowel
following the consonants /p/, /m/, /t/, /s/ and /k/, in addition to one form with the
vowel in stem-initial position. Location of the vowel in stressed or unstressed position
varies across forms, although in most forms it is in a stressed syllable.11 Values are plotted logarithmically.
FIGURE 1: AHC Vowel Space (in Hz)
AHT’s vowels are more widely distributed across the vowel space than those of
either AHC or LHC. In particular, his /i/ has a markedly lower F1 value, which
provides phonetic evidence for the phonemic distinction between the high front vowels.
LHC, on the other hand, has nearly merged the two phonemes. In both AHC and
LHC’s spaces, /1/ has similar F1 values in comparison to other high vowels, whereas with AHT F1 is considerably higher, particularly in comparison to /i/. Also of note are AHC’s fronted /I/ and /a/.
18 FIGURE 2: AHT Vowel Space (in Hz)
FIGURE 3: LHC Vowel Space (in Hz)
3.3 Surface Nasal Vowels
Six words in Omagua exhibit nasal vowels (Table 11). We analyze the words in which these nasal vowels surface as containing the same underspecified nasal /n/ as was argued for in §2.4. In these instances, /n/ is surrounded by vowels or glides,
19 and lacks a stop to provide a place of articulation. The nasal stop is consequently deleted, surfacing instead as heavy nasalization on the preceding vowel in the word.
Nasalization on the glide and vowel following the underlying nasal can be variably realized, from fully nasalized to fully oral, while nasalization on the preceding vowel is consistent.12
Phonetic Phonemic Gloss ["˜aj] /ani/ 3sg.fs ["˜aj] /ani/ ‘grandmother’ [˜a"j˜a] /anj´a/ ‘thus (fs)’ ["˜ija] /inja/ ‘heart’ ["s˜1j] /s1ni/ ‘sweat’ ["s˜uj] /suni/ ‘tail’
TABLE 11: Words with Nasal Vowels
This analysis correctly predicts the surface realization of these roots when addi- tional stop-initial morphemes (suffixes or enclitics) are added. Here /n/ metathesizes in order to be adjacent to a stop. The underlying nasal vowel is realized as oral, and a full nasal consonant intervenes between the root and subsequent morpheme, exhibiting the same place of articulation as the stop, which may optionally voice (see above). This process is shown in (6) and (7).
(6) a. /ani/ ‘grandmother’ −→ ["˜aj]
b. /ani=kana/ −→ [aiN"kana] ∼ [aiN"gana] grandmother=pl.ms
(7) a. /inja/ ‘heart’ −→ ["˜ija]
20 b. /inja=kwaRa/ −→ [ijaN"kwaRa] ∼ [ijaN"gwaRa] heart=ine We take the distribution of nasality in this environment as evidence for the fact that it is not a segment per se, but rather an underspecified phoneme, the overt realization of which is not assignable to an exact phonotactic position and is dependent on certain phonotactic requirements, namely the presence of a stop. With that in mind, we con- sider an account of nasal vowels via a segment /N/ untenable, for two reasons. First, we are unable to provide a satisfying account of why it should delete intervocalically
— as would be required to account for the surface form of roots like ‘grandmother’
— and before glides. Second, we are unable to explain its positional variance when additional morphology is attached to the root in which it occurs. Because of the need to posit /n/ with respect to surface nasal vowels, and the ability for the same /n/ to account both for place-assimilating surface coda nasals and stem-final [N], we opt to account for all three phenomena via the same analysis. Our analysis of /n/ has the added benefit of explaining away an otherwise uniquely permissible consonantal coda in Omagua.13
3.4 Surface Mid-Vowels
Mid-vowels occasionally surface as the result of optional processes of assimilation or coalescence of adjacent vowels. The mid-back vowel [o] results from /ua/ or /au/, for instance in the clausal negator /Rua/, commonly realized as [Roa], or the shortened
[Ro]; or in the adverb Raikua ‘because of that (ms)’, as [Raj"ko]. The mid-front vowel
21 [e] occurs as a result of the coalescence of /ai/ and /aI/ (see §7.1 for further details).
4 Syllable Structure
In Omagua, a minimal syllable is a single V; the most frequent syllable type is CV.
All consonants except /n/ are attested in onset position. The only complex onsets
consist of a stop followed by a glide or flap. Stop-glide onsets result from the gliding
of the unstressed vowel of an underlying CVV sequence (§4.2), from palatalization
(§2.2.2), or from /kw/(§4.3). Stop-flap onsets are the result of vowel syncope that creates a consonant cluster of rising sonority (see §7.2).14 Codas are typically only glides and nasals. Codas other than these can occur when a vowel is syncopated in fast speech (see §7.2). A small set of roots exhibit underlying coda consonants that cannot be analyzed synchronically as the result of vowel syncope. Most of these forms, summarized in Table 12, have been identified as borrowings or as resulting from the lexicalization of metathesis or syncope processes. In the remainder of this section, we argue for the phonemic status of glides (§4.1) and /kw/(§4.3), and discuss vowel-glide alternations and their representation (§4.2).
4.1 Phonemic Status of Glides
In this section, we present our reasoning for positing underlying glides /w/ and /j/, as opposed to deriving all surface [w] and [j] from underlying /u/ and /i/. We begin by delineating the consequences of these two logical possibilities. First, in a system
22 Phonetic Phonemic Gloss Source [ma.ñap."ka.tu] /maniapkatu/ ‘when’ *mania=pupekatu ["sok.ta] /sokta/ ‘six’ Quechua [ak."s1.a] /aks1a/ ‘be afraid’ *ak1ts1a ["wak.tSa] /waktSa/ ‘orphan’ Quechua ["pa.tSak] /patSak/ ‘hundred’ Quechua ["sas.ta] /sasta/ ‘remove kernels’ [unknown] ["wIs.ta] /wIsta/ ‘party’ Spanish ["is.kun] /iskun/ ‘nine’ Quechua ["maS.ta] /maSta/ ‘machete’ Spanish(?) ["miS.ki] /miSki/ ‘honey’ Quechua ["pitS.ka] /pitSka/ ‘five’ Quechua ["kan.tSis] /kantSis/ ‘seven’ Quechua [puR."ki.na] /puRkina/ ‘be face-down’ [unknown] [uR.ku."tu.tu] /uRkututu/ ‘owl’ Quechua
TABLE 12: Omagua Roots with Obstruent Codas
in which all surface glides are derived from /u/ and /i/, we would expect these vowels to surface in the same way in the same environment, that is, [wi] or [uj], and [ju] or
[iw], but not both of each pair. Second, if, on the other hand, a phonemic inventory included both /w/ and /j/ and their vocalic counterparts /u/ and /i/, we would expect to find both members of these two pairs in exactly the same environment. As shown in Table 13, the latter is exactly the situation we find in Omagua.
GV VG /ju/ [ju."a.ma] /juama/ /iw/ [i."wa.su] /iwasu/ ‘daughter-in-law’ ‘arapaima (fish sp.)’ /wi/ [wi."Ru.a] /wiRua/ /uj/ [u."ja.Ri] /ujaRi/ ‘recently’ ‘come ashore’
TABLE 13: Glide Contrasts in Onsets
Here it is useful to walk through an example in detail. Take the pair ‘daughter-in-
23 law’ and ‘arapaima’, and imagine the hypothetical underlying representations /iuama/
and /iuasu/, as shown in (8–9). Further imagine a hypothetical constraint in Omagua
banning triphthongs or an extended vowel hiatus, so that these underlying forms could
not surface as such. One can then imagine two possible repair strategies: (a) glide
the first vowel (which would avoid an word-initial onsetless syllable), or (b) glide the
second vowel (which would avoid vowel hiatus). The first strategy, shown in (8),
would yield [ju."a.ma] and [ju."a.su], respectively.
(8) Hypothetical derivation 1: (to be rejected): Glide the first vowel
UR /iuama/ /iuasu/
*VVV iuama iuasu
Glide V1 juama juasu
Syllabify ju.a.ma ju.a.su
Stress ju."a.ma ju."a.su
Surface [ju."a.ma] *[ju."a.su]
The second, shown in (9), would yield [i."wa.ma] and [i."wa.su], respectively.
(9) Hypothetical derivation 2 (to be rejected): Glide the second vowel
24 UR /iuama/ /iuasu/
*VVV iuama iuasu
Glide V2 iwama iwasu
Syllabify i.wa.ma i.wa.su
Stress i."wa.ma i."wa.su
Surface *[i."wa.ma] [i."wa.su]
While the first repair correctly derives the surface realization of ‘daughter’-in-law’, it does not do so for ‘arapaima’. Similarly, while the second repair correctly derives the surface realization of ‘arapaima’, it does not do so for ‘daughter-in-law’. Because no one repair strategy correctly derives the surface realizations of both forms, and because we do not want to posit different repair strategies on a lexically specified basis, we posit /u/, /i/, /w/, and /j/.
4.2 Vowel-vowel Sequences
In the preceding sections we argued for the phonemic status of /w/ and /j/ in onset position, resulting in a number of glide-vowel sequences; however, Omagua roots may also contain one of a series of vowel-vowel sequences: in this section we describe a series of such sequences in roots of a phonological shape different from those in
§4.1. We do this based on alternations seen in morphologically related forms with different stress patterns, showing that VV sequences are differentially syllabified and glided according to the phonotactics of the language. We begin by noting that VV
25 sequences fall into three classes based on whether the sequence is of rising, falling, or largely level sonority, based on a
a > i, I, 1, u sonority scale. The following two tables illustrate the same set of forms with VV sequences in word-final, morphologically simplex position (Table 14) and word-medial, morphologically complex position (Table 15).
Sonority VV Phonemic Phonetic Gloss ua /ikua/ [i."ku.a] ‘know’ ia /mania/ [ma."ni.a] ‘how’ Rising 1a /t1a/ ["t1.a] ‘be wet’ Ia /IpIa/ [I."pI.a] ‘firewood’ au /wau/ ["waw] ‘have scabies’ Falling ai /amai/ [a."maj] prox.fs.pro a1 /a1/["a1] ‘sloth’ 1i /s1k1i/ [s1."k1j] ‘pull’ ui /amui/ [a."muj] ‘grandfather’ Level iu /kaniu/ [ka."niw] ∼ [ka."ñu] ‘be weak’ Iu /Iu/ ["Iw] ‘eat’
TABLE 14: Word-final VV Sequences in Roots by Sonority
Rising Sonority In VV sequences of rising sonority, there is a difference in the pattern of gliding depending on whether the sequence is word-medial or word-final.
When final, no gliding occurs, and the vowels are syllabified separately. When medial, the first vowel is glided in the case of /u, i/, but not in the case of /1, I/. Contrast, for example, the different forms of ‘know’ ([i."ku.a], [i."kwa.pa]) and those of ‘be wet’
(["t1.a], [t1."a.ta]).
26 Sonority VV Phonemic Phonetic Gloss ua /ikua–pa/ [i."kwa.pa] ‘know’–cpl Rising ia /mania=pa/ [ma."ña.pa] ‘how’=interr 1a /t1a–ta/ [t1."a.ta] ‘be wet’–caus Ia /IpIa=na/ [I.pI."a.na] ‘firewood’=pl.fs au /wau–pa/ ["waw.pa] ‘have scabies’–cpl Falling ai /amai=na/ [a."maj.na] prox.fs.pro=pl.fs a1 /a1=na/ ["a1.na] ‘sloth’=pl.fs 1i /s1k1i–ta/ [s1."k1j.ta] ‘pull’–caus ui /amui=na/ [a."mwi.na] ∼ [a."muj.na] ‘grandfather’=pl.fs Level iu /kaniu–pa/ [ka."ñu.pa] ‘be weak’–cpl Iu /Iu–ta/ [I."u.ta] ‘eat’–caus
TABLE 15: Word-medial VV Sequences in Complex Stems by Sonority
Falling Sonority In VV sequences of falling sonority, the second vowel is uniformly glided in both word-medial and word-final position. It is debatable whether the /1/
is truly glided, or whether it is better to describe the /a1/ sequence as a diphthong.
In any case, an /a1/ sequence is syllabified together, in contrast with the reverse
sequence /1a/, which is syllabified as two syllables.
Level Sonority In VV sequences of relatively level sonority (i.e., two high vowels),
a second /i/ vowel is glided when word-final. When word-medial, either vowel of an
/ui/ sequence can be glided (see /amui/ ‘grandfather’). If the sequence is /iu/, in
word-final position either vowel may be glided depending on a variable stress pattern
that we describe in §5.5; in word-medial position, only the first vowel is glided. With
/Iu/, gliding occurs word-finally, but word-medially the second vowel is stressed.
Lastly, we note that these gliding patterns are consistent with phonotactic con-
straints found root-internally. For example, we find /kwaRaSi/ [kwa."Ra.Si] ‘sun’ (never
27 *[ku.a."Ra.Si]), /wauta/ ["waw.ta] ‘fan’ (never *[wa."u.ta]), and /ta1Ra/ ["ta1.Ra] ‘son
(me)’ (never *[ta."1.Ra]). In §5.4.2 we turn to how these patterns interact with the stress assignment patterns described below. We conclude here by noting that, in addition to the generalizations in the preceding two tables, the VV sequences /1u/,
/u1/, and /uI/ are attested in a total of five roots, which we have not been able to test regarding their behavior in this regard across morphological boundaries. They are: /w1uta/ ["w1w.ta] ‘be dizzy’ (never *[w1."uta]), /su1/ [su."1] ‘blood’ (never *["su1]),
/su1Ru/ [su."1.Ru] ‘be jealous’ (optionally ["sw1.Ru]), /usuIpI/ [u.su."I.pI] ‘escape’ (op- tionally [u.swI.pI]), and /juIma/ [ju."I.ma] ‘iron’ (never *["juI.ma]). The potential sequences /iI/, /i1/, /Ii/, /I1/, /1I/, and /aI/ are wholly unattested. These patterns are not sufficiently well attested across different lexical items for us to make robust generalizations, in contrast to those described above.
4.3 Phonemic Status of Labiovelar Stop /kw/
Here we lay out the logic of positing a labiovelar stop /kw/, based on the following set of observations. Both [kwa] and [ku.a] are attested in Omagua, for example, [i."kwa.Si]
‘yesterday’ and [i."ku.a] ‘know’. Based on the analysis presented in §4.2, words such as
[i."kwa.Si] can be derived from /ikuaSi/, namely in the way that [i."kwa.pa] is derived from /ikua–pa/, the completive form of ‘know’. On the other hand, unlike derived forms of words like /ikua/, there is no evidence of an alternation in [i."kwa.Si] (or other similar words) by which [u] would surface. There are 18 such non-alternating words
28 involving [kw]. In contrast, there are exceedingly few instances of non-alternating
[Cw] at other places of articulation. Those that are attested are given exhaustively
in Table 16. Phonetic Phonemic Gloss ["pwa.sa] /puasa/ ‘liana’ [pw] [ja.wa.Ra."pwa.na] /jawaRapuana/ ‘otter’ [mw] [ju."mwa.ta] /jumuata/15 ‘straighten’ [nw] [ka."nwa.Ra] /kanuaRa/ ‘bone’ [ma.ka.ti."swa.Ra] /makatisuaRa/ ‘from where’ [sw] ["sw1.Ru] /su1Ru/ ‘be jealous’ [u."swI.pI] /usuIpI/ ‘escape’ [kaR."wa.Ra] /kaRuaRa/ ‘spirit type’ [Rw] [piR."wa.Ra] /piRuaRa/ ‘skin’
TABLE 16: Non-alternating [Cw] besides [kw]
Given that a /w/ phoneme is needed in other forms (§4.1), it is possible to assume that the underlying form of [kw] is always /kw/. However, we prefer to posit an underlying /kw/ phoneme because of the greater number of [kw] sequences relative to other Cw sequences. Finally, we note that a labiovelar stop is expected from an areal perspective (Michael et al. 2015b).
5 Stress
Omagua has a stress system with primary stress on the penultimate syllable, ex- cept in words with heavy final syllables or a small number of lexical exceptions, in which case primary stress is final. Other than heavy final syllables attracting primary stress, stress is quantity insensitive. We begin with the phonetic correlates of stress
29 (§5.1), followed by the basic penultimate primary stress pattern (§5.2) and appar-
ent secondary stress (§5.3). We address heavy final syllables and exceptions to the
basic pattern in §5.4 and §5.5. Unlike many geographically proximate languages —
for example, AP1wa (Michael Beier 2012), Iquito (Michael 2011), M´a´ıh`ık`ı(Michael
Farmer submitted), Yagua (Payne 1985), and Urarina (Olawsky 2006) — Omagua’s
prosodic system is not tonal, as is the case for the language most closely related to
it, Kukama-Kukamiria (Vallejos 2016).
Basic stress data came from our impressions of all consultants’ stress patterns
as observed in spontaneous speech, recorded texts, lexical elicitation, and speech
elicited for other purposes. A systematic elicitation of stress was undertaken in order
to corroborate these informal observations. These data consisted of two or three
tokens of nominal and verbal roots of differing parity, in addition to stems bearing
the female- and male-speech plural markers =na and =kana and the causative and
purposive markers -ta and -taRa. Nouns and verbs behave the same with regard to stress, and the suffixes and enclitics investigated are included in the same domain of stress assignment as roots. It is possible that additional patterns would come to light with more complex morphological collocations.
The frame, shown in (10), avoids stress clashes between the root or stem and either of the immediately preceding or following syllables in adjacent words, and has the advantage of being a plausible carrier phrase for any target word.
(10) [tsIku"mIsa] [nI"supi]
30 tsI= kumIsa nI= =supi 1sg.fs= say 2sg= =goal
‘I say to you.’
Target words were uttered in a frame by Amelia Huanaquiri Tuisima.16
5.1 Phonetic Correlates of Stress
Stress in Omagua is signaled by increased vowel length, intensity, and higher pitch.
Vowels in unstressed syllables are reduced, both in length and in centralization within
the vowel space, and may be devoiced or undergo syncope (§7.2). At the beginning
of a phonological phrase, the nucleus of the first syllable of a word is lengthened and
often carries greater intensity, sometimes as much as the syllable bearing primary
stress (but, notably, not higher pitch). We attribute this prominence to intonation,
rather than stress, because it occurs irrespective of the placement of stress within the
word. Figure 4 shows a two-syllable word with both initial prominence and primary
stress on the first syllable.
Compare this with Figure 5, where stress is shifted to the second syllable of the
same root because of the addition of a suffix.
The first syllable displays similar length (∼140 ms) and intensity in both words, but the pitch is higher when it bears stress. When the second syllable bears stress, it carries substantially higher pitch and is slightly longer than when it it unstressed
(∼140 ms and ∼110 ms, respectively).
Figure 6 shows a monomorphemic three-syllable word displaying a pattern similar
31 300
250 )
z 200 H (
h c t i
P 150
100 ku pɪ
1.211 1.661 Time (s) FIGURE 4: Spectrogram/Pitch Trace of ["ku.pI] ‘cultivate’
300
250 )
z 200 H (
h c t i
P 150
100 ku pɪ pa
1.537 2.275 Time (s)
FIGURE 5: Spectrogram/Pitch Trace of [ku."pI.pa] ‘cultivate’-cpl
to that in Figure 5.
In both, stress falls on the second syllable. The intensity and length of the first and second vowels is approximately the same, but the pitch is higher on the second syllable. The unstressed third syllable returns to the lower pitch and the vowel is of shorter duration than other vowels in the word.
Figure 7 shows the same three-syllable root from Figure 6 with a two-syllable
32 300
250 )
z 200 H (
h c t i
P 150
100 ta pa ka
1.194 1.869 Time (s) FIGURE 6: Spectrogram/Pitch Trace of [ta."pa.ka] ‘piranha sp.’
enclitic added. The greatest vowel length occurs on the penultimate syllable, which
300
250 )
z 200 H (
h c t i
P 150
100 ta pa ka ka na
0.9197 2.119 Time (s)
FIGURE 7: Spectrogram/Pitch Trace of [ta.pa.ka."ka.na] ‘piranha spp. (ms)’
bears primary stress. The third syllable is substantially reduced in terms of length, intensity, and centralization.
Figures 8 and 9 show monomorphemic four-syllable words displaying a clear in- tensity peak and increased pitch on the third syllable, indicating penultimate primary stress. Initial length and intensity is also apparent on the first syllable, which could be due to the phenomenon of initial lengthening and/or secondary stress.
33 300
250 ) z 200 H ( h c t i
P 150
100 ta ma kɨ ʃi
1.133 2.18 Time (s)
FIGURE 8: Spectrogram/Pitch Trace of [ta.ma."k1.Si] ‘fish sp.’
300
250 )
z 200 H (
h c t i
P 150
100 ka ɾa kɨ ta
1.01 1.915 Time (s) FIGURE 9: Spectrogram/Pitch Trace of [ka.Ra."k1.ta] ‘toast, roast’
34 5.2 Basic Primary Stress Assignment
Basic primary stress in Omagua is penultimate, as shown in Tables 17 and 18 for noun and verb roots, respectively. The vast majority of words in the lexicon fall into this penultimate pattern; a small number of exceptions are discussed below. Note that there are no clearly monomorphemic nouns of five syllables or more. In fact, there are no attested roots of more than five syllables in any word class.
Phonetic Phonemic Gloss ["kaj] /kai/ ‘monkey’ ["ka.Ra] /kaRa/ ‘potato’ [ta."pa.ka] /tapaka/ ‘piranha sp.’ [ta.ma."k1.Si] /tamak1Si/ ‘fish sp.’ [tI.pu.ti."Si.Ru] /tIputiSiRu/17 ‘entrails’ [sa.sa.wa.ka."tu.pa] /sasawakatupa/18 ‘bridge’
TABLE 17: Primary Stress in Noun Roots
Phonetic Phonemic Gloss ["paN] /pan/ ‘be rotten’ ["ku.pI] /kupI/ ‘cultivate’ [ku."Ra.ta] /kuRata/ ‘drink’ [pa.Ri."sa.Ra] /paRisaRa/ ‘invite’ [ju.mi.sa."Ri.kja] /jumisaRika/ ‘play’
TABLE 18: Primary Stress in Verb Roots
Penultimate primary stress is also consistently present in all stems formed with a root plus a one- or two-syllable suffix or enclitic, as shown in Table 19.
35 Noun Root =σ (pl.fs) =σσ (pl.ms) Gloss ["kaj] ["kaj.na] [kaj."ka.na] ‘monkey(s)’ ["ka.Ra] [ka."Ra.na] [ka.Ra."ka.na] ‘potato(es)’ [ta."pa.ka] [ta.pa."ka.na] [ta.pa.ka."ka.na] ‘piranha sp(p).’ [ta.ma."k1.Si] [ta.ma.k1."Si.na] [ta.ma.k1.Si."ka.na] ‘fish sp(p).’ [tI.pu.ti."Si.Ru] [tI.pu.ti.Si."Ru.na] [tI.pu.ti.Si.Ru."ka.na] ‘entrails’
Verb Root -σ (caus)-σσ (purp) Gloss ["paN]["pan.ta] [pan."ta.Ra] ‘rot’ ["ku.pI] [ku."pI.ta] [ku.pI."ta.Ra] ‘cultivate’ [ku."Ra.ta] [ku.Ra."ta.ta] [ku.Ra.ta."ta.Ra] ‘drink’ [pa.Ri."sa.Ra] [pa.Ri.sa."Ra.ta] [pa.Ri.sa.Ra."ta.Ra] ‘invite’ [ju.mi.sa."Ri.kja] [ju.mi.sa.Ri."kja.ta] [ju.mi.sa.Ri.kja."ta.Ra] ‘play’
TABLE 19: Primary Stress in Complex Words
5.3 Secondary Stress
Secondary stress in Omagua is less consistent and not as easily perceived as primary
stress; however, we posit a secondary degree of stress for two reasons. First, there is a
notable contrast in the pattern of prominence in pairs of words like [ta.pa.ka."ka.na]
‘piranha spp. (ms)’ and [ti.mi.sa."ma.ta] ‘fill’. Second, in longer words, some syllables are greatly reduced and vowels may be elided, while others are pronounced relatively fully. This leads us to conclude that there is some secondary stress on the unreduced syllables, while the reduced syllables are unstressed. We speculate that different patterns of secondary stress may be dependent on the morphological makeup of the word, but due to a paucity of robust data for longer and morphologically complex words at this advanced stage of language attrition, it is not possible to formulate a full analysis. Therefore, we simply present our observations here.
36 5.3.1 Contrasting Prominence
In four syllable words, such as [ta.ma."k1.Si] (Figure 8) and [ka.Ra."k1.ta] (Figure 9),
initial prominence is apparent. Perceptually these words carry secondary stress on the
first syllable, which is consistent with regular alternating stress. However, if present
at all, higher pitch on the first syllable is slight, so the impression of stress on this
syllable may be due to the phenomenon of initial lengthening noted above. Therefore,
we must turn to longer words to determine whether secondary stress is present.
As initial length is heard in phrase-initial syllables regardless of stress and word
length, we attribute this to phrase-initial lengthening. Initial syllables sometimes also
bear higher pitch, but not always, so we attribute the higher pitch to stress, since
higher pitch is a reliable correlate of primary penultimate stress. When a second
syllable bears higher pitch than the initial syllable, we take this as an indication
that the second syllable bears secondary stress. The five-syllable words in (11) have
secondary stress on the second syllable. The second syllable is not reduced, and is
higher in pitch compared to the following syllable. An example spectrogram and pitch
trace for [ta.pa.ka."ka.na] can be seen in Figure 7. This pattern can be interpreted as either regular alternating stress, or retained stress from a three syllable root.
a. [ja.wa.Ra."wa.su] /jawaRawasu/19 ‘jaguar’
(11) b. [ta.pa.ka."ka.na] /tapaka=kana/ ‘piranha spp. (ms)’
c. [ku.Ra.ta."ta.ra] /kuRata–taRa/ ‘in order to drink’
By contrast, the five-syllable words in (12) lack an alternating pattern of stress,
37 that is, the second syllables do not bear prominence, while the initial syllables do.
An example spectrogram and pitch trace for [ju.mi.sa."Ri.kja] is given in Figure 10.
a. [tI.pu.ti."Si.Ru] /tIputiSiRu/ ‘entrails’
b. [ju.mi.sa."Ri.kja] /jumisaRika/ ‘play’ (12) c. [ju.mi.a."w1.Ra] /jumiaw1Ra/ ‘help’
d. [ti.mi.sa."ma.ta] /timisama–ta/ ‘fill (up)’
300
250 )
z 200 H (
h c t i
P 150
100 ju mi sa ɾi kja
1.219 2.193 Time (s) FIGURE 10: Spectrogram/Pitch Trace of [ju.mi.sa."Ri.kja] ‘play’
5.3.2 Reduction in Unstressed Syllables
In six-syllable stems, stress is alternating, as in [maj.saN.ga.Ra."ka.na] ‘spirits (ms)’,
[sa.sa.wa.ka."tu.pa] ‘bridge’. A pitch trace and intensity contour, respectively, are shown in Figures 11 and 12. Secondary stress can be quite weak, but since some vowels are greatly reduced, we posit that unreduced syllables have weak stress even if they are not especially prominent.
The forms in (13) show that unstressed vowels may be deleted in fast speech.
38 300
250 )
z 200 H (
h c t i
P 150
100 maj saŋ ga ɾa ka na
0.8776 2.166 Time (s)
FIGURE 11: Spectrogram/Pitch Trace of [maj.saN.ga.Ra."ka.na] ‘spirits (ms)’
0.986635883 2.26524591 100 ) B d (
y t i s n e t n I
sa sa wa ka tu pa 20 0.9866 2.265 Time (s)
FIGURE 12: Spectrogram/Intensity Contour in [sa.sa.wa.ka."tu.pa] ‘bridge’
(13) a. /sIt1maSiRu/20 ‘pants’ −→ [sI.t1.ma."Si.Ru] −→ [sIt.ma."Si.Ru]
b. /jaRakanuaRa/21 ‘ribs’ −→ [ja.Ra.ka.nu."a.Ra] −→ [jaR.ka."nwa.Ra]
As noted previously, Omagua exhibits exceedingly few roots of five syllables, and none of more than five syllables. While we have provided an analysis of the most con- sistent patterns, these particular roots and their derived forms show more variability in placement of stress than shorter words.
39 5.4 Stress Assignment with /n/ and VV Sequences
Up to this point, we have only discussed the assignment of stress in words made up of CV syllables, in which primary stress is rigidly penultimate. However, two sets of words regularly do not fall into this pattern: 1) those that have the nasal coda /n/,
which acts heavy when word-final but not elsewhere; and 2) roots exhibiting final VV
sequences, which, as seen descriptively in §4.2, act like two syllables with regard to stress when final, but as a single syllable elsewhere. In this section we propose an analysis of these patterns.
5.4.1 Heavy Final Syllables
In Omagua, word-final syllables with nasal codas (phonetically [N]) attract stress. The only morphological context in which this phenomenon arises is in stems derived with the enclitic =n, as in (14). We propose here that the encliticization of =n yields a bimoraic (i.e., heavy) final syllable. Nasal codas do not affect stress placement when they occur non-finally (15).
(14) a. /saipuRa=n/ −→ [saj.pu."RaN] be.drunk=rel ‘drunk one’
b. /jap1ka=n/ −→ [ja.p1."kaN] sit=rel ‘that which is sitting’
(15) a. /intata/ ‘bother’ −→ [in."da.ta]
40 b. /maSantawa/ ‘stork sp.’ −→ [ma.San."da.wa]
c. /saipuRa=n=kana/ −→ [sajpuRaN"kana] ∼ [sajpuRaN"gana] be.drunk=rel=pl.ms ‘drunk ones’
Other word-final stop codas are not moraic. These are found only in the Quechua borrowings listed in Table 12, which have penultimate stress. It is not surprising that they would follow a non-native stress pattern.
5.4.2 Root-final VV Sequences
In the preceding section, we showed how nasal codas create heavy syllables when stem-
final, but that stress elsewhere in the stem is quantity-insensitive. This is illustrated in Table 20 (a). In this section we address VV sequences, which display a similar behavior in terms of attracting stress. As noted above, VV sequences are analyzed as sequences of two full vowels underlyingly. Because each of the vowels can be stressed independently, they cannot be underlying diphthongs. One of the vowels may become a surface glide in order to avoid vowel hiatus or an onsetless syllable. As shown in
Table 20 (b), V2 of a root-final VV sequence can be glided, forming a heavy final syllable that receives primary stress. However, when it is not possible to form a glide with V2, then V1 is stressed, leaving V2 to form a final onsetless syllable as in Table
20 (c). It is likely that in some instances of pronunciations of roots like that in (b) there is a glide, while in other instances there is a final unstressed, onsetless syllable, as is always the case with (c). The generalization is that main stress always falls on
41 the penultimate mora in each of these cases.
Root-final Penultimate in stem Antepenultimate in stem ( x ) (x .) (x .) (x .) σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ Š VV ŠŠ V ŠŠ µ µµ µµ µ µ µµ µ µ ja."paN "1n.da wa.waN."g1.Ra a. /japan//1nta/ /wawank1Ra/ hortative ‘complain’ ‘child’ ( x ) (x .) (x .) (x .) σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ Š V Š V ŠŠ V ŠŠ µ µµ µ µµ µ µ µµ µ µ a."muj a."muj.na ∼ a."mwi.na a.muj."ka.na ∼ a.mwi."ka.na b. /amui/ /amui=na/ /amui=kana/ ‘grandfather’ ‘grandfathers (fs)’ ‘grandfathers (ms)’ (x .) (x .) (x .)(x .) σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ σ ŠŠŠŠ V ŠŠ V ŠŠ µ µ µ µ µµ µ µ µµ µ µ i."ku.a i."kwa.ta i.kwa."Si.Ru c. /ikua/ /ikua–ta/ /ikua–SiRu/ ‘know, learn’ ‘inform’ ‘knowledgeable person’
TABLE 20: Bimoraic Structures in Stems
Medially, VV sequences are syllabified as a single syllable whenever possible, given the phonotactics of the language. For instance, /a1/ is a possible diphthong, but /1a/ must be two syllables; /ua/ is not glided if it would yield an unacceptable onset (see also §4.2). When this process forms a medial syllable with a glide coda, as in Table
20 (b), it does not attract stress, in the same way that non-final nasal codas do not attract stress. With this in mind, the following generalizations can be made about
Omagua stress: 1) primary stress aligns with the syllable containing the penultimate mora; 2) non-final feet seem to count syllables rather than moras.
It is not necessarily problematic if the rightmost foot where primary stress is as-
42 signed has different properties than feet elsewhere in the word (cf. weight-sensitivity;
Hyde (2007)). This approach unifies words containing heavy final syllables and
(C)VCVV words that would otherwise appear to be exceptions to the stress rules.
However, these data do pose a problem for an analyisis in which footing and syl- labification take place sequentially. Neither footing followed by syllabification nor syllabification followed by footing obtain the correct results (16–17).
(16) Hypothetical derivation 1 (to be rejected) a. Build bimoraic feet i(kua) *(iku)(apa) b. Syllabify i(ku.a) *(i.ku)(a.pa)
(17) Hypothetical derivation 2 (to be rejected) a. Syllabify *i.kwa i.kwa.pa b. Build (minimally bimoraic) feet *i.(kwa) i.(kwa.pa)
We are left in a situation in which words with final heavy syllables must either form a class that does not follow the same stress assignment pattern as other words, or details about syllable structure must be integrated into stress assignment. We propose that the patterning in these forms reflects an interaction between constraints against onsetless syllables and vowel hiatus, and those governing stress assignment. In effect, gliding occurs to avoid onsetless syllables and/or vowel hiatus only when it would not result in word-final stress (see, e.g., Hyde (2007)). This results in an unexpected difference in stressability depending on whether the stress in question is primary or secondary.
43 5.5 Lexical Word-final Stress
A small number of vowel-final roots have lexical final stress. When suffixed, these
words follow the normal penultimate pattern. Table 21 lists all the known forms that
always occur with final stress on a (c)v syllable.
Phonetic Phonemic Gloss [a.ju.a.pa."sI] /ajuapas´I/ ‘worse’ [I."Ra] /IR´a/ ‘be good, well’ [su."1] /su´ı/ ‘blood’ [waj."nu] /wain´u/ ‘woman’ [ja."pa] /jap´a/ hort [ja."Su] /jaS´u/ ‘cry’ [ja."k1] /jak´ı/ ‘head’ [ju."ka] /juk´a/ dem.dist.ms [ju."ku] /juk´u/ dem.dist.fs
TABLE 21: Words with Lexical Final Stress
The final stress of these roots is in some cases attributable to the reduction of
longer forms. Modern [I"Ra] is a reduction of [I."Ra.ja] /IRaja/ ‘be good’; similarly,
[ja."pa] is a reduction of [ja."pa.na] /japana/ ‘run’. Both longer forms are attested in the language today. Omagua [waj."nu] /wain´u/is a reflex of Proto-Omagua-Kukama
*wainua (i.e., [waj."nu.a]). The origin of final stress in the remaining words in Table
21 is unknown.
Above we mentioned variable patterns of gliding for word-final /iu/. We sum- marize all of the words that participate in this pattern and their resulting forms in
Table 22. In these words, stress placement varies between penultimate and final un- derlying vowel segments. Whichever of the final two vowels is unstressed may glide,
44 when the phonotactics allow. The result is always a word-final stress pattern, but one differentiated by which of the original vowels was glided.
Phonetic Phonemic Gloss [a.ma."niw] ∼ [a.ma."ñu] /amaniu/ ‘cotton’ [ka."niw] ∼ [ka."ñu] /kaniu/ ‘be weak’ [u.pa."Riw] ∼ [u.pa.Ri."u] /upaRiu/ ‘sardine’ [wa.tu."Riw] ∼ [wa.tu.Ri."u] /watuRiu/ ‘hoatzin’ [ja."tiw] ∼ [ja.ti."u] /jatiu/ ‘mosquito’
TABLE 22: Variable Final Gliding with /iu/
The class of roots in Table 22 conspicuously end in /iu/, suggesting that more than one repair for vowel hiatus with this particular sequence of vowels is possible in Omagua, and that speakers vary between them. In this situation, speakers vary between gliding
/u/ and placing stress on an onsetless, light final syllable. The same variability is not seen with the reverse sequence /ui/. In such a sequence (see Table 14), stress always falls on the [u]. In this case, there seems to be no tension between gliding /i/ and avoiding final stress on an onsetless light syllable.
6 Minimum Word Size
Omagua exhibits a bimoraic minimum word requirement for nouns. Nouns that ap- pear to be CV roots when pronounced in isolation are revealed to be underlyingly
CVV when the one-syllable female speech plural =na is added. In these cases, the root-final vowel receives primary stress, following the regular penultimate stress pat- tern, as shown in Table 23. In Table 23, we additionally show complex forms with
45 the two-syllable male speech plural =kana. In these cases, the root-final vowel is
unstressed, also following the regular stress assignment pattern.
Root =σ (pl.fs) =σσ (pl.ms) Gloss ["kuu] [ku."u.na] [ku.u."ka.na] ‘swidden(s)’ ["suu] [su."u.na] [su.u."ka.na] ‘flesh(es)’ ["j11] [j1."1.na] [j1.1."ka.na] ‘axe(s)’
TABLE 23: Monosyllabic Roots
The forms with the female speech plural appear to be exceptions to the avoidance of vowel hiatus and onsetlessness seen above in §5.4.2. We speculate that gliding, which would resolve vowel hiatus, is prohibited here for phonotactic reasons, that is, that an identical adjacent vowel cannot form the corresponding glide.
7 Postlexical Processes
This section describes a set of outstanding postlexical phonological processes: vowel hiatus resolution (§7.1); and vowel syncope (§7.2).
7.1 Heteromorphemic Vowel Hiatus and Resolution
Heteromorphemic vowel hiatus results from the juxtaposition of pronominal proclitics with vowel-initial nominal and verbal roots. Three strategies are attested when this hiatus obtains: 1) both vowels may be realized; 2) the vowel of the proclitic and the initial vowel of the root may coalesce; or 3) the final vowel of the proclitic may delete when the proclitic phonologically attaches to the root. All three strategies display
46 a tendency for root segments to be preserved, an example of positional faithfulness
(Beckman 1998). The latter two strategies are in complementary distribution: coales-
cence occurs only with the proclitic ta= 1sg.ms and a root whose initial vowel is i, I
or u; deletion occurs elsewhere, except when the root begins with 1. The phonetic re-
sults of coalescence are shown in (18), and the patterns are exemplified with the male
speech pronominal proclitic paradigm in Table 24, with coalescence in boldface.22
(18) a. /a/ + /i/ −→ [e] ∼ [E] b. /a/ + /I/ −→ [e] ∼ [E] c. /a/ + /u/ −→ [o] Singular Plural Marker Verb Realization Marker Verb Realization Gloss aki [taki] aki [tanaki] ‘enter’ ikua [tekua] ikua [tanikua] ‘know’ 1ms ta= IRIwa [teRIwa] tana= IRIwa [tanIRIwa] ‘return’ usu [tosu] usu [tanusu] ‘go’ aki [naki] aki [paki] ‘enter’ ikua [nikua] ikua [Ranikua] ‘know’ 2 nI= IRIwa [nIRIwa] pI= IRIwa [pIRIwa] ‘return’ usu [nusu] usu [pusu] ‘go’ aki [Raki] aki [Ranaki] ‘enter’ ikua [Rikua] ikua [Ranikua] ‘know’ 3ms Ra= IRIwa [RIRIwa] Rana= IRIwa [RanIRIwa] ‘return’ usu [Rusu] usu [Ranusu] ‘go’
TABLE 24: Vowel Coalescence and Deletion Patterns
7.2 Syncope
In fast speech, vowels in unstressed syllables can undergo syncope, resulting in the surface coda consonants /m, p, t, R, s, S, k/, in other words, all consonants except
47 /kw, w, j/ and the marginal phonemes /ts, tS/ — representative forms are shown in
Table 25. The underlying vowel is reconstructable in slow, careful speech. A resulting
stop-flap consonant cluster is resyllabified as a complex onset to the following syllable.
Otherwise, consonants that were formerly the onset to a syllable in which a vowel has
undergone syncope are syllabified as codas to the preceding syllable. We note that
any vowel may undergo such syncope.
Underlying Fast Speech Gloss /ipuRaka/ [i."pRa.ka] ‘do, make’ /kakatupI/ [kak."tu.pI] ‘appear’ /miRikua/ [miR."ku.a] ‘wife’ /pIsIkaka/ [pIs."ka.ka] ‘split’ /tamak1Si/ [tam."k1.Si] ‘fish sp.’ /uSimata/ [uS."ma.ta] ‘remove’ /japIsaRa/ [jap."sa.Ra] ‘man’ /jaRakanuaRa/ [jaR.kan."wa.Ra] ‘ribs’ /jat1R1ta/ [ja."tR1.ta] ‘gather’ /jatukupI/ [jat."ku.pI] ‘back’
TABLE 25: Examples of Vowel Syncope
Occasionally, a vowel that is not expected to undergo syncope given the stress pattern of the root form is in fact deleted, as in (19).
(19) [sI."t1.ma] ‘thigh’ + [Si.Ru] ‘clothes’ −→ [sIt.ma."Si.Ru] ‘pants’
The syncope in (19) can be accounted for as conditioned by stress, assuming the word has been analyzed as a monomorphemic five-syllable word. The compound word would receive the following stress based on Omagua stress assignment: [sIt1ma"SiRu]
(see §§5.2–5.3). In this case, stress shifts to the intial syllable, leaving the root vowel
48 [1] unstressed, so syncope of this vowel is a natural development in fast speech.
8 Conclusion
This phonological sketch provides essential data on an underdocumented and severely endangered language, of particular interest for Amazonian linguistics, as well as his- torical linguistics and the study of language contact. In summary, we have provided here an overview of the segmental and prosodic phonology of Omagua, including de- scriptions of segment inventories, basic syllable structure, phonotactics, and stress assignment. We have found a fairly typical consonant inventory for the region, de- scribed common segmental processes such as nasal place assimilation and post-nasal voicing, and proposed an underspecified nasal consonant. The vowel system is ty- pologically unusual in being comprised of one low and four high vowels, for which we have provided minimal pairs and sample measurements. Nasal vowels occur in a small but consistent set of morphemes, which we have analyzed as containing the underspecified nasal consonant.
Omagua syllable structure has been shown to be relatively simple: in underlying forms, there are no consonant clusters, and the only coda is the placeless nasal /n/.
In surface forms, complex onsets are limited to stops followed by either a glide or
a flap, and codas consist only of nasals and glides, with the important exception of
the results of syncope in fast speech. Borrowings introduce a handful of additional
exceptions. We have provided an analysis of underlying VV sequences and described
49 conditions under which one of the vowels may surface as a glide. We have shown basic primary stress to be penultimate, with pitch, length, and intensity as phonetic correlates. Secondary stress is detectable in longer words, but its placement is variable and we do not draw firm conclusions as a result. It is likely that, due to the state of attrition of Omagua, clearer data of this sort are not obtainable. We have analyzed
final stress in one subset of words as due to weight sensitivity and in another subset as being lexically specified. Finally, we have presented evidence for a minimal prosodic word, and have described additional processes such as vowel hiatus resolution and syncope.
50 Notes
1Our sincere appreciation goes to Omagua speakers †Lazarina Cabudivo Tuisima,
†Manuel Cabudivo Tuisima, Alicia Huan´ıoCabudivo, †Lino Huan´ıoCabudivo, Amelia
Huanaquiri Tuisima, and †Arnaldo Huanaquiri Tuisima for patiently documenting
their language with us. We thank Lev Michael, Tammy Stark, and Vivian Wauters for
collaboration and contributions at various stages of this work, as well as Keith Johnson
and two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments. The fieldwork on which this
paper is based was funded by National Science Foundation Documenting Endangered
Languages award #0966499 Collaborative Research: Kokama-Kokamilla (cod) and
Omagua (omg): Documentation, Description and (Non-)Genetic Relationships. All
data in the paper come from the authors’ fieldnotes and recordings unless indicated
otherwise.
2A nearly identical system is present in Kukama-Kukamiria and was described
first by Faust (1963).
3URL: http://dx.doi.org/doi:10.7297/X28C9TDJ.
4URL: https://software.sil.org/fieldworks/.
5See §4.3 for justification for positing /kw/.
6Known borrowings in this table include those from Quechua (tSunka, waRanka, wawank1Ra), Portuguese (awaRinti, kaRankiSu), and either Spanish or Portuguese
(suntaRu). One non-Tup´ı-Guaran´ı,but otherwise unidentified borrowing is maSantawa.
7Abbreviations: 1 = first person; 2 = second person; 3 = third person; atten
51 = attenuative; caus = causative; cpl = completive; dem = demonstrative; dist =
distal; fs = female speech; hort = hortative; imp = imperative; interr = inter-
rogative; me = male ego; ms = male speech; opt = optative; pl = plural; pro =
pro-form; prox = proximal; purp = purpose; quot = quotative; recip = reciprocal;
rel = relativizer; sg = singular.
8Many of the enclitics with which =n can combine happen to begin with k,
such that the place-assimilation of =n is not always visible. However, in Kukama-
Kukamiria, in which a cognate to Omagua =n is more widely productive (Omagua
more frequently employs =mai), it is clear that the nominalizer place-assimilates, for example with the instrumental =pu.
9Interestingly, Kukama, Omagua’s closest relative, exhibits no such pattern (Cabral
1995; Vallejos 2016), and based on Omagua wordlists dating from the first half of the
nineteenth century, it appears that palatalization was not active (Marcoy 1866; von
Martius 1867).
10The surface form [sisa], and derivatives based on it, is the only example of [si] in
our corpus.
11In some cases two tokens of a given form do not exist for a given speaker, or there
is no form showing a particular vowel following a particular consonant for a given
speaker.
12From a comparative and historical perspective, these words regularly correspond
to a small class of words containing nasal vowels or nasal diphthongs in related
52 Tupinamb´aeither preceded or followed by a glottal segment (O’Hagan 2019).
13Lastly, we note that in careful speech, in which enclitics are pronounced separate
from the root with a slight pause, nasality surfaces on the vowel of the root (as when
the root is in isolation).
14There is one exception to this generalization /tRintSi/ ‘fork’, a loan from Spanish trinche.
15Note that, although it may appear to consist of a root /jumua/ and the causative suffix, /jumuata/ is monomorphemic, cf. Tupinamb´a/moPat˜a/‘stretch out, lengthen’
(Barbosa 1970:98).
16To elicit a nominal stem with =kana, the consultant was asked to repeat the entire utterance as if she were quoting a man, in which case tsI= 1sg.fs in (10) became ta= 1sg.ms. Note that background noise in spectrograms is due to high levels of background noise in the recording environment. Spectrograms and acoustic measurements were produced using Praat: http://www.fon.hum.uva.nl/praat/.
17Literally: /tIputi/ ‘excrement’, /SiRu/ ‘clothes’ (lexicalized).
18Literally: /sasawa/ ‘cross’, /-ka/ middle, /tupa/ ‘place’ (lexicalized).
19Literally: /jawaRa/ ‘dog’, /-wasu/ augmentative.
20Literally: /sIt1ma/ ‘thigh’, /SiRu/ ‘clothes’ (lexicalized).
21Literally: /jaRa/ ‘master’, /kanuaRa/ ‘bone’ (lexicalized).
22None of the female speech pronominal proclitics ever undergo coalescence; they exhibit only surface vowel adjacency or the deletion of the final vowel of the pronom-
53 inal proclitic. The corresponding fs proclitics are tsI= 1sg.fs, tsIna= 1pl.fs, ina=
3pl.fs. i= 3sg.fs has the alternant R= preceding a vowel. Second person pronominal markers are the same in the female and male genderlects.
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