Chapter I Geo-Political Features of Adil Shahi Sultanate

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Chapter I

Geo-Political Features of Adil Shahi Sultanate

Bijapur, a district in the present Karnataka state had been a Subah in the

Mughal Empire after 1686, a capital city of Adil Shahi sultanate, a tarf of Bahamani

kingdom during medieval Indian history. “Bijapur stands on the site of an old Hindoo

town, called Bichkhanhalli, and five other villages. There are still to be found some

inscriptions from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and some Hindoo columns of

victory, from which the name of the city is derived- Vijaya-pur, or City of Victory.”10

The Adil Shahi dynasty of Bijapur had been the most important rulers over Bijapur

plateau i.e. western Deccan plateau. Adil Shahi Sultans owed many things to their

predecessor i.e. the Bahamani Kingdom. The Bahamanis had ruled over the Deccan

for the period of 200 years. The ‘Deccan’ literally means the southern and peninsular

part of the great landmass of India. The Imperial Gazetteer of India defines the

Deccan, and says that it “includes in its widest sense the whole of peninsular south

India lying south of the Vindhya mountains and the Narmada river which separate it

from the north.”11

To understand the trade and commerce of Adil Shahi Sultanate it is

necessary to study physiographic aspects and soils pattern of the Deccan in general

and socio-economic aspect and revenue administration of the Adil Shahi Sultanate in

particular. An attempt has been made here to find out the correlations of

physiographic and soil patterns with the establishment of various strategic and

administrative units and important trade centers.

10 J. D. B., Gribble, History of the Deccan, London, Luzac & Co., 1896; reprinted, New Delhi, Rupa & Co., 2009, p.140. 11 The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol XI, Coondapoor to Edwardesabad, Oxford, Published under Secretary of State for India in Council, 1908, p. 205.

1. Physiographic Aspects

It is important to know the physiographic aspects of the Deccan, to

understand the particular space of the present study. “The peninsular region, i.e.

Deccan has five distinct physiographic divisions; the Western Ghats or the Sahyadri range with the coastal strip, the northern Deccan plateau, the southern Deccan plateau, the eastern plateau and the Eastern Ghats with the eastern coast region.”12

1.1 The Sahyadris (Western Ghats)

The Sahyadris, forming the western edge of the Deccan tableland,

commence in Khandesh (Maharashtra) south of the Tapti valley and runs southward

close and parallel to the West Coast for 1,600 km up to Kanya Kumari. Up to a little

north of Goa, they are composed of lava and have a typical Deccan Trap relief with a

steep craggy wall-like slope to the west and step-like mesas and buttes to the east. The crest line has an average height of 920m and it runs in broad curves towards east or west. Kalsubai (1646 m) and Salher (1,567 m) are two important peaks in the northern section. The passes of the Thalghat and the Bhorghat were the most important routes for inland trade. The inland routes are described with a map in the second chapter.

From south of 160 N latitude to the Nilgiri Hills, the Sahyadris are formed of

granites and gneisses, with more rugged topography. They are covered with dense forests and run closer to the coast. Their average elevation is 1,220 m and several peaks exceed 1,500 m – for example, Kudremukh (1,892 m) and Pushpagiri (1,714 m). The Nilgiri Hills, which the Sahyadris join near Gudalur, rise to over 2000 m.

Doda Betta peak (2637 m) situated near to Udagamandalam (Ootacamund) is the highest point.

12 Sherwani and Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit. Vol.I, p.3.

South of the Nilgiri Hills, the Palghat gap is a prominent break in the

continuity of the Sahyadris. “The gap is only 24 km. wide at its narrowest point and

144 m. high in contrast to the bordering ranges which rise to 1500-2000 m. At this

Palghat gap the Deccan highlands have their southern limit.” 13

South of the Nilgiri and beyond the Palaghat gap have an intricate system of

steeply rising hills. It includes the Anaimalai Hills in the north, the Palni Hills in the

north-east and the Cardamom or Elamalai Hills in the south. The culmination point of

these Hills is the Anai Mudi peak (2695 m)

The Sahyadris presents a very youthful topography with a steep scarp-like

face to the west. “The main watershed of the Deccan plateau runs through their crest

close to the West Coast. The rivers flowing eastward from the Sahyadris have broad

valleys and graded profiles right up to their sources, in contrast to the narrow gorge-

like valleys and steep gradients of the west-flowing streams. This has led some geologists and geographers to conclude that the Sahyadris have been formed due to down-faulting of a strip of country on their west in the Arabian Sea.”14

1.2 The Deccan Plateau

The Deccan plateau, lying within the framework of the Satpura-Mahadeo-

Mai-kala ranges, the Eastern Ghats and the Sahyadri, is slightly tilted towards south- east. The height varys from 300 m in the east to 900 m in the west. The Maharashtra

plateau in the north is formed of horizontal lava sheets which have led to the

formation of a typical Deccan Trap topography with mesa-like hills and ridges and

broad valleys. A number of finger-like spurs extend eastwards from the Sahyadris.

The most prominent among these are the Satmala-Ajanta Range between the Tapti

13 Ibid, p.4. 14 T.C. Sharma & O Coutinho (ed.), Economic and Commercial Geography of India, New Delhi, Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd., 1996, pp. 10-12.

and Godavari; the Harishchandra-Balaghat Range between the Godavari and Bhima; and the Mahadeo Range between the Bhima and Krishna, all rising to above 600 m height.

The Andhra Plateau to the south-east is carved out of Archaean gneisses. The northern area between the River Wardha and Pranhita is more hilly and forested, whereas the southern area is an undulating plain dotted with low hills and shallow depressions. This part of the plateau is extensively cultivated up to the coastal plains, but covered by dense forests to the east of Godavari “where it stretches in gentle grades to the crest of the Eastern Ghats.” In the beginning of the sixteenth century

Domingo Paes, a contemporary observer, records that this territory east of the

Godavari “is all covered with scrub, the densest possible to be seen, in which there are great beasts and [this] forms so strong a fortress for it that it protects both sides.”15

The Karnataka plateau is also built on the Archaeans. The north Karnataka

plateau is a rolling country below 600 m drained by the Krishna towards east. The

south Karnataka plateau is a higher surface, 600-900 m average height, drained by the

Cauvery towards south-east. The plateau rises south-westwards and merges in the

Nilgiris. “The Desh country up to Belgam is comparatively flat being studded with

sparse hills, and the terrain is open and easy for the movement of trade and armies.

But south of Belgam up to Dharwar and beyond, the countryside of the Desh

adjoining the Sahyadri ridge is hilly and wooded.”16

1.3 The Eastern Ghats

The Eastern Ghats form the eastern boundary of the Deccan plateau. They

are poorly marked than the Sahyadris and are in fact an irregular system of hills called

15 Robert Sewell, A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagara): a Contribution to the History of India, 1900, Reprint, Delhi, 1962, p. 236. 16 Sherwani and Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit. Vol.I. p. 9.

by different names in different areas. They exhibit true mountain character between

the Mahanadi and Godavari with a width of 200 km in the north and 100 km in the

south. Their average height in this section is 920 m. with several peaks exceeding

1500m. The highest point (1680 m) is in the Visakhapatnam district; Mahendragiri

(1501 m), is the second highest, point in the Ganjam district of Orissa. The ranges are

principally composed of khondalites and charnokites and covered by dense forests.

The Eastern Ghats again appear as continuous ranges in the Cuddapah and

Kurnool district of Andhra Pradesh. The most prominent are the Nallamalla Hills,

900-1100 m high, composed of quartzites and slates. The southern part of these hills is referred to as the Palkonda Range.

Farther south in Tamil Nadu, the system becomes more confused, individual ranges running generally towards west or south-west. They are called Javadi Hills in

North Arcot district, Gingee Hills in south Arcot district, Kollaimalai and Pachaimalai in Tiruchirapalli district, Shevaroys and Gondumalai in Salem district and Biligri

Rangan Hills in Coimbatore district. The last named attain a height of 1279 m.

Composed mostly of charnockites; these hills have a bold relief with steep slopes. “In the south along the Coromandel Coast the ports of Negapatnam and Porto Novo came under Bijapur control for a brief while late in the seventeenth century when that kingdom extended its boundaries from Jingi to Tanjore in the Kaveri region.”17

1.4 The Coasts

The mainland of India has a coastline stretching for over 4500 km. from the

Rann of Kutch in the west to the Ganga-Brahmaputra delta in the east. This coastline

is washed by the waters of the Arabian Sea in the west and the Bay of Bengal in the

17 Sherwani and Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit., Vol.I, p.24.

east; the Indian Ocean touches the southern tip of the land. The lowlands along the

Indian coasts differ widely in their structural and surface characteristics. Beyond the shores of the mainland, India has a number of islands. The islands in the Bay of

Bengal are mainly the elevated portions of submarine ridges that continue southwards from the Arakan Yoma Mountains of Burma, while the Arabian Sea islands are of coral origin.

1.4.1 The East Coast

In contrast to the plains of the West Coast, the East Coastal plains stretching from the mouth of the Subarnarekha to Kanya Kumari are much wider and contain many prominent deltas.

The Mahanadi delta has a smooth coastline fringed with sand dunes caused by strong wave action. South of the delta, the Chilka lake is 75 km long; it is cut off from the Bay by a long spit of sand hills enclosing it on the south and west. South of the lake, the Eastern Ghats run very close the coast reaching right up to the coastline in Visakhapatnam district. The combined delta of the Krishna and Godavari forms a prominent bulge in the coastline. The Kolleru Lake situated between the deltas marks the coastline of the past indicating the seaward advance of the plains. The plains extend up to about 100 km inland along the Krishna. This width continues up to

Madras. The Pulicat Lake, north of Madras, is a typical lagoon separated from the sea by the Sriharikota Island, an old beach ridge. At Pulicat, the Dutch established a factory during the seventeenth century with a warehouse for textiles produced locally and in the hinterland, and “where they refine saltpetre which they bring from Bengal and made the Gun-powder.” 18 The plains extend up to 130 km inland along the

Cauvery. In the Gulf of Mannar, between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka, there are several

18 Ibid, p.24.

tiny coral islands. Except to the Ganga-Brahmaputra delta and between Tamil Nadu

and Sri Lanka, the continental shelf along the East Coast is very narrow as compared

to that of the West Coast.

The East Coast has been more or less free from large upheavals during the

recent past; however, there are evidences of changes in some areas. Beach ridges,

sand dunes composed of decomposed zircon etc., brought by sea waves and lagoons

along the coast of Orissa indicate its emergence. Farther south, a thick bed of lignite

occurs at a depth of about 70 m. and there are archaeological evidences of

submergence along the coast of Tamil Nadu. The coast was traditionally known for

shifting sand shoals and banks, which posed a threat to navigation.

1.4.2 The West Coast

Stretching from the Rann of Kutch to Kanya Kumari, the West Coast has a

relief marked by a greater variety than the East Coast. The Kutch peninsula has sandy

plains interspersed with rocky hills. The landscape is arid or semi-arid due to low

rainfall. The great Rann, north of the Kutch, is a flat unbroken sun-baked dark surface

encrusted with salt. A few sandy or rocky islands covered with grass and bush breaks

the monotony of the otherwise flat surface. The Rann gets flooded during the rains.

South of Gujarat, the Konkan plains up to Goa is 50-80 km wide and much broken, interspersed by lateritic hills, some rising to 100 m or more. “The Konkan proper or Bombay Konkan ..., comprising the western coastal strip of Maharashtra, stretches a distance of about 350 miles from Daman to Vengurla.”19 The Thana creek

of the Ulhas River around the Bombay Island is an important bay providing an

excellent natural harbour on the southern side of the island.

19 Ibid. p. 17.

Farther south in Goa and Karnataka, the coastal topography, though still dominated by low undulating plains and lateritic hills, is more open and level than in the north. The Mandovi-Zuari creek in Goa is an important bay and indentation in the coastline. The Sahyadri recedes and the coastal plains become wider in South Kanara district (Karnataka).

1.5 Western Ports

During the sixteenth and seventeenth century the ports of northern Konkan, i.e., modern Thana district were including in the territories of the sultanate of Gujarat.

Of these Bassein came into the possession of the Portuguese in 1534 along with

Bombay, the latter developing into a good harbour after this date, especially after it had been ceded to the English. About thirty miles south of Bombay is Chaul at the mouth of the Kundalika River. A port of great antiquity, known to medieval Arab geographers as Saimur, Chaul had a large number of Muslims, mostly Arabs, who had settled here from the eighth century onwards. It was one of the first and one of the most important ports that came into the possession of the Tughluqs and later remained as a Bahmani port and still later became a part of the Nizam Shahi kingdom, finally passing into Adil Shahi hands after 1636. Late in the seventeenth century it was occupied by the Marathas under Shivaji. It was a great trading centre and had connections with the ports of the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf and the African coast and with other ports of the western coast from Gujarat in the north to the Maldives,

Ceylon and even beyond in the south and-east. There was a flourishing textile industry and the fine muslins of Chaul were in much demand in Persia, Arabia and elsewhere. Barbosa who visited it about 1510 says,

“it has great trade… a great concourse of ships is found here,

the most part of which are from the land of Malabar, and from many

other parts as well. The ships of Malabar bring hither spices, areca-

nits, coco-nuts, drugs, palm-sugar, wax and emery, all of which find

here a good market… and in return they take back great store of cotton

goods, cloth and other wares…and they take likewise wheat, grains,

rice millet and gingili (which is found here in great plenty), pieces of

fine muslin and calicos, which are woven in this kingdom of Daquem

[Deccan]. And they also bring the goods of Malabar, quicksilver,

vermilion and copper, which they purchase in the factories of the king

our Lord… It is used in the interior. The Portuguese too bring it here,

as well as much more which come from Mecca.”20

A little south of Chaul was Danda-Rajapuri, a well protected port under the shadow of the fortress of Janjira. During the Nizam Shahi days it was a place of considerable trade. Down the coast at the mouth of the Bankot creek was another port which Barbosa calls Mandaba which can be identified with Bag-mandla. Both these ports attracted ships and conducted trade as at Chaul. Albuquerque, in his survey of the coast line, was struck with the situation and potentialities of both Chaul and

Danda. In a letter of 1 January, 1514 to the king of Portugal he describes Danda as “a good place and the chief port for the carracks all to come to it, and has a very small island on which the Moors have a very beautiful fortress stands over ploughed fields of rice and flax and lies between Dabul and Chaul the place I have most desired of all those we have seen.”21 The Portuguese did not acquire a foothold at Dandarajpuri, but

20 M. Longworth Dames (ed.), Duarte Barbosa, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, London, Hakluyt Society, 1918; Asian Educational Services Reprint, Delhi, Vol I, p. 159-60; Albert Grey (tr. and ed.), Francois Pyrard de Laval, The Voyage of François Pyrard of Laval to the East Indies, the Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil, London, Hakluyt Society, 1887, Vol II, p.257-58. (Internet Archive). 21 Sherwani and Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit. Vol.I, p. 21.

about 1519 they succeeded in getting from Burhan Nizam Shah I of Ahmednagar,

permission to build a fort and establish a factory at Chaul.

After the dissolution of the Bahamani kingdom the Bankot creek formed the

boundary between the Nizam Shahi and the Adil Shahi Konkan. South of this creek,

at the mouth of the Vashisthi River, is the port of Dabhol, a trading centre during our

period and till the end of the seventeenth century. It became the most important ‘Adil

Shahi port after the conquest and occupation of Goa by the Portuguese in 1510.

Athanasius Nikitin, the Russian traveler who visited the Deccan about 1470, describes

Dabhol as “a very extensive seaport, where many horses are brought from Misr,

Arabia, Khorasan, Turkestan, and Neghostan.” 22 Thirty years later the Italian

Varthema describes it as a prosperous place and Barbosa, ten years after Varthema,

gives a good description of the port. “It has a very good harbour, whither sail many

ships of the Moors from divers lands, to wit, from Moca, Adem and Ormus (which

bring hither many horses) and from Cambaya, Dio Malabar, which constantly deal

here in good of every kind…Hence they send inland great store of copper, also much

quicksilver and vermillion dye; and from the inland regions great store of cloth comes

down…also much wheat and grain, chick-peas and sundry other sorts of pulses.”23

Further south was Sangameshwar, situated at the confluence of the Shastri and Sonvi

rivers, more than twenty miles above the mouth of the former. Till the middle of the

19th century the river was navigable right up to the Sangameshwar quay. During the period under study it was a port of much commerce with many ships from diverse ports. Diogo de Couto mentions its export of pepper and iron. It also seems to have

22 R. H. Major (ed.), India in the Fifteenth Century: The travels of Conti, Abd al-Razzak and Nikitin, the account of Athanasius Nikitin, London, Hakluyt Society, 1857, Asian Educational Services Reprint, Delhi, 1992, p. 20. 23 Barbosa, op.cit., Vol I, p. 165; W. Foster (ed.), John Jourdain, Journal of a voyage to the East Indies, 1608-1617, London, Hakluyt Society, 1905, p.198.

been a ship-building centre, and a certain class of ship used in coastal warfare

obtained the name of Sanguicel24 – a fast moving prow used for coastal patrolling

built at Sangameshwar. Thirty miles south-east of Ratnagiri and about fifteen miles

from the sea, at the head of a tidal creek, was Rajapur, which in the seventeenth

century was considered one of the best maritime towns.

Further along the coast towards Goa is Vijayadurg on the Vaghotan River

“within which are sundry small villages, with many very fair fruit gardens in which

they gather great abundance of betel [leaf] which they take on small craft, and take it

for sale of diverse places.”25 Kharepatan at the head of the creek was an important trading centre in the seventeenth century and is often mentioned as the best port on the Konkan coast. The creek was well protected by the ‘Adil Shahi fort of

Vijayadurg,26 at the mouth of the creek. Beyond Vijayadurg “there are other small places with harbours, where small Malabar Zambucos go in, to get cargoes of the coarse rice which is found there in abundance, also other pulses.… ”27 The next big

port is Vengurla, which rose to importance during the seventeenth century. The Dutch

obtained a concession from Muhammad ‘Adil Shah of Bijapur to build a factory here and they occasionally blockaded the Portuguese at Goa. During the sixteenth century

Banda in the Terekhol creek, two leagues from Vengurla, is recorded by Barbosa as a harbour where “they bring great store of provender and goods from the mainland, as also do many other ships of divers’ countries, by reason that the port is well sheltered, and has abundance of goods for export. Here the Malabaris take in cargoes of rice

24 Henry Yule and Arthur Burnell, "Hobson-Jobson: A glossary of colloquial Anglo-Indian words and phrases, and of kindred terms, etymological, historical, geographical and discursive" 1886. New ed. edited by William Crooke, London, J. Murray, 1903, p. 791. 25 Barbosa, op.cit., Vol I, p. 168. 26 V. Ball and W. Crooke (tr. and ed.), Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India, 2 vols, Indian edition, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1996, Vol I, p. 182. 27 Barbosa, op.cit., Vol I, p. 169.

(great store, great millet and other pulses of which they produce much): and hither the

Malabaris bring coconuts, pepper and many other spices and drugs, which have here right good sale. Many ship too come hither from Adem and Ormus.”28

A little further south of Vengurla is Goa, an international port in medieval times, where ships gathered from Indian ports as well as from the Persian Gulf, Red

Sea and East Africa, trading in different kinds of merchandise and horses. After the

Portuguese came to India the geopolitical eye of Affonso de Albuquerque was not slow to grasp the advantage of this island site, large enough to secure a food- producing base and with the defensible moat of the Mandovi and Zuari estuaries.

After an initial set-back Albuquerque captured Goa in November 1510 and it became famous as Golden Goa (Goa Dourada), at once a fortress and mart, and the

Portuguese made it a “Renaissance city” transplanted in the East. The occupation of

Goa and the naval supremacy established by the Portuguese in Indian waters affected the trade of the ports of western India and made Bijapur and Vijaynagar greatly dependent on the Portuguese for safe conduct for their shipping and their overseas requirement especially regarding the import of horses from Persia and Arabia into the ports of these two kingdoms.

South of the Kalinadi may be said to begin the Canara coast which, during our period, was divided into a few principalities owning allegiance to Vijaynagar.

Karwar on the south bank of the Kalinadi rose to importance as a port and a centre for pepper trade during the seventeenth century under the ‘Adil Shahi rulers of Bijapur.

Next along the coast was Mirjan, a small port doing local trade; and south of Mirjan was Honawar at the mouth of the Sharawati River. It was here that Ibn Batuta landed in 1342 and it was from this port that ‘Abdu’ r-Razzaq, the Persian envoy took ship

28 Tavernier, op. cit., Vol I, p. 184.

for his return voyage. Barbosa described it as a port doing much local trade in rice,

coconuts, oil, palm-sugar and palm wine, and about 1623 Pietro Della Valle noted it

as “a good port of indifferent capacity.” Twenty miles south of Honawar was Bhatkal,

the most important port of the Canara coast, serving the kingdom of Vijaynagar.

Barbosa notes that “here is great traffic in goods of divers’ sorts. There dwell both

Moors and Heathen, all given to trade. Many ships come hither every year from

Ormus to get cargoes of white rice (great store) and powdered sugar (of which the

land has great plenty)… They also take many cargoes of iron… There is also some

pepper and spices which the Malabaris bring hither. Here is great store of myrabolans of good quality, and of these they make a conserve in order to sell them to the Moors of Arabia and Persia… The Ormus ships, which come hither every year, bring horses in great numbers and many pearls. A few ships belonging to the Moors of Mecca

(Mocha) also venture to come to this spot to take in loads spices.”29 It continued as a

centre of pepper trade during the sixteenth century. Basrur, Mangalore and Kumblah

were three other Vijaynagar ports south of Bhatkal, the last named port forming the

boundary between Vijaynagar and the Kingdom of Cananore in the early part of the

sixteenth century.

29 Barbosa, op. cit., Vol I, pp. 188-89, italics in the original.

2. Soil Pattern30

A different variety of soil existed under Adil Shahi Sultanate. Hence the

study of the soil pattern provides the background to understand the cropping pattern

of the Bijapur Sultanate.

2.1 Black Cotton Soils

As the name indicates, these soils are black in colour and they are eminently suitable for the cultivation of cotton. In some areas they are also called regur. These

soils have developed over Deccan lavas, gneisses and granites under semi-arid

conditions and they occupy over 5.18 lakh km2 in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Madhya

Pradesh, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. In

the southern and eastern parts of the country where rainfall is heavy, black soils often

occur in close proximity to red soil, the former occupying valleys and low-lying areas and the latter higher slopes and hill tops.

Black soils are well-known for their fertility. They give reasonably good

yields despite continued cultivation and without proper manure. Since the content of

water-soluble salts is high, they are unsuitable for heavy irrigation. This soil is

suitable to produce cash crops like cotton, cereals and oilseeds like linseed (jawas)

and safflower (kardai), as well as many kinds of vegetables and citrus fruits, all of

which are well-suited to black soils. Very good results have also been obtained in

crops like sugarcane and tobacco and these items were very important from the

commercial point of view. On account of their moisture retentive qualities, the black

soils are ideally suited to dry farming.

30 T.C. Sharma & O Coutinho (ed.), Economic and Commercial Geography of India, op. cit., pp. 54-56.

Black soils are somewhat sandy, shallow and poor in fertility on uplands and

darker, deeper and richer in valleys and lowlands where they are also constantly

enriched by additions washed down from the hills. These soils are highly argillaceous,

very fine-grained and dark-coloured. They are sticky when wet and develop deep

wide cracks on drying, which helps in the process of self-aeration and absorption of

nitrogen from the atmosphere. An extreme degree of moisture retentiveness is another

chief characteristic of these soils.

In Maharashtra, black soils occupy a large area. On uplands and on slopes

the soils are light-coloured, thin and poor; the valleys and lowlands, on the contrary,

have deep clayey soils of dark colour. They are often more than 6 m deep in the

valleys of the Tapti, Narmada, Godavari and the Krishna.

Deep or medium black soils occur in various parts, which were included in the Adil Shahi Sultanates, mainly parts of Dharwar, Belgaum, Bijapur, and Gulbarga,

Raichur, Bellary and Chitradurga districts of Karnataka have black soils which are heavier and darker towards north.

2.2 Red Soils

These soils comprising red loams and yellow earths and derived from crystalline and metamorphic rocks rich in Ferro magnesium minerals occupy about

5.18 lakh km2 over the peninsula, reaching up to Rajmahal Hills in the east, Jhansi in

the north and Kutch in the west. They surround the black soils on their south, east and

north. Even in the main black soil zone, red soils commonly occur on slopes and hill

summits.

“Red soils can be divided morphologically into the red loams and red earths.

The red loams have a cloddy structure and a low content of concretionary materials

and the red earths a loose friable top soil and a high content of secondary concretions

of sesquioxide clays. These soils are generally characterized by light texture with

porous and friable structure, absence of lime kankar and free carbonates and presence

of soluble salts in a small quantity. They are neutral to acid reaction and deficient in

nitrogen, humus, phosphoric acid and lime.”31

These soils occupy over two-thirds of the total area of Tamil Nadu. They are rather shallow and open in texture with a low base status and deficient in organic matter and plant material. Almost all kinds of crops are grown on red soils, though they seem to be more suitable for the cultivation of rice, ragi, tobacco and vegetables.

Groundnut and potato can be grown on coarse soils at higher level and sugarcane on heavy clays at lower level. Red soils are airy and need irrigation support for cultivation.

2.3 Laterite and Lateritic Soils

Lateritic soils are formed under conditions of high temperature and dry periods. Formed in situ by the leaching of bases and much of silica from the original rock, these soils are characterized by a mixture of hydrated oxides of aluminum and iron. The soil consists of a honey-combed mass of iron oxides in nodular form which turns black after exposure to rain.

“The depth of the laterite murum layers varies considerably in different localities. On higher levels, these soils are very thin and gravelly, but at lower levels and in valleys, they are fairly deep and range from heavy loams to clays. Usually laterite soils are poor in nitrogen, phosphoric acid, potash, lime and manuring and

31 Ibid. p.56.

valley soils are found to be suitable for a variety of crops particularly rice, ragi and

sugarcane.”32

Lateritic soils occur especially on the summits of the Sahyadris, Eastern

Ghats, Rajmahal hills and many other hills in the eastern parts of the peninsula. They also occur at lower levels and in valleys in many areas. Parts of Chikmagalur,

Shimoga, North and South Kanara, Coorg, Belgaum, Dharwar, Bidar, Bangalore and

Kolar districts of Karnataka have laterite soils. Ratnagiri and Kolhapur districts in

Maharashtra also have Laterite soils.

3. Administrative Structure

Administrative structure has been discussed here to examine the role of

administration in land revenue collection and in the growth of trade and commerce at

various levels of the administration in the sultanate.

3. 1 Central Administration

The territory under Adil Shahi kingdom was ruled by a family of Turkish

origin. The head of the state was called the Sultan. In strict Islamic theory the true

king of any Muslim state is God. The Sultan is his agent on earth to enforce the divine

law as expressed in the Qur’an.33 The Sultan was thus the chief executive of the

Bijapur kingdom. The basis of his power was military and religious. The Sultan was a

military autocrat and the government of Bijapur has been described as a centralized

despotism. During the minority34 of a Sultan, or if the Sultan was weak and indolent,

32 Ibid. p.56. 33 D.C. Verma, History of Bijapur, Kumar Brothers, New Delhi, 1974, p.217. 34 Out of the nine Sultans that occupied the throne of Bijapur, six were minors at the time of their accession.

sovereign power was wielded by the nobles. During the minority of Sultan the Wakil

al-sultanat was generally appointed as regent and in that capacity enjoyed unlimited

powers. The nobles fought bitterly for power and civil wars took place on many

occasions. In normal times the Sultan was respected and obeyed by the nobles.

The ‘Durbar’ used to take place daily, except Friday, and occupied around

three hours of the day. It served the purpose of a council of state and was useful in

ascertaining the trend of opinion among the officers of the kingdom. It was open to

all. Anyone could come and lay his grievances before his sovereign. During the time

of Ibrahim Adil Shah II, ‘he started holding general court for eight hours daily and

settled the bigger and intricate affairs and problems of the people.’35 The proceedings

of the Durbar lasted till the time for the noon prayer. After it the Sultan retired for rest

for two hours. The rest of the day was utilized in discussing matters of state with the

ministers. On certain days the Sultan held a review of the troops in the morning.

The right of nominating his successor by the dying king was usually

recognized. In theory there was no hereditary succession and the office of the sultan

was within the reach of any Muslim who could prove his fitness. 36 During the minority of a king or when the king was weak and indolent sovereign power was wielded by the nobles. There were ministers to assist the Sultan in the work of administration. As the government was primarily of a military nature a minister

35 Fuzuni Astrabadi, Futuhat-i ‘Adil Shahi, unpublished English translation by Dr. P.M.Joshi, 4 Vols., available under Dr. P.M. Joshi Collection (5362-65) in the Library of IIRNS, Anjaneri, Nasik, Vol. IV, p. 105. 36 The removal of Mullu Adil Shah in 1535 A.D. provides an example of this kind.

possessing large number of armed retainers enjoyed special favour with the Sultan

happened to be weak.37

Though an autocrat, the Sultan needed advice on certain occasions. For this

purpose he had a large circle of advisers, many of whom were non-officials and they

constituted what is known as the Majlis-i-khalwat. Besides this body there were

ministers to assist the Sultan in the work of administration. These ministers had no

independent position. They were appointed by the sultan and responsible to him.

There number was never fixed and it varied from time to time. There was apparently

no clear-cut division of work and no specialization. Because the government was

primarily of a military nature, a minister possessing large number of armed retainers

enjoyed special favour with the sultan and very often wielded great authority when

the sultan happened to be weak.

The prime minister of Bijapur was called Wazir or Wakil al-saltanat. He was

the king’s deputy and his authority was next only to the sultan. ‘Of the nine kings

(Table 1.1) that occupied the throne of Bijapur six were minors at the time of their accession. During their minority the Wakil al–saltanat was generally appointed as regent and in that capacity enjoyed unlimited powers’. 38 Every branch of public

administration came within the Wazir’s purview and every man from the governor to

the servant had directly or indirectly to deal with him. In view of these wide powers

he enjoyed great prestige and was paid handsomely, large tracts of land being

37 Asad Khan, the minister of Ismail, had become very powerful and continued to enjoy his power during the time of Mullu and Ibrahim Adil Shah. His help was sought by Bibiji Khanam in replacing Mullu by Ibrahim. 38 D.C. Verma, History of Bijapur, op. cit., p.220.

assigned to him as his jagir.39 The Wakil al-saltanat was also the commander-in-chief of Bijapur army.

Table 1.1 Lists of Adil Shahi Sultans40

Sr. No. Name of the Sultans Year of Year of Death Accession 1 Yusuf Adil Shah (Khan) 1489 1510 Founder 2 Ismail Adil Shah 1510 1534 (Khan) 3 Mullu Adil Shah (Khan) 1534 1534 (deposed) 4 Ibrahim I Adil Shah 1534 1557 (Khan) 5 Ali I Adil Shah (Khan) 1557 1580 6 Ibrahim II Adil Shah 1580 1626 (Khan) 7 Mohammad Adil Shah 1626 1656 (Khan) 8 Ali II Adil Shah (Khan) 1656 1672 9 Sikandar Adil Shah 1672 1686 (Khan) (imprisoned) (1700)

Besides being in charge of the general administration, the Wakil al-saltanat was particularly the head of the finance department. In this capacity he was responsible for laying down rules and regulations for revenue settlement and fixing the rate of other taxes and for controlling the expenditure of the realm. In addition he had to superintend the civil servants. He was also responsible for the distribution of stipends and subsistence allowances to learned men and the poor people. He controlled the military establishment and all the requirements of the military

39 Every Wazir had a large tract of land as jagir. Mas’ud had retired to his jagir when he saw that Bijapur could not be saved from the Mughals; N. V. Parasnis (tr. into Marathi) and W. C. Bendre (ed.), Muhammad Ibrahim Zubairi , Basatin al Salatin, Mumbai, 1968, pp.516- 517. 40 Henry, Cousens, Bijapur, the Capital of the Adil Shahi Kings: A Guide to its Ruins, Scottish Mission Industries Company, Limited, Poona, 1905, pp. 16-17.

departments had to be referring to him. His subordinates kept accounts and disbursed

salaries of the military officers and troops.

Next to the Wakil al-saltanat was the Amir-i Jumla, the finance minister. The duties of this minister were mainly the supervision of finances. He maintained an account of the income and expenditure of the kingdom. He was in charge of annual payments made by the various jagirdars, also the revenue received from the crown land and the tributes from the vassal princes. ‘This office was, however, generally amalgamated with that of the Wakil al-saltanat and held by one person. During the reign of Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah I (1535-1558), Asad Khan (1535-154941 A.D.) was both

Wakil and Amir-i Jumla. The same thing happened in the case of Mustafa Khan

Ardastani and Afdal Khan Shirazi during the reign of ‘Ali ‘Adil Shah I (1558-1580)

and in the case of Ikhlas Khan and Dilawar Khan when Ibrahim II (1580-1627) was ruling Bijapur’.42

Amir-i Jumla had an assistant called Mustaufi al-mulk who had under him a large staff of Hindu clerks. The Mustaufi al-mulk was usually a Hindu and he kept the accounts and managed the revenues of the kingdom. The department of revenue and finances was, thus, always left in the hands of the Hindus and Muslims did not interfere with it. This was so because a special kind of knowledge was required for this department. Figure works and details of complicated accounts were left to people who had been doing it for generations.

The head of the royal household, though technically in charge of private affairs of the Sultan, wielded considerable influence on the administration. The royal

41 Asad Khan died in the year 1549 A.D., Muhammad Ibrahim Zubairi, Basatin al Salatin, Marathi translation, op. cit., p. 62. 42 Fuzuni Astrabadi, Futuhat-i ‘Adil Shahi, unpublished English translation by Dr. P.M.Joshi, Vol. 4, pp. 44-79 ; D.C. Verma, History of Bijapur, op. cit., pp. 221-222.

bodyguards and slaves functioned under his supervision. There were many karkhanas

or workshops which manufactured articles required by the king, the army and other

departments of the state. The royal stables had horses, elephants, camels and other

animals which were under the Controller of the Royal household.

3.2 Provincial Administration

As was the case throughout the country, land revenue was the most

important source of the income of the kingdom of Bijapur. For the purpose of revenue

administration, land was divided into four classes: 1. Crown land, 2. Jagir land, 3. the

principalities of Hindu chiefs, and 4. the land given away to Muslim scholars and

saints in gift (what was, in Mughal terminology, called altamgha or madad-i-ma’ash

grants).

The crown land was directly administered by the central government, kept

under the royal officers who were responsible to the king. For administrative

purposes, it was divided into sarkars, parganahs and villages. The Amir-i Jumla was

responsible for the administration of these lands. Land which was not under jagirdars

and tributary chiefs was divided for administrative and revenue purposes into sarkars.

Tieffenthaler, the Jesuit missionary of the 18th century who is regarded as one of the earliest European geographers to write about India in detail, mentions eleven divisions.43 These were: 1. Bijapur, 2. Deughi, 3. Ossa, 4. Sholapur 5. Dhar, 6. Sikhar,

7. Lakmir, 8. Gadak, 9. Balsar, 10. Badam and 11. Konkan. Tieffenthaler further

divides Konkan into eight parganahs based upon the information given in the Chahar

Gulshan.44 Bidar had four sarkars—1. Bidar 2. Kalyan 3. Ramgarh 4. Mandir. Thus

43 Ibid. p. 227. 44 J.N. Sarkar (tr. and ed.), The India of Aurangzeb, containing the Khulasat-ut Tawarikh and the Chahar Gulshan, Calcutta, Bose Brothers, 1901, pp. 155-156

the total number of sarkars in the kingdom of Bijapur after the annexation of Bidar

was fifteen. The sarkars were further sub-divided into parganahs, and maudas.45

Quite a large part of territory of Bijapur was given to the nobles as jagir.

Sometimes one noble was given more than one parganah as his jagir and these parganahs lay in different parts of the kingdom. An officer in charge of a sarkar was not necessarily given a jagir in that very region. Generally it lay outside.

The provincial governor exercised civil, military and judicial powers within his province. He had, however, to furnish an account of the income and expenditure of his province to the central government. He was also required to send military assistance in time of need. The governors were controlled by the prime minister and the sultan and in matters of revenue by the Amil-i Jumla.

Each sarkar had four officers. The head of the administration was called

Subedar or Sarhavaldar. He was in charge of the entire administration and was in fact known as king’s deputy or agent. In revenue matters he was helped by two officers who were generally Hindus. One of them was responsible for the collection of revenues and other for the maintenance of accounts.

In the far south, the earlier pattern established by the Vijayanagar Empire was followed. The Vijaynagar Empire had been divided into provinces and each province was under the charge of a governor called Nayak. After the battle of

Talikota, the central government of Vijaynagar practically dissolved and these Nayaks became independent. By and by most of these provinces were brought under the control of Bijapur but their chiefs were allowed to retain the territory as vassals of

45 Ibid. pp.227-28.

‘Adil Shah. The ‘Adil Shah never interfered with the internal administration of these

chiefs.

When the Bijapur rulers expanded further south, they found it difficult to

administer the tract directly. Hence these territories were not under direct control of

Sultanate, supposed to be independent, but shared some of the responsibilities and the

sultans satisfied themselves with an annual tribute only. “It must always be

remembered that the Mahomedan conquests, not only in the Deccan, but also

throughout India, were the conquests by a foreign army of the forts and strongholds.

The country itself was left untouched, and the fort once taken, it was either razed like

Vijaynagar, or a garrison being left there, the army marched on. The ryots were left to

till their fields as before, and the only difference to them was, that they paid their

land-tax to a Mahomedan, instead of a Hindoo landlord. The artisans and merchants

still plied their crafts as formerly, it was only the members of the royal families who

retreated before the conquerors. A large number of the landed proprietors were also allowed to remain, with authority to collect the land revenue on condition, however, that they paid a fixed rent to the Government.”46

The sarkars were further divided into parganahs which had three officers; the

Kotwal, the Deshmukh and the Desai. The Deshmukh was entrusted with the task of

supervising the collection of revenue. It was his duty to see that all revenue was

collected and nothing was left behind as arrears. The Desai was responsible for

keeping the accounts of the collection of revenue and expenditure and was required to

submit these to the minister in charge at Bijapur. The revenue officers, as mentioned

earlier, were generally Hindus and were responsible for the revenue administration of

46 Gribble, History of the Deccan, op. cit., p.205

43 the district. The numbers of parganahs in a sarkar are not known but in the Konkan there were eight parganahs.

3.3 Village Administration

The lowest unit of administration was the village which was in a way self- sufficient. The village had three officials — the patil or headman of the village, the kulkarni or the accountant and chowkidar or village watchman. These offices were hereditary. The patil was responsible for the collection of revenue and its transfer to the higher revenue authority. He was thus the chief revenue officer. Next to the patil came the kulkarni, invariably a Brahmin. He was the patil’s clerk and the village accountant and record keeper. He kept a detailed record of revenue payment, agriculture holdings and other properties in the village. The village headman and accountant were remunerated by means of in‘am lands. Besides in‘am lands, these two officers also received some minor perquisites in the shape of an annual supply of shoes, oil, vegetables, clothes, etc., from the various members of the village community. Besides the Patil, the village establishment usually consisted of twelve artisans necessary for the life of a self-sufficient village community. They are known in Maharashtra as the ‘balutedars’ or more correctly as ‘bara-balute’. The twelve artisans were the Mahar, who was the village watchman, the potter, the barber, the astrologer and the priest, the accountant, the Mang, who did the menial work and generally helped the village watchman, the Gurav or the person in charge of the temple of village deity, the goldsmith, the carpenter and the blacksmith. The number of balutedars was by no means fixed and it varied according to the size and needs of a village. These people were paid by means of the Baluta or share of grain. The system of Baluta implied the payment of village servant by an annual charge against the crops. The Baluta dues were to be paid by every farmer to each Balutedar. In return he

received from them free service throughout the year. This can be seen not just as a

form of traditional service, but also as a kind of indigenous trade pattern of the kingdom at village level, for it did involve local exchange, of both services and goods, and would not be changed even colonial period.

The State demand or scale of revenue was not based on any careful calculation and the ascertainment of the actual produce of the land. The assessment seems to have primarily been of a summary nature. We do not get any clear information about classification or survey of land but mention is made of the tenab or

measuring chain. Neither is any precise information available on the basis of which

the share of the state in the produce of land. Historians, especially during colonial

times (such as Gribble), tended to assume that, irrespective of the actual nature of

information available, revenue collection was oppressive and the peasant was never

allowed to retain more than half of his produce, the rest was taken away by the state in

the shape of revenue and other taxes. Some kind of revenue farming existed in

Bijapur. Some traces of it can be found as early as in the time of Yusuf ‘Adil Shah.

4. Socio-Economic Aspects

An attempt has been made here to locate the socio-economic structures of

the sultanate within the framework of Deccan economy as a whole.

4.1 Social and Religious Life

As said earlier, the majority of the population under Adil Shahi rule was

Hindu. Among them the caste system existed substantially in the same form as today.

Brahmans were the highest caste and they “were of great authority among the Indian

people.” They were, as even today they are supposed to be, at the top of the social

45 order. Their influence was and is due mainly to the fact that they were the priestly class, and all religious ceremonies, which form such an important aspect of Hindu life, could be performed only through their agency. They were the link between the bulk of the population and the ultimate deity. The social and religious importance of the Brahmans was thus founded on the religious beliefs of the Hindu society.

Besides being priests the Brahmans practiced as physicians. 47 Dr. Dellon who was in the Deccan about 1675, found that their method was rough and ready and that they had no knowledge of anatomy. “Their skill is confined to a certain number of receipts which they have received by tradition from certain of their ancestors.”

However, by constant observation of the diseases peculiar to the country they were able to remedy them in a much more efficient way than a learned foreign physician like Dr. Dellon.48 Moreover, each family had its own stock of medicinal herbs as cures for common ailments.49

The recreations of the people were of the simplest kinds. There were many types of itinerant entertainers who went from village to village exhibiting their art.

There were the snake charmers, the acrobats50 and wandering mendicants who recited stories from the Epics and Puranas and thus entertained and educated the people.

Cock-fighting was a common sport in the village of Karnatak.51 Big game was always

47 Arthur Coke Burnell (tr.and ed.), The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies, 2 vols. London, Hakluyt Society, 1885, first reprint by Asian Education Services, New Delhi, 2004, Vol I, 248. 48 Sherwani and Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit. Vol.I, pp. 401-02. 49 W. Crooke (ed.), John Fryer, ‘A New Account of East India and Persia (1672-1681), Hakluyt Society, London, 1909-15, reprinted by Asian Education Services, New Delhi, 1992, Vol II, pp. 80-81; Tavernier, op. cit., Vol I, p. 240. 50 R.C. Temple (ed.), The Travels of Peter Mundy in Asia, London, Hakluyt Society, 1914, p. 225. 51 John Fryer, op. cit., Vol II, pp.68-69.

available in the forests, but it was only royalty and nobility that went on hunting

expeditions.52

There were annual fairs or Jatras which gave the peasantry a much needed holiday and relieved monotony. There are many days in the Hindu year which are specially set apart for such celebrations. Friends from various parts of the country met on such occasions and exchanged gossip. Abbé Carré, a French traveller during his journey from Surat to Bijapur came across such fairs at two places; first is Khanapur in Kolhapur district on 5th January 1673 and Athni in Belgaum district on 10th of

Jauary 1673. He describes the amusement,

“I did not fail to visit all these entertainments, but as soon

as it was known that there was a Frank in the town [Athni], they all

ran to look at me, and insisted on showing me their rarest and most

clever tricks. Some exhibited terrible and astonishing magic turns, at

which they are very skilful in this country. Others were raised in the

air on two pikes with their stomach at the end of crossbeam. From

this height they threw themselves on to a bed of swords, daggers,

knives and similar weapons, with the points and edges upward

without hurting themselves. Others twisted their bodies into so many

postures that it seemed as if their bones were made of wax. Others

showed me certain stones of every shapes and colour, which they

assured me, with much talk, were efficacious against poison, snake-

bites, illness, and pains, and were in short a sovereign remedy for all

kinds of bodily infirmities. Then there arrived troops of dancing

girls, who are the chief attraction of such assemblies. They often

52 Ibid. pp. 69-71; Pyrard de Laval, op. cit. Vol II, p. 347.

make more by their dancing than the best merchants in the fair do by

trade.”53

Among Muslims some such occasions were known as ‘urs and they centred

round the tomb of some well-known saint. The tomb of the saint Syed Muhammad

Gesu Daraz at Gulbarga was a favourite shrine where annual fairs were held and

many Adil Shahi Sultans attended these celebrations.54

‘Kirtan’ was an important institution among the Hindus, it was divided into two parts; one part consisted of a story from an epic, but the main discourse was on a topic connected with it. Thus a ‘Kirtan’ was devised to meet the needs of both young and old. It was held in the village temple at night and lasted two to three hours.55 The

person who gave the discourse was known as Haridasa (servant of God) and he

moved from village to affording both entertainment and instruction.

4.2 Livelihood Pattern

The livelihood pattern during the period of study could be known from the

place where people lived, kind of agricultural production, other food resources and the

industries they had. Livelihood is defined as ‘a set of activities, involving securing

water, food, fodder, medicine, shelter, clothing and the capacity to acquire above

necessities working either individually or as a group by using endowments (both

human and material) for meeting the requirements of the self and his/her household

on a sustainable basis with dignity’. The activities are usually carried out repeatedly.

The study of these aspects of the economic life reveals the economic condition of the

Adil Shahi Kingdom.

53 The Travels of The Abbe Carre, op. cit. Vol I, pp.228 , 264-66. 54 Firishta, John Briggs translation, op. cit., Vol III, p. 46. 55 The literature of the poet-saints of the Deccan is replete with references to this social activity.

4.2.1 The Country and the People

The centre of the life of the kingdom was of course the capital, Bijapur. It

was one of the finest and richest cities in India in those days. Even Akbar’s

Ambassador Asad Beg, who visited it in the beginning of the seventeenth century, was struck by its grandeur and prosperity. Goa was one of the most important emporia of trade in India in the sixteenth century, but was lost to Bijapur soon after the

kingdom was founded. Other Adil Shahi ports were Dabhol, Vengurla, Rajapur and,

for some time, Chaul and Karwar on the Kanara coast; and after the conquest of the

south, Port Novo and Negapatam (present-day Nagapattinam) on the Coromandel

Coast. Inland mart towns included Raibagh, Hubli, Belgaum and Athani. Provincial

towns do not seem to have been of importance except in a political sense. Both Bidar

and Gulbarga, the two Bahamani capitals annexed to the kingdom, had dwindled to

the position of seats of provincial administration.

Most of the inhabitants of the kingdom were Hindus and a majority of these

were Marathas. The southern fringe of the kingdom was Kannada speaking and so

were most of the later acquisitions south of the Tungbhadra. Even today the Hindu

population of this region is in the neighbourhood of eighty per cent. The Muslim

population consisted partly of those who originally came in to the Deccan and settled

there, partly of the few converts and partly of the foreign immigrants who came and

settled there. Practically all the Muslims derived their livelihood from the state. They

were usually town-dwellers, while agriculture, the main occupation of the people, was

almost entirely in the hands of the Hindus. Trade and industry absorbed a certain part

of the population but the majority depended for their livelihood on the land. The

Marathas were to the Adil Shahi Sultanate what the Rajputs were to the Mughal

Empire, and their loyal support was essential for the existence of the kingdom. The

Adil Shahi Sultans recognized this vital fact and they strove to the utmost to win the

confidence of their subjects. Once the Marathas accepted the rule of the sultans they

looked upon the sultan in the light of their conception of a king, which was that a king

was ruler by divine decree. When Shivaji shattered this belief, the Marathas could

relinquish their support of the sultanate with clear conscience. They had always

occupied an honourable position in the state since the days of the Bahamanis. Many

Maratha families rose to power and influence under Adil Shahi rule, chief amongst

whom was Shahji Bhosale, the father of Shivaji. He entered the service of Bijapur

under Muhammad Adil Shah and rose to great eminence as a general and as an

administrator. Much of the credit of the Adil Shahi conquest in south after 1636 is due

to Shahji. The Nimbalkars of Phaltan and the Ghorpars of Mudhol had similarly

distinguished themselves in Adil Shahi service. Maloji Nimbalkar loyally supported

Ali Adil Shah I, at the battle of Krishna-Banihatt.56 The rulers of the former Maratha

states of Jath and Sawantwadi traced their origin to Adil Shahi days. Another

distinguished Maratha family in service of Bijapur was the ‘More’ family of Javli,

defeted completely by Shivaji in 1656. Besides these there were various other

families, Shirke, Mohite, Mane, Ghatage and Mahadik – still living and honoured in

the Deccan – who obtained place and power at Adil Shahi Court.57

Another branch of state service was exclusively in the hands of the Hindus, the revenue and account department. The Hindus, particularly the Brahmans, were adept at figures and all state accounts were kept by them. Brahmans had been in charge of the accounts since the day of the Bahamanis and this practice was continued

56 Sherwani and Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit, Vol.I, p.399. 57 James Grant Duff, History of the Mahrattas, 3 Vols. London, Printed for Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green, 1826, Vol I, pp. 68-71.

by the Adil Shahi as well as by the other Deccan sultans.58 Just as accounts were

exclusively in the hands of the Brahmans, the collection of revenue was entrusted to

Maratha officers. The revenue officers in the various parts of kingdom were thus

usually Hindus. But Brahmans also occupied other positions in the state. Garcia de

Orta noticed that they were employed by the sultans as treasures, writers, collectors of

rent and ambassadors.59 They were often employed as envoys and occasionally even as ministers: we have, in the 17th century, the famous example of the Brahman

brothers Madanna and Akanna, who were the most important nobles and ministers in

the Golconda kingdom, with the former being the Prime Minister of the sultanate.60

The Hindus possessed considerable administrative power and some political influence

in Bijapur as well as in other Deccan Sultanates. They also occupied high position in

the civic life of the capital. Asad Beg, the Mughal Ambassador, found that the

headmen of the various artisan guilds were Hindus, and that the counsellors of

Ibrahim II at the time of his meeting with the envoy were Hindus, Antu Pandit and

Lakhu Pandit.

Government of the state, therefore, was not entirely in the hands of the

Muslims. Ibrahim Adil Shah I, a staunch Sunni Muslim, showed great preference for

Hindus over the Muslims of foreign origin,61 while Ali Adil Shah I interested himself

in Hindus sannyasis and priests and used to delight in discussing philosophical

problems with them and rewarded them liberally.62 Ibrahim II even came under the

suspicion of being a devotee of the Hindu goddess of learning Saraswati, and he was

known and is still remembered in the Deccan by the Sanskrit epithet Jagatguru.

58 Firishta, John Briggs translation, op. cit., Vol II, p.177.; Vol III, p. 5, 49, 85, 99. 59 Sherwani and Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit., Vol.I, p.400. 60 Firishta, John Briggs translation, op. cit., Vol III, p. 39, 57, 206. 61 Ibid, p. 49. 62 Sherwani and Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit., Vol.I, p.400.

The Adil Shahi Sultans put into practice the tolerance which they felt towards their Hindu subjects. Hindu temples in various parts of the kingdom were given liberal endowments by these kings.63 Sometimes a Hindu noble would make similar endowments, 64 and this practice was not interfered with. Pandharpur, the centre of the Bhakti cult in Maharashtra, was in the Adil Shahi kingdom. The place was not disturbed by the rulers. It was Afzal Khan who did molest the shrine at

Tuljapur but such instances were rare. The Hindu priestly classes were left to practice their profession in peace; their hereditary rights were upheld and lands were given to them for their maintenance or arrangements were made with state officials by which they were given small cash payments. 65 Many of the grants made to the priestly classes by Shivaji were mere confirmation and continuations of those bestowed during the Adil Shahi rule.66

The general life of the Hindu community was left to itself and no attempts were made to superimpose the culture of the rulers on their Hindu subject. The traces of Persian influence on the Marathi language are a legacy of both Bahamani and Adil

Shahi rule.67 Such Hindu institutions as existed in the villages were left untouched.

4.2.2 Dress, Food and Housing

The dress of the lower class of the Hindu males was, as it still is, usually only a dhoti, while women wore saris. As a rule they were barefooted. The higher classes were better clothed. Brahmans wore a kind of long muslin gown called angrakha and a turban, with a length of cloth round their shoulders. The dress of the

Marathas was closely modelled on that of the Muslims which was itself more or less a

63 Ibid. 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid. p. 401. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid.

copy of that worn in other Muslim countries. Varthema describes the people of Chaul,

‘As to their dress, with the exception of some Moorish Merchants, some wear shirts, and some go naked, with a cloth round their middle, with nothing on their feet or head’.68 Over all it consisted of tight-fitting paijama, shirt and a large coat of silk or

cotton, pointed turban and two pieces of cloth, one used as a belt round the waist, and

the other thrown over the shoulders. Moreover, as the ruling class they were better off

than the average Hindu and could afford better clothes.69

Hindu women of the upper classes were very fond of ornaments and took pleasure in bedecking themselves with nose-rings, anklets, necklaces and bracelets on each arm. The women of the poorer classes who could not afford these found a substitute in glass bangles which they wore on their arms.70 Even men were not above

occasional gold rings hanging in the ears.

The houses of the people conveyed the same impression as their dress. The houses of the majority of the population were poor, mean structures, devoid of furniture. But the houses of state officials, merchants and the wealthy classes were

comfortable and well furnished. They boasted of cupboards, chests and bedsteads.71

One peculiar thing some of the travellers noticed about the furniture was that under

the leg of every piece there was a stone or wooden cistern full of water,72 a device

which was intended to keep off ants and other insects, and which continues to be used

in many houses in modern times as well. Another device in the domestic

arrangements was the use of cow-dung for spreading on the floor of houses. It was

68 John Winter Jones (tr.) and George Percy Badger (ed.), The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India, and Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 to 1508’ London, The Hakluyt Society, 1863, p. 114. 69 Durate Barbosa, op. cit. Vol I, p. 179,181; Ludovico di, Varthema, op. cit. p. 118; Linschoten , op. cit., Vol I, pp. 260-61,269. 70 Linschoten, Vol I, pp.247-49. 71 Ibid, pp.261-303 72 Ibid, p.303.

mixed with water made into a thick paste and the floor and sometimes walls of the

houses were dressed with it. This was popularly supposed to keep away certain insects

and was also considered a preventive against certain diseases.73 Pietro Della Valle

even thought of introducing this practice in Italy.

Among the Hindus, the Brahmans and Banias were vegetarians. Their staple

food was rice, millets, various pulses, vegetable of all kinds and ghee, other castes of

the Hindus were not forbidden to eat meat or fish. Fish was plentiful in Konkan; it

was eaten fresh and was also salted and dried to be eaten with rice. Fryer noted that

boiled rice, ‘nachany’ and millets were the common food of the ordinary people. In

Bijapur and in the Desh “desi jowari” bread with leafy and other vegetables was the

main food of the common man.74 Various fruits produced in the country and many kinds of preserves formed part of the diet of the general population, but they were of course not the staple items of food and their consumption is no indication of the standard of life. Muslims were meat-eaters, and wheat formed an important item in their diet. Altogether the Muslims’ diet was more varied and richer than that of the

Hindus.75

The use of metal utensils for dining was not common, Pietro Della Valle

describes, ‘as a tradition Hindu meal were served on banana leaves or on the leaves of

the banyan tree which were stitched together by means of fine pieces of straw or reed

cut very thin and sharp’,76 while curries were served in cups made out of similar leaves. The Muslims ate their food in a much more elaborate way and made use of

73 Sir William Foster, Early Travels in India (1583-1619), London, Oxford University Press, 1921, p. 14; Linschoten, op. cit. Vol I, p.226. This too is a practice that continues to be followed in villages. 74 Muhammad Ibrahim Zubairi, Basatin al Salatin, Marathi translation, op. cit. pp. 141-42. 75 Linschoten, op. cit. Vol I, p. 223; Vol II, pp. 11-12 & 26; Barbosa op. cit. Vol I, p.181. 76 Edward Grey (ed.), The Travells of Pietro Della Valle in India, 2 vols. Asian Educational Services reprint, New Delhi, 1991, p. 327; Linschoten, op. cit. Vol I, p. 225; Pyrard, op. cit. Vol II, p. 364.

metal utensils and china-ware. China-ware featured prominently in the royal household and specimens of various types can be seen today in the Bijapur museum.

The most popular after-dinner item among all classes was chewing the betel- leaf dressed with lime, catechu and betel-nuts; this habit was so popular and so widespread that even Portuguese men and women acquired it. It was not only an after- dinner habit; people chewed the ‘pan’ at all times of the day and royalty and noblemen had attendants who accompanied them everywhere with all the necessary materials for preparing ‘pan’.77 The betel-leaf also entered into the social life of the people. Etiquette demanded that a host should present his guest with a ‘pan’ before the latter departed. When a king sent an envoy on any mission he usually presented him with a ceremonial ‘pan’ to wish him success.78

4.2.3 Condition of the People

The agrarian system was undoubtedly oppressive to the cultivator; and

according to Moreland, the wages of the labouring classes were very low and their

standard of life in general was much lower than that of the peasant and labourer of his

day.79 No doubt there were occasional periods of peace and prosperity for the peasant,

Barbosa is enthusiastic about the condition of the Konkan peasantry. This was at the

beginning of the sixteenth century. But the picture soon begins to change; so that

about the end of that century Linschoten observed that the condition of the cultivating

classes was deplorable.80 The severe famine of 1630-31 told heavily on the economy

of the Adil Shahi kingdom and spread desolation everywhere, Even as kingdom was

77 Barbosa, op.cit. Vol I, p. 168; Linschoten, op. cit. Vol II, pp. 64-67; John Fryer, op. cit., Vol II, p. 110. 78 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, p. 68; Firishta, John Briggs translation, op. cit., Vol III, p. 27. 79 W.H. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, first published, 1920, (reprinted), New Delhi, 1990, pp. 279-80. 80 Barbosa, op. cit., Vol I, p. 166, 178; Linschoten, op. cit., Vol I, pp. 260-63.

trying to recover from this bleak calamity the Mughal once again turned their

attention towards Bijapur to be followed a little later by the unwelcome activities of

Shivaji. Thus for most of the two hundred years that he was under ‘Adil Shahi rule,

the peasant lived in perpetual fear of marauding armies of a hostile Sultanate, or the

Mughal or the Marathas, or sometimes even of rival nobles belonging to the kingdom

itself. Moreover, recurring wars had affected both agriculture and trade, and the

economic resources of the kingdom towards the close of the ‘Adil Shahi regime had

been considerably depleted. However careful the ‘Adil Shahi Sultans were for the

welfare of the peasants; they were never totally free from war. However, on the whole, the Konkan area was spared depredations and economy of that region

remained undisturbed.

It is quite possible that economic factors weighed with the Marathas when

they gave their support to Shivaji. Possibly, they thought that under a Maratha

government their economic conditions would improve.

4.2.4 Agricultural Production and other Food Resources

Food resources in the Adil Shahi Sultanate were region specific. Agriculture

was the main occupation of the people. The area of the kingdom may be divided,

agriculturally, into three regions, the Konkan littoral, the western portion of the main

plateau and the rest of the land. Each of these divisions had its distinctive crops. On

the whole Bijapur dominions were fertile and successive travellers have testified to

the richness of the soil.81 As pointed out earlier, the districts adjoining the Sahyadri

range are not so fertile as the other parts of the Deccan plateau.

81 Nikitin, op. cit. p.12; Varthema, op. cit., p. 117; Barbosa, op. cit., Vol I, p. 166, 178.

The principal crop of the coastal strip was rice of various varieties, the best

variety of which was known as ‘jiresal’.82 Tavernier had a very favourable opinion of

the rice at Vengurla. Besides rice the other food crop of the coastal territory was

‘nachani’, small millet with not much nutritive values. It was cultivated on the slopes

of hills in soil which was not fit for rice and was used as food by the poorer people

who ground it into flour and made bread from it.83

Commercially, pepper was the most important article produced in Konkan

and in the Kannada region during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The great

centre of pepper production was the region around Bhatkal and Karwar, but the

districts adjoining Vengurla and Rajapur also produced a considerable quantity of

pepper in those days.84 Though the country round Vengurla was renowned for its

cardamom, in the production of this article also the Kannada region round Karwar and

Bhatkal showed considerable superiority.85 Pepper and cardamom traditionally were grown together with the betel palm which yields the betel nut, production of which was also a special feature of the coastal territory from Chaul to Bhatkal. Two other articles produced exclusively in the coastal regions of the kingdom were coconuts and cashew nuts. The coconut palm is one of the most useful of Indian trees and

Linschoten calls it “the most profitable tree of all India.” The kernel of the nut was and is used in various articles of food. When dried it is known as copra and lasts for a considerable length of time. It yields oil which was used for cooking purposes as well

82 Varthema, op. cit., p. 120; Linschoten , op. cit., Vol I, pp. 245-46; Tavernier, op. cit., Vol I, p. 148; John Fryer, op. cit., Vol II, p. 76. 83 John Fryer, op. cit., Vol II,p. 76. 84 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol I, p.73; Tavernier, op. cit., Vol II, p. 11; The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol XXII, Samadhiala to Singhana, op. cit., p. 153,356; EFI, Vol X (1655-60), p. 240, Vol XIII (1668-69), p. 108. 85 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, p.87;Tavernier, op. cit., Vol I, p. 149, Vol II, p. 10; Sir George, Watt, The Commercial Products of India, London, published under, Secretary of State for India in Council, 1908, p. 511.

as for lighting. The shell of the nut cut into two halves was turned into drinking cups

and was also used as ladles with wooden handles. It was useful to the goldsmith in his

trade as fuel. The tree also furnished thatching materials for houses; coir ropes

extensively used in the ship were manufactured from it and also mattresses.86 The

cashew nut was originally brought by the Portuguese from Brazil and its cultivation

had taken root during the period.

Fishes of many varieties, “pleasant and sweet to eat,” were plentiful on the

Konkan coast. There were also many kinds of shell-fish. The fish was salted and dried

so that it kept for a long time. It formed an important item in the diet of the non-

vegetarian section of the population of Konkan.87

The staple crops of the Deccan plateau were various kinds of millets, most

important of them being ‘jowar’ and ‘bajra’. Among the pulses grown the principal

kind was ‘tuar’, but many other kinds of pulses including gram or chick-peas were

extensively cultivated. A certain amount of wheat also was grown in these regions.88

But wheat was not the staple food of the common people of the Deccan though the

Muslim aristocracy favoured it in their diet, and the ceremonial Hindu feasts included

many wheat preparations, and it is possible that under the Deccan sultanates the area

under wheat cultivation increased.89

The black soil of the eastern of the plateau is specially suited to the cultivation of cotton and is known as black cotton soil. Under ‘Adil Shahi rule there

86 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, pp.43-48; Sir William Foster, Early Travels in India (1583- 1619), op. cit., pp.13-14. 87 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, pp.11-12, 26; Pyrard, op. cit., Vol II, p.105. 88 Barbosa, op. cit., Vol I, pp.159-60,165; V. K. Rajwade, Marathyanchya Itihasachi Sadhane (in Marathi), Vol XV, pp.123-27; Imperial Gaxetteer of India, op. cit., Vol III, pp. 33-35; Imperial Gazetteer of India, op. cit., Vol VIII, pp. 166, 180-81. 89 Sherwani and Joshi, Medieval Deccan, op.cit., Vol.I, pp.406-07.

was a steady and regular production of cotton 90 which provided raw materials for the

prosperous centre’s industry situated in various part of the kingdom.

Sugar-cane was extensively cultivated in various parts of the kingdom and a

coarse kind of sugar was manufactured from it. The sweet juice of the sugar-cane, as

it was crushed in the mill, was a popular beverage.91

Tobacco was introduced into India by the Portuguese, which is about 1600

flourished in two limited areas: first, in the Tirunelveli region, and secondly in the

Krishna-Godavari region, where, by all accounts, it was introduced late in the

sixteenth century.’92Till the beginning of the seventeenth century, it was unknown in northern India, though in the Deccan it seems to have acquired a firm footing by them. Asad Beg, the envoy of Emperor Akbar to Bijapur, saw tobacco there for the first time.93 During the reign of ‘Ali ‘Adil Shah II it had became quite an important

crop from an economic point of view, and ‘Ali reserved to himself the right of

revenue derived from it, unlike other sources of revenue which were entirely in the

hands of the local jagirdars. Tobacco had come to be looked upon as an amenity of

life and Dr. Fryer found the Muslim gentry of the kingdom greatly addicted to it.

They used to smoke it through the huqqa.94

There were various kinds of fruits grown in the kingdom, but flowers do not

seem to have been plentiful. The most notable fruit of the country was of course, the

mango. Garcia de Orta found it “very toothsome” and Linschoten was pleased by its

90 Pyrard, op. cit., Vol II, p.136, 364. 91 Varthema, op. cit., p. 120. 92 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Political Economy of Commerce in Southern India, op. cit., p. 28. 93 Asad Beg, Wikaya-yi Asad Beg. Abridged translation by B.W. Chapman in vol. 6 of H. M. Elliot and J. Dowson., eds., The History of India as Told by its Own Historians. 8 vols. Allahabad, Kitab Mahal, 1964. Reprinted, 1990, pp. 165-67. 94 John Fryer, op. cit., Vol I,88.

“very pleasant taste.” Fryer spares no words in praising it. “When ripe the apples of

Hesperides are but fable to them; for taste the nectarine, the apricot and the peach fall

short.”95 The mango tree grew in abundance round Goa, in the uplands of the Deccan

and in the Kannada region. The mango, while raw, was preserved and pickled in

various ways and the pickles were used by the people as a savoury with their food.96

Besides the mango there was the banana or the Indian plantain and the

‘jambu’. There were orange and lemon and other citrus fruits and many kinds of

melons. Grapes grew in the uplands of the Deccan.97 The special Konkan fruits were

the jack-fruit and the Sitaphal.98 Two fruits which grew in the Deccan and other parts

of India were first brought to the country by the Portuguese, viz, the pineapple which

is known by the Portuguese name of “anannas” and the papaw or papaya.99 Fuzuni

describes the utmost use of fruits during the time of warfare, ‘Kamil Khan who was

one of the old servants of Nizam Shah once and was at that moment holding a high

position in the court of the king. ‘Ali ‘Adil Shah, and was the chief of the armies,

released the arrested persons, including Miyan Jamal-ud-din with 400 bags of fruits and sent them back to Nizam Shah. 100

The tamarind tree (tamar-i Hindi, the “Indian date”) was common in the

Deccan and the tamarind obtained from it was used in flavouring food. It was salted and preserved in sugar as a condiment. It was used for medicinal purposes as well and some quantities of it were exported to Persia, Arabia and Portugal.101 Ginger was put

95 Linschoten, op cit., Vol II, p. 25; John Fryer, op. cit., Vol II, p. 84. 96 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, pp. 25-26; Pyrard, op. cit., Vol II, p.367. 97 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, pp.30-34; Pyrard, op. cit., Vol II, pp. 364-65. 98 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, pp. 21-23; Pyrard, op. cit., Vol II, p. 366. 99 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, pp. 17-20,35; Pyrard, op. cit., Vol II,p. 365; Watt, The Commercial Products of India, op. cit., p. 66, 269. 100 Futuhat-i ‘Adil Shahi, op. cit., Vol IV, p. 165. 101 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, pp. 120-22; John Fryer, op. cit., Vol II,75.

60 to similar use as tamarind and was grown around Dabhol, in the Kannada region and generally all along the coast.102

Myrobalan was common both in Konkan and in the upland, Linschoten gave the names of five varieties which were grown in the region. Three of these were used only for medicinal purposes, one for tanning leather and the fifth for making condiments by preserving the fruit in sugar. There were many other medicinal herbs grown in the Deccan. A certain amount of poppy was also cultivated and opium produced from it was used for medicinal and smoking purposes.103 These produces were traded at local as well as regional and longdistance level.

102 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, pp. 78-80; John Fryer, op. cit., Vol II, p. 76. 103 Linschoten, op. cit., Vol II, pp. 113-14,123-32; Pyrard, op. cit., Vol II, p. 361; John Fryer, op. cit., Vol II, p.76.