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Chapter VI

Conclusions

Trade and commerce of Adil Shahi Sultanate was gradually increasing through various stages, but it reached to a height after the fall of Barid Shahi and

Vijaynagar. The establishment of Bahmani rule had removed ’s status as a remote frontier post, however, under the Bahamanis Bijapur never possessed the economic or political importance of and , the two Bahmani capitals.

Bijapur’s de facto independence (1490), from Bahmani authority could not suddenly transform the city into a notable centre of Islamic civilization. One political city had to fall or decline so that a new political city rose and grew in its stead. Bidar was declined in the last quarter of 15th century and Vijaynagar was destroyed by confederate Muslim states of the Deccan in the in

1565 and on its ashes raised the glory of Bijapur. By the end of sixteenth century

Bijapur had emerged as one of the major Islamic urban centres. The early seventeenth century saw the peak growth of the city’s population, on the basis of the estimation of James Campbell, two million of population was resided within and outside of fort of Bijapur. Under the aegis of Ibrahim II and Adil

Shah, Bijapur’s significance in all respects grew further and it became an important city of the Deccan. Migration of Qadiri Sufis into the Bijapur during this period could be seen as an important indicator of urbanization.

After the fall of Vijaynagar the resources of sultanate increases and Karwar,

Honawar and Bhatkal came in their possession which helps to boost up their trade and

548 J.D.B., Gribble, History of the Deccan, op. cit. p.249.

235 commerce. When the Sultanate extended up to the Coromandel Coast, there was more access to the trade and commerce network along the coast as well.

The Adil Shahi sultanate struck coins in gold, silver and copper. Hence the

Adil Shahi was the only dynasty of the post Bahmani period to issue coins in all three metals. Dabul [] is the only mint known to the Adil Shahi coins, appears only in silver coin larin. Other than larin no coin bears the mint name. Coins of Bahmani,

Vijaynagar, Mughal, Marathas etc. were also in current. Larin of silver was an important coin of sultanate. European Companies and every substantial merchant had to secure pagodas for their trade. They could do this in a variety of ways. They could import unminted gold and take it to the nearest mint to the port where they wanted to make their investment. Alternatively, if they had bought different types of coins, they could take these coins to the sarrafs, the money-changers and exchange them for the coins current in the Sultanate. However, it seems that the markets, especially at the ports, did accept a variety of coins, for we find references in the European records to the availability of Dutch florins, Venetian ducats and many other coins.

We also get information about the involvement of various Bijapuri nobles in the external trade of the Sultanate. Khwaja Noor, the Bijapuri ambassador to during 1620, is frequently mentioned in Portuguese records as someone who was using his official position to trade from Goa, which was against the Portuguese monopoly of trade. A ship belongs to Ekhlas Khan was captured in the Straits of

Hormuz for not carrying a cartaz on 18 July 1644. Mir Kamaluddin Mazendarani an astute politician was also involved in such trade. The English records show that he kept his relations with all the companies on a sound footing, rendering services to them, but expecting services in return. Such activities can be seen in areas that were not part of the Bijapur Sultanate as well. For example, Mange Nayak, Rama Kini and

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Vithala Sinai who in the seventeenth century traded in pepper and rice from the ports

of Bhatkal and Basrur had great influence in the Ikkeri court.

Another such political merchant on the Coromandel was Khan-i-Khanan, the

Bijapur general and governor of Karnatak. When the Bijapur regime secured control

of South Coromandel ports and Khan-i-Khanan became governor of coastal lands, he

involved extensively in overseas trade, owning ships and having merchants trade on

his behalf. Krishnappa, the commander of the armed forces of the Nayak of Jinji, was

also in a similar position; he secured administrative control over the ports of Porto

Novo, and Devanampatnam in the 1640s and used his position to invest in trade. He had prominent Coromandel merchants, Chinnanna, his brother

Latchemanaiyah, his nephew Koneri Chetty managing his interests. The activities of

Khwaja Noor, Ekhlas Khan, Mir Kamaluddin Mazendarani and Mange Nayak, Rama

Kini and Vithala Sinai, Khan-i-Khannan and Krishnappa have been briefly analysed within the framework of the theory of Portfolio capitalism.

The administrative units of the Sultanates particularly crown districts or muamalas were important from the trade and commerce point of view. The geographical location of these places shows that, they were established in the regions of confluence of important rivers (e.g. Sandalapur, Raichur, Torgal and Bankapur), in the valleys (e.g. and ), in port areas (e.g. Goa and Chaul), and in important traffic centres (Kalyan and Bhivandi); they would be scattered along the frontiers rather than in the inner territories. In other words, muamalas were created in such regions where, soils were fertile for agriculture with good facilities of water, important in trade and traffic, and vital for military strategy. Similarly qalah districts were established in the confluent areas of important rivers (Badami and Shahdurg), in their valleys (Kopal, , Satara, Mandan and Chandan), or in the strategically

237

important regions along the (Wasota, Parari, Raher or Rohira, Rajgad

and Kondhana). In short, we may say that muamala and qalah districts were situated

in zones which were important, both financially and militarily. Such secured places provided necessary atmosphere for the growth of trade and commerce.

Devanampatnam, Puduchery, Porto Novo and Cuddalore were important

Adil Shahi ports on Coromandel. These ports were having good business during the early decades in the second half of the seventeenth century. Textile trade from these ports appears to have operated in two ways. There was firstly a bilateral trade directly between these ports and the ports of various regions where these goods were marketed. These were in mainland and island South East Asia. In this bilateral trade

Coromandel textile were exported to these ports by Coromandel merchants, or by merchants of these particular regions and in return into Coromandel were imported a variety of products of these regions. A second trading pattern was where Coromandel textile became a link in a trade cycle which embraced the Mediterranean, the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, western , Malabar and Coromandel, Malacca, Java and the

Spice Islands. In this trade Coromandel textile were used to barter for the spices of

Moluccas or to acquire purchasing power for the acquisition of spices for the

Mediterranean and West Asian markets.

The arrival of the Portuguese on the west coast and Indian Ocean put some limitations on the Sultanate’s sea-borne trade, but at the same time, can be also seen to have provided some additional prospects with their established trade network.

The sources show that the Bijapur state also pursued policies to attract

Dutch investment to the southern Coromandel districts. With the Farman of May

1651, the Dutch were permitted to purchase cloth, indigo, saltpetre and other goods in the Jinji province and transport them to the ports of Devanampatnam, Puduchery,

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Porto Novo and others on payment of half the embarkation duty of 2 ½ per cent.

Similar policies were also adopted while giving permission to establish a factory at

Puduchery to the French in 1674.

Continuous warfare among Deccani Sultanates and with Vijaynagar,

Mughal, Marathas and Portuguese were the constant activities of this period, hence horses were the important need for the cavalry, resulted in the demand of the horses.

During the early decades of the second half of the seventeenth century Adil

Shahi Sultanate had control over the ports of both the coast. The kingdom was at its height of prosperity. A populated, productive and well-administered hinterland was a necessary ingredient to the continuation of the processes of trade and commerce. This precondition was fulfilled in varying degrees during the better part of the study. The geography of the area and its settlement pattern were such that communication between ports and interior markets were easy and reasonably well protected by the forts across the Western Ghats region. A north-south and an east-west grid of trade routes, roads and pathways usable through most of the year, except the short period when the monsoon was at its height, provided the link between ports and markets. The advantage of trade and access to overseas market were kept favourable by the state’s policies to trade. However, after the loss of some of western ports and nearby territories to , Coromandel trade sustained Adil Shahi economy up to certain level. But when the hold on Coromandel ports and other area was loosening the

Sultanate found it difficult to retain its trade prosperity.

Adil Shahi Sultanate failed to control over Goa, strategically the most important outlet on the west coast for the overseas trade. The loss of Goa was vital factor for the trade and commerce of the sultanate. As compare to the study of trade and commerce of India, this study is though minor one, but relevant in the present

239 situation of the country and would guide for the protection of strategic trade centres from the outward influence.

Bijapur seems to have retained some amount of economic importance in the initial decades of the eighteenth century as well. Mughal records indicate the importance of the parganas of Balaghat and Hyderabad Karnatak, both formerly in the

Bijapur sultanate, from the point of view of revenue collection. However, in the course of the century, as the Deccan increasingly became the scene of wars, the region began to lose its importance. The flourishing economic structures of the earlier century were gradually lost, and as the colonial system became more entrenched, the economy of this region too was made part of the larger colonial, but agrarian based, economy of the country as a whole.

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105. Subrahmanyam, Sanjay ed., Merchants, Markets & the State, New

Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1990.

106. Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, The Political Economy of Commerce:

Southern India 1500-1650, Cambridge University Press, (First South

Asian Edition), Delhi, 2004.

107. Subrahmanyam, Sanjay and Stein, Burton (ed.), Money and the Market

in India, 1100-1700, Delhi: Oxford University Press, (Series: Themes

in India), 1994.

108. Teotonio D’souza, (ed.), Essays in Goan History, Concept Publishing

Company, New Delhi, 1989.

109. Vandenbosch, Amry, ‘The Dutch East Indies, California, 1944.

110. Verma, D.C., History of Bijapur, New Delhi, Kumar Brothers, 1974.

111. Watt, Sir George, The Commercial Products of India, London,

published under, Secretary of State for India in Council, 1908.

254

112. Wilson, H.H., A Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, London,

W.H. Allen & Co., 1855.

113. Yazdani, Ghulam, ‘Bidar-its History and Monuments’, Oxford, 1947.

114. Yule, Henry and Burnell, Arthur, “Hobson-Jobson: A glossary of

Colloquial Anglo-Indian words and phrases, and of kindred terms,

etymological, historical, geographical and discursive” 1886. New ed.

edited by William Crooke, London, J. Murray, 1903.

II. Numismatic Journals and News Letters

1. Indian Numismatic Chronicles

2. Journal of Numismatic Society of India

3. Numismatic Studies

4. Numismatic Supplements

III. Thesis (Unpublished)

1. Joshi, P. M., ‘The Kingdom of Bijapur’, University of London, 1936.

2. Sequera, A.J.A., ‘Relations between Portuguese and the Sultanates of

Bijapur’, University of Bombay, Thesis No.221.

IV. Major/Minor Research Projects (Unpublished)

1. Kulkarni Sumitra, Qasbas (small towns) in the Maratha Country (with

special reference to Maharashtra), (unpublished), a major project

funded by BCUD, Pune University, December 2008.

255

V. Gazetteers

1. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol VIII, Berhampre to Bombay,

Oxford, Published under Secretary of State for India in Council, 1908.

2. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol XI, Coondapoor to

Edwardesabad, Oxford, Published under Secretary of State for India in

Council, 1908.

3. The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol XXII, Samadhiala to Singhana,

Oxford, Published under Secretary of State for India in Council, 1908.

4. District Gazetteer, Maharashtra State Gazetteers, Bombay,

Directorate of Government Printing, Stationary and Publications,

Maharashtra State, 1962.

5. District Gazetteer, Maharashtra State Gazetteers, Bombay,

Directorate of Government Printing, Stationary and Publications,

Maharashtra State, 1960.

6. Satara District Gazetteer, Maharashtra State Gazetteers, Bombay,

Directorate of Government Printing, Stationary and Publications,

Maharashtra State, 1963.

7. Kolaba District Gazetteer, Maharashtra State Gazetteers, Bombay,

Directorate of Printing and Stationary, Maharashtra State, 1964.

8. Sholapur District Gazetteer, Maharashtra State Gazetteers, Bombay,

Gazetteers Department, Government of Maharashtra, 1962.

9. Shimoga District Gazetteer, Karnataka State Gazetteers, ,

Directorate of Government Printing, Stationary and Publications,

Karnataka State, 1975.

256

10. Gazetteer, Mysore State Gazetteers, Bangalore,

Directorate of Government Printing, Stationary and Publications, at the

Government Press, 1970.

11. South Kanara District Gazetteer, Karnataka State Gazetteers,

Bangalore, Directorate of Government Printing, Stationary and

Publications, at the Government Press, 1973.

12. Gazetteer, Karnataka State Gazetteers, Bangalore,

Printed by the Directorate of Government Printing, Stationary and

Publications, at the Government Press, 1977.

13. Uttara District Gazetteer, Karnataka State Gazetteers,

Bangalore, Printed at V. B. Soobbiah & Sons, 1985.

14. District Gazetteer, Karnataka State Gazetteers, Bangalore,

Printed at V. B. Soobbiah & Sons, 1987.

15. Bellary District Gazetteer, Mysore State Gazetteers, Bangalore,

Directorate of Government Printing, Stationary and Publications, at the

Government Press, 1972.

16. Gazetteer, Mysore State Gazetteers, Bangalore,

Directorate of Government Printing, Stationary and Publications, at the

Government Press, 1966.

17. Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol XV, Part II, Kanara,

Government Central Press, Bombay, 1883.

VI. Articles

1. Afonso, John Correa, “Bijapur Four Centuries Ago as Described in a

Contemporary Letter,” Indica, I, No. I, March 1964.

257

2. Beg, Azmat Ali, ‘Aurangzeb’s Second Viceroyalty of the Deccan and

His Relations with Bijapur’, Islamic Culture, Hyderabad, January

1974.

3. Basu, K. K., ‘Bijapuri Court Letters’, Journal of Bihar Orissa Research

Society, XXVII (2), 1939.

4. Gopal, Surendra, ‘Aspects of Indo-Persian Trade in the 17th Century’,

Proceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commission, 1969.

5. Heras, H., ‘Some Unknown Dealings between Bijapur and Goa’,

Proceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commission, VIII,

November, 1925.

6. Joshi, P. M., “Some Notes on the Textile Industry of the Kingdom of

Bijapur,” Proceeding of 7th Indian History Congress (1944).

7. Joshi, P. M., Muhammas Adil Shah (1627-1656) and the Portuguese,

Journal of the Indian History, Trivendram, 33. 1955 (1956).

8. Joshi, P. M., John van Twist’s Mission to Bijapur, 1637, Journal of the

Indian History, Trivendram, 24. 1956 (1957).

9. Khare, G. H., ‘Some More Information on the Hons of Muhammad

Adil Shah’ Bombay, Journal of Numismatic Society of India, Vol XVI,

Part, I, 1954.

10. Moin, Danish, ‘The Coinage of Deccan Sultans: Some Observations’,

Numismatic Studies, Vol. VI.

11. Pissurlekar, Panduranga, ‘The Attitude of the Portuguese towards

Shivaji during the Campaign of and Jai Singh’,

Proceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commission, IX,

December 1926.

258

12. Sastri, K. A., Nilakanta, ‘Two Nagapatnam Grants from the Batavia

Museum’, Proceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commission,

XIV, December, 1937.

13. Srinivasachari, C.S., ‘Shahji and His Achievement in the Carnatic’,

Proceedings and Transactions of All India Oriental Conference, 1973.

14. Tamaskar, B. G., ‘Malik Ambar and the Portuguese’, Journal of Bihar

Research Society, XXXIII, (1, 2), 1939.

15. Taylor, G.P., ‘On the Bijapur Lari or Larin’, Journal of the Asiatic

Society of Bengal, December, 1910.

16. Varadrajan, Lotika ‘Konkan Ports and Medieval Trade’ Indica, Vol 22,

No 1, March 1985.

259