sign in sign up
<<
Home , Kalaw Lagaw Ya, Kunjen language, Mabuiag, Mua people, Resultative, Torres Strait Creole

Memoirs of the Museum | Culture

Volume 8 Part 1

Goemulgaw Lagal: Natural and Cultural Histories of the Island of Mabuyag, . Edited by Ian J. McNiven and Garrick Hitchcock

Minister: Annastacia Palaszczuk MP, Premier and Minister for the Arts CEO: Suzanne Miller, BSc(Hons), PhD, FGS, FMinSoc, FAIMM, FGSA , FRSSA Editor in Chief: J.N.A. Hooper, PhD Editors: Ian J. McNiven PhD and Garrick Hitchcock, BA (Hons) PhD(QLD) FLS FRGS Issue Editors: Geraldine Mate, PhD

PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE BOARD 2015 © Queensland Museum PO Box 3300, South 4101, Phone: +61 (0) 7 3840 7555 Fax: +61 (0) 7 3846 1226 Web: qm.qld.gov.au

National Library of Australia card number ISSN 1440-4788

VOLUME 8 IS COMPLETE IN 2 PARTS

COVER Image on book cover: People tending to a ground oven (umai) at Nayedh, Bau village, Mabuyag, 1921. Photographed by Frank Hurley (National Library of Australia: pic-vn3314129-v).

NOTE Papers published in this volume and in all previous volumes of the Memoirs of the Queensland Museum may be reproduced for scientific research, individual study or other educational purposes. Properly acknowledged quotations may be made but queries regarding the republication of any papers should be addressed to the CEO. Copies of the journal can be purchased from the Queensland Museum Shop.

A Guide to Authors is displayed on the Queensland Museum website qm.qld.gov.au

A Queensland Government Project Design and Layout: Tanya Edbrooke, Queensland Museum Printed by Watson, Ferguson & Company Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the language of our homeland

Rod MITCHELL Mitchell, R. 2011: Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the language of our homeland. Memoirs of the Queensland Museum – Culture 8(1):323-446. Brisbane. ISSN 1440-4788. Something like over a quarter of the speakers of the Western and Central Language of Torres Strait speak the dialect. The language may have started its formation as early as over 2600 years ago, through the colonisation of Torres Strait by a mixed South-East Papuan Austronesian and East Trans-Fly Papuan group, who overlaid local Paman on the western and southern islands. Though the language is Australian, it has been heavily influenced by both Papuan and . Typologically the language is between the Paman and South-Central/ Eastern-Trans Fly . It is on the continuum between declensional and agglutinative in morphology and has A O V // S V . Case inflections are suffixed to nominals to mark their syntactic role in the clause. stems are modified to show attainative versus active telicity, number, aspect, mood and tense. encodes singular, dual and . There are two genders, masculine and feminine, marked only on the singular, which for non humans encode cultural significance (masculine) and innate significance (feminine). A complex agglutinative system of deictics also exists. There is a range of speech styles, much of which has a direct ancestry in pre-colonisation times – formal, archaic, poetic, joking, colloquial, “baby” language, and so on. Though there is a tradition of over a century of writing in the language, starting with the mission schools in the 1870s, education through the language has been sadly ignored by educationalists, and the language faces all the typical problems of those spoken by indigenous minorities  Australian Paman, East Trans-Fly Papuan, Austronesian, Mixed Languages, Minority Languages, Australian Indigenous Languages, Torres Strait Languages, language contact

Rod Mitchell Brighton, United Kingdom [email protected]

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 323 Rod Mitchell

This work endeavours all too briefly to The third part, The Language, presents the describe Kalaw Lagaw Ya within its own forms of the language itself from a linguistic terms as well as it being a part of the perspective, moving from the sound system language of the Western and Central Islands (, , glides), the description of Torres Strait. The only works in the past of the word, including , syllabification that have taken such an encompassing view and word shortening, intonation, parts were Ray and Haddon (1897) and Ray (1907), of speech, morphology and , case other works being descriptions of parts marking categories, gender, verb formation, of individual dialects or sketch grammars derivation, compounding and collocation, thereof, such as Bani and Klokeid (1971 – tense, aspect, mood, verb number, the role Kalaw Lagaw Ya), Comrie (1981 – Kalaw of the verb and nominal in syntax, such as Kawaw Ya), Kennedy (1981, 1985a, 1985b – , and modality, a discussion Kalaw Kawaw Ya) and Ford and Ober (1991 of non-declining parts of speech such as – Kalaw Kawaw Ya). Mitchell (1995) differs word and clause modifiers, and all too brief somewhat in being a detailed description of notes on various aspects of clause syntax. the phonology and morphology of all the It differs from most earlier works in taking dialects as well as being an initial approach into account the underlying forms of words to historical and comparative linguistics. and how the surface forms derive from these. The first part of the present work, The Western This part closes with an overview of how the and Central Language of Torres Strait – Kalaw language varies within society as reflected in Lagaw Ya, gives an overview of the language, its speech styles. the relationships between the dialects, the The work makes no claim to exhaustion, pre- and post-colonisation history of contacts and there is still much work to be done on and relationships with neighbouring peoples and outsiders. Within and departing from the language. this discussion this will be a summary of the Ngath mura Mabuygilgaka a Badhulgaka history of writing the language. mina kœyma eso pœybayka, ngaw The Torres Strait Area Languages and ngœnakapungu, nithamun iibupuydhayka Peoples, the second part, deals with the a nithamun kapu wakaythamamka. Inaabi relationships between the peoples of the thusi nithamun yangukuduw yakamzinga, area, and their languages, from the end nithamun lagaw yangu minarpœlayzinga. of the Ice Age to the present. This has been Kay paypa kulay nithamun gaar Athen a complex for around the last 2800 years, with Akana ya a wakay a wakaythamam Kalaw Australian Paman, East Trans-Fly Papuan and Lagaw Yadun umamikœruyg, kaybaw South-East Austronesian Papuan peoples in thonara nithamun ya a wakay a wakaythamam particular playing important roles. Clues from matha Kalaw Lagaw Yadun umamika – a archeology, human biology, folk history and bangal ingaru nithamun kaziw kaziw ya a comparative linguistics will be all-too briefly wakay a wakaythamam matha umikœruyg. presented to give a very broad overview of Awgadhaw wœnab a paawdha nithamuniya, the evolution of the language. a ngalpuniya muraray.

324 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

CONVENTIONS AND ABBREVIATIONS Kauřařaigau Ya, for which the abbreviation OKY will be used for specific reference; The conventions used here-in will be those Kaiwalgau Ya, KY, refers to the modern form normally used in linguistic works of this of the dialect. English translations are in italics. type. Reconstructed forms of the Torres Strait The Kalaw Lagaw Ya orthography used will languages and the Eastern-Trans Fly Languages be that as developed by Bani and Klokeid in are those of the author, while all other the 1970s, unless otherwise noted; for the other reconstructed forms (PP, PCD, etc.) are those of dialects an accepted orthography will be used the works noted in the literature cited (Alpher, as appropriate. In the case of Kauřařaigau Ya, 1991 Alpher et al., 2008; David et al., 2004; Dixon, ř represents what was probably a rhotic glide, 2002; Lynch, 1994; Marck, 1994; O’Grady, 1979; though could have been a rhotic tap, while Ross, 1994; Ross et al., 1998; Wurm, 1972, 1975). r represents the flap/ trill, as it does in the For reasons of simplicity, in general the sources modern dialects. of the reconstructions will not be specified. In morphological representations Ø represents Note that forms in capitals represent zero-affixes where these have semantic or underlying representations, such as LAI syntactic significance, and contrasts with other (proprietive, specific locative, plural; surface affixes. Where are concerned, between the forms: -lay, -day, -thay, -ray, -de, -the, -le, -li, -l, stem and TAM endings, the attainative-active -r, -Ø), MAYI (verb plural; surface forms: -mayi, slot and verb number slots will be consistently -mœyi, -may, -mœy, -mi) and NGU (genitive; shown in morphemic representations, as either surface forms: -ngu, -u, -w, -Ø). Western and Ø or an appropriate suffix. Ø in the first slot Central Language words in the text are bold, represents the attainative ( - ATT) form though not in lists and examples that are not of verbs, which contrasts with the -i- active within the running text. All language material suffix (ACT), and the second Ø represents is in Kalaw Lagaw Ya except where noted. In the singular (or in some cases the animate reference to the Kowrareg people, Kauraraiga plural) form, contrasting with the dual and (plural Kauraraigalai) is used, this being the plural affixes (underlying forms respectively correct form of the 1800s. The dialect itself was NGAUMA and MAYI). suula- pour: attainative forms suladhin sulawmadhin sulamidhin alt. sulaumadhin alt. sulamaydhin suula-Ø-Ø-dhin suula-Ø-NGAUMA-dhin suula-Ø-MAYI-dhin pour-ATT-SG-RemP.PF pour-ATT-DU-RemP.PF pour-ATT-PL-RemP.PF suula- pour: active forms sulaydhin sulewmadhin sulemidhin alt. suleumadhin alt. sulemaydhin suula-i-Ø-dhin suula-i-NGAUMA-dhin suula-i-MAYI-dhin pour-ACT-SG-RemP.PF pour-ACT-DU-RemP.PF pour-ACT-PL-RemP.PF Sample sentences are given as follows: KLY Baydhaman nungu ngaara pathadhin. English A shark bit his leg. Morphemes baydhama-n nu-NGU ngaara-Ø patha-Ø-Ø-dhin. meanings thereof shark-INS he-GEN leg-ACC bite(fish)-ATT-SG-RemP.PF

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 325 Rod Mitchell

The language has a certain amount of idiolect a double in the syllable before last, the variation, and such variants will be noted where final vowel is devoiced, that is to say, merely appropriate (as with the dual and plural forms breathed. Thus, the u in gaabu cold, cool, of suladhin poured in the remote past above). In calmness, the i in mœraapi and the a in siiba many cases a standard form can be identified, liver, centre sound like puffs of air. while in other cases this is not the case. Following is a rough guide to the CONSONANTS pronunciation of the language for the benefit p, b, m, w, t, d, s, z, y, k, g, ng: more or less of non-linguist readers. The English examples as in English represent the phonics of General , except where otherwise indicated. th, dh, n, l: pronounced with the tongue touching the top teeth VOWELS r: either trilled (as in Scottish English) or a /a/: Ama Mum – like u in hut ‘flapped’, like the quick pronunciation of tt aa /a:/: kaaba dance performance, a in in better (‘bedder’). monosyllabic words like ya speech – like a in The acute accent is used to mark non-initial father stress, thus mœrápil pieces of bamboo, bamboo e /e/: mekey almond – like e in bed (in both cases) plants, except in the case of double vowels, ee /e:/: geetha hand, e in monosyllabic words which can only appear in the stressed syllable like se chair – like are in dared of the word (e.g. mœraapi bamboo). The grave i /i/: midhikidh how – like ee in feet accent is used with ù, ùù to represent /ʊ, ii /i:/: miitha taste, i in monosyllabic words ʊ:/, and with ò, òò to represent /ͻ, ͻ:/); these like ni you – like ee in feed contrast with u, uu /u, u:/ and o, oo /o, o:/. œ /ə /: thœrthi hole – like a in about œœ /ə:/: Wœœwra south-east – like ur in hurt ABBREVIATIONS òò /ͻ:/: mòòsa lung, spit – like oa in broad ò /ͻ/: mòdhab price, payment – shortened ABL ablative version of òò ACC accusative o /o/: sobora rain cover, rain cloak, V-shaped ACT active cover over peak of roof – like o in hot, but more rounded alt. alternative(ly) oo /o:/: sooba slowness, lateness, delay, o in AnimPL animate plural so show – lengthened version of o (like Irish ART formant English o in go) ATT attainative ù /ʊ/: kùlay first, before – like u in push AUG augmenting suffix ùù /ʊ:/: mùùdha shelter, backyard, house – B Boigu lengthened version of ù BY Badhulgau Ya u /u/: kuduluk brown dove – like oo in shoot CA Common Australian uu /u:/: buuthu sand, beach, u in COL collective monosyllabic words like bu trumpet shell – CON conjunction like oo in food DAT dative In Kala Lagaw Ya, but not in the other dialects, DU dual when a word has two or three syllables with ERG ergative

326 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

EXC exclusive PrPF present F feminine PRV privative GEN genitive PRP proprietive GLoc global locative PSEPA Proto South-East Papuan GY Gœmulgaw Ya Austronesian H high pitch PWCD Proto West Central District Austronesian HES hesitation marker Q question IMP imperative RecP recent past IMPF imperfective REF referencing marker ImpNom impersonal nominaliser RemF remote future INC inclusive RemP remote past INS instrumental, ergative RES resultative INT instensive S KKY Kalaw Kawaw Ya SD Saibai-Dauan KLY Kalaw Lagaw Ya SIM similative KulY Kùlkalgau Ya SG singular KY Kaiwalgau Ya SLoc specific locative L low pitch SpDem specific distance LOC locative SYM sympathy particle M mid pitch TEL telic M masculine TodP today past MM Meriam Mìr V verb MY Mualgau Ya VN verbal NFut near future WCL Western and Central Language Nom nominaliser NSg non-singular PART ONE: THE WESTERN AND CENTRAL NSp non-specific LANGUAGE OF TORRES STRAIT – KALAW NSpLoc non-specific locative LAGAW YA O OKY Old Kaiwalgau Ya (= Kauřařaigau Ya) Kalaw Lagaw Ya is the vehicle of the PAN Proto-Austronesian culture, history, dreams, hates, loves, PCD Proto Central District fun, sadness, past, present and future of PECD Proto East Central District Mabuyag and Badu. It is the language through which the people find expression PF perfective as a people. Their environment, their PETrF Proto East Trans-Fly prehistory, their history and their present PL plural has shaped their language, but their PNom personal nominaliser language has also shaped them. It is the POC Proto Oceanic expression of their being. PP Proto Paman PPN Proto Polynesian The majority of the 1,000 or so inhabitants PR present of Mabuyag (251, ABS census, 2006) and Badu (818, ABS census, 2006; data from PrIMPF present imperfect the Torres Strait Regional Authority

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 327 Rod Mitchell website) speak the dialect, as well as include the pronunciation of some words many of unknown hundreds from these (rarely predictable), words with differences islands who live elsewhere, at St Pauls in meaning, different words for the same on Mua, on and around , meaning and some grammar variation. in Queensland and further afield. Some outsiders with close cultural, marital and family contacts with the people of Words with different forms Mabuyag and Badu are also good speakers year KLY/KulY wiyeth/wœyeth/ uyeth, MY-KY wœyath/uyath, – or at least have some command of it – KKY wath while some speakers of other dialects are male, man KLY/KulY garka, garkazi-, MY- also good speakers of Kalaw Lagaw Ya as KY garka/garkai, garkazi-, KKY well as their own dialect. garkaz, garkazi- Kalaw Lagaw Ya [KLY] forms part of the red skink KLY/KulY/MY-KY mogay, KKY Western and Central Island Language of S-D mogo, B moga Torres Strait [WCL], which is spoken actively namesake KLY/KulY/MY-KY natham, and passively by around 4000 people. The KKY nasem other dialects are: hornet KLY gaal, KulY/MY-KY/KKY ga ray/beam of KLY/KulY/MY-KY ziru, KKY Kalaw Kawaw Ya [KKY]: Saibai// light zœru Seisia, Dauan, Boigu silly, stupid, KLY/KulY/MY-KY dimadim/ Kùlkalgau Ya [KulY]: the Central Islands idiotic dimidim/dimdim, KKY rimarim Mualgau/Italgau Ya [MY]: Mua island KLY/KulY kaywa, MY-KY Kaiwalgau Ya (formerly Kauřařaigau Ya) kaiwa/kawa, KKY kawa [KY]: the Mùralag group and Muri (Mualgau/ anger, KLY kerketh, KulY/MY-KY/ Italgau Ya and Kaiwalgau Ya are subdialects wildness KKY kerkath of each other) frog KLY katube, kœtube, kat, B kœteko, kœteku, kat, KulY,MY- These groups have sub-dialects; those of KY,KKY kat Kalaw Lagaw Ya are Gœmulgaw Ya [GY, alt. that male KLY/KulY nupa, nupay, KKY Gumulgaw Ya and Mabuygilgaw Ya], and ahead nupay, MY nukupai, KY Badhulgau Ya [BY]. nukupai, nukudhai The differences between the dialects are not that Words with differing meanings: great, being similar to that between Australian saay, GY KLY/KulY/MY-KY silty mud; English, British English and American English; saaya KKY mud the differences between subdialects such as berdhar KLY/KulY/MY-KY mud; KKY Gœmulgaw Ya and Badhulgau Ya are even softness (food etc.) smaller, and often very difficult to tell for mùdh, GY in all dialects: shelter, camp, calm outsiders, even other Islanders. As a general mùùdha place, backyard KLY/KulY/MY-KY extended rule Gœmulgaw Ya is more ‘conservative’ meaning: house and forms a more ‘formal’ level of speech, and laag, GY in all dialects: place, home, Badhulgau Ya is more ‘colloquial’. laaga homeland Over 90% of the words of the language are the KLY/KulY/MY-KY extended same or virtually the same in all the dialects meaning: inhabited island (Mitchell, 1995). The main dialect differences KKY extended meaning: house

328 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Different words for the same meaning: modern Kayka nuy mangi, thana lak significant KLY wasal, KulY/MY-KY KLY: kedha matha niar garkazil, dance wasar, KKY girel piyuw zarzarnu. thunder KLY/KulY/MY-KY dhuyum, He arrived up there, they the men KKY gigi were just sitting in the same way grasshopper KLY/KulY/MY-KY kœpás[i], [as others earlier in the story] in a GY kœpaasi, KKY pùkath lean-to of dried coconut fronds. Grammar differences dative, KLY/KulY general dative -ka, kay-ka nuy-Ø manga-i-Ø-IZI present here and there -pa: kipa/kœpa, NSp-up there he-NOM arrive-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF imperfective sepa/sipa MY-KY id.; (in archaic thana-Ø laka ke-dha matha language) general dative -pa, 1st theyPL-NOM again here-SIM only person singular -ka niya-Ø-Ø-r KKY -pa (-ka in songs) sit-ATT- SG/AnimPL-RemP.IMPF habitual KLY -kœruyg/-kuruyg, KulY/ garakazi-LAI, piyu-NGU zarazara-nu MY-KY -kœrui/-kurui male-PRP, frond-GEN lean-to-SLoc KKY -paruy/-paru/-pu (-paruyg, -paruydh) The only change is the reduction of lakö keda recent past KLY/KulY/MY-KY -ngùl, KKY in the same way and zarazara lean-to to lak kedha -ngu and zarzar; laka kedha and zarazara are still to negative KLY/KulY/MY-KY subject and be heard as poetic, archaic or idiolect variants. clauses object marked by the genitive KKY subject and object marked The ‘Mission’ Orthography by the expected case forms A systematic orthography for the language was developed in the mid-1870s when the Lifu, EDUCATION AND LITERACY: WRITING THE Polynesian and local Island missionaries took LANGUAGE up the task of spreading the Word as well as Records of the language date from the translating the Bible, other religious literature 1830s on in the form of words and phrases and writing hymns. All literature until the collected by seamen and others. Apart from 1970s was written in the mission orthography: these, there is well over a century of written core alphabet: a, b, d, e, g, i, j, k, l, m, n, ng, o, material produced mainly by Islanders ö /ə/, p, r, s, t, u, z themselves or taken down from Islanders. sometimes also: th/tr (= the modern th), dh/ What is clear from the written evidence is dth/dr (= the modern dh), ch (= s), oe/œ (= that there is relatively little change between ö), f (= p), ë (= ö), w, y, and double vowels to the Kalaw Lagaw Ya spoken in the late 1800s show and now, as can be seen in the following example from the story of Kuiam, written glides: ai food, ngau my masculine, ia/ya speech, down by Net Waria of Mabuyag around 1900 ua/wa yes, Mabuyag, kaiin young, (Ray, 1907: 203). new, dauai banana tree, zia/ziia cloud original: Kaika nui mangi, tana lakö It was also used in modified form by the keda mata niar garkazil piiu Cambridge Expedition (1898), who used zarazaranu. diacritics to show short vowels and vowel

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 329 Rod Mitchell quality: a, ă, b, d, e, ĕ, g, i, ĭ, j, k, l, m, n, ng, o, often than not pronounced i-a-na. Th, dh and ŏ, ò [ͻ:], ö, p, r, s, t, u, ŭ [ʊ], w, y, z. oe seem to present another problem, simply that of using two letters to represent single The mission orthography generally does not distinguish the lamino-dental th and sounds, particularly as one of the letters, h, dh from the apico-alveolar t and d, which has no other function in the language, and oe means it generally does not distinguish can be confused with oi/oy by native speakers words such as pad, alt. padö hill, crest, top learning to read and write their language. from pad, alt. padö nest, even though they are pronounced differently (in the Bani- Writing in the language Klokeid orthography they are written paada A mislearnt English and Drehu and paadha respectively). influenced version of the Saibai dialect was used for the first published bibilical The ‘Academic’ Orthography translation, by Elia of Lifu (1884; Haddon and In the period 1970-1975, Bani and Klokeid Ray, 1897: 71). A partially corrected Samoan developed a revision based partly on and Pidgin Engish influenced version was linguistic theory of the time, and partly published in 1900 (excerpts of this can also on revisions already underway, such as a be seen in Haddon and Ray, 1897), made by greater use of th, dh (and dth) and œ /oe: Isia (sic) of Samoa with the help of Net Waria, Tom Noboa and Peter Papi of Mabuyag. a, aa, b, d, dh, e, ee, g, i, ii, k, l, m, n, ng o, oo, The first part of these men’s names is their oe, ooe, p, r, s, t, th, u, uu, w, y, z “European” name, used by them in dealings double vowels are long; ooe /ə:/ is the long with non-islanders, while the second part was version of oe /ə/. Oe was chosen rather than their birth, or “Island” name. Net Waria was the preferred œ to simplify typewriting. called Ned in English, whereas he himself, as glides: aay food, ngaw my masculine, ya speech, well as other contemporary Islanders, used wa yes, Mabuyag Mabuyag, kain /kajin/ new, Net (pronounced Neth), given to him by a young, daway banana tree, zia/ziya /zija/ cloud Samoan friend. The Island and neighbouring South-West Papuan custom was to exchange The new system has had lukewarm response names with a person with whom one enters from some speakers and refusal with others. into a special friend-to-friend relationship Still others have welcomed it with open arms. with. Neth was the name Waria used to The main opposition from many speakers of highlight this relationship, while Waria was the language is the break with tradition – the used in certain formal situations. mission system is the way the forefathers wrote the language. One issue is the fact that Neither translation was well-done, as the there were no community input or trials to following segment from the translation of the revision, it being initially an academic the parable of the sower shows: exercise. Another is that the representation Text: of the semivowels as y and w, the dentals ‘...as he sowed, some fell by the way side, and as th and dh, and the diagraph oe represent the birds of the air came and devoured it up.’ problems with some speakers of the language. For most native speakers, w and u appear to Elia: be of each other, as do y and i. A A nuidöka mata utuipa, durai siëi putizi word like yana bag, when pronounced very iabugudanu, ngapa mangizö urui palgizö carefully to show the pronunciation, is more a purutamoin.

330 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland modernised spelling (Kalaw Kawaw Ya) English, with some English features (e.g. A nuydha ka matha uthuypa, dhuray sey iabugud pasi road side): pudhiz yabugùdanu, ngapa mangiz uruy, (b) The use of singular present forms as direct pœlagiz a pùrthamœyn. calques on the unmarked pidgin forms, such literal meaning: as putizi (pudhiz) active singular present And he is still planting, some/others fall there on perfective for pudhemœyn, the plural, the the path, a bird arrives, flies/jumps and eats them. exception being the word purutamoin/ purutamin eats them. Author’s translation: ... nuydh nanga kapul thayamœypa nanga, (c) The word siëi (Elia) is a mispronunciation dhuray si (alt. sey) yabugùdanu pudhemœyn/ of sey/si there, perhaps through confusion of nœridhemœyn, ngapa palgemœyn (alt. the two variants of the word. pœlagiz) daparaw uruyl, a pùrthamœyn. (d) Samoan and Drehu phonology come Isia: through, as in adding vowels to support A nuid lupan saito, wara si noridi iabugud word final consonants or to break pasi, a urui ngapa palgin a purutamin. clusters, e.g. mangizö for mangiz, purutamin for pùrthamin. The reverse is found in the modernised spelling (Kalaw Lagaw Ya): word palgizö for pœlagiz, where palgiz was A nuydh lupan saitho, wara si nœridhi an imperfectly learnt formulation through yabugùd pasi, a uruy ngapa palgin a extension from another class of verbs. pùrùthamin. (e) the use of the singular form wara (an)other literal meaning: for the plural waramal (alt. warmal). And he shakes wheat, another falls there on the road-side, and a bird comes flying and eats them. (f) The most interesting mistake was Isia’s translation for what in the King James Author’s translation: version of the bible is sow or cast (wrongly ... a nuydh na saithol thayamika na, warmal si translated by Elia as utuipa planting by yabugùdau pasi nœridhemika/pudhemika, a inserting into the ground). It is clear that Isia daparaw uruyl ngapa palgemin (alt. pœlagi/ was aware of the process of broadcasting palgi), a pùrthamin. seed, though may not have actually ever The problems with these translations are: seen it. Therefore, either (1) he used the (a) The underlying syntax of both is Pidgin Pidgin word sakim ‘throw’ (modern Broken Elia: A nuidö ka-mata utuipa, durai siëi putizi iabugudanu, An em stil planting, òl nadhawan dhe pòldaun lo rod And he/she still planting, PL other there fall LOC road ngapa-mangizö urui palgizö a purutamoin. kam pisin plai an kaikai-dhempla. come bird fly and eat-them Isia: A nuid lupan saito, wara si noridi iabugud pasi-Ø, An em seke saitho, nadhawan dhe pòldaun road side-LOC, And he/she shake seed, other there fall road side-at, a urui ngapa palgin a purutamin. an pisin kam plai an kaikai-dhempla. and bird come fly and eat-them

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 331 Rod Mitchell sake), perhaps mispronouncing it, or (2) he (specified by Margeret Lawrie), a record of Net himself did not speak Pidgin well, and so Waria’s ‘Ten Commandments’ [the Chairman confused sakim with sekim ‘shake’ (modern of Mabuyag at the time] and records of his Broken seke), hence the translation lupan, or children’s births. At the end of the notebook (3) he thought that the process was actually he also made three lists of the men, women shaking the seeds to spread them rather than and male youths in the Mœgi Buwai in March the spreading throw that is ‘broadcasting’. 190? (page torn at this strategic point). The Stories and letters and various other very last two pages contain three traditional manuscripts were written by Islanders, songs written by another hand, presumably excerpts of some recorded as examples in that of Gaulai’s son Kadiab, whose name Ray (1907); others exist only as manuscripts. appears with the songs. That of Peter Eseli of Mabuyag has been Samples of his writing are: published by Shnukal and Mitchell (1998). a) Hymn Language An unpublished Mabuyag writer was Gaulai (186? – 1927), a lay preacher on Yama just Gaulai Bani-Klokeid orthography before his death. His Island name was Paidan, Ninu köi paudo Ninu kœy paawdh, o, and Gaulai was given to him on his baptism. Ninu kikiri köi za Ninu kikiri kœy za, He died the 14th of January, 1927, and was angelan taumani Angelan thawumani, of the same buway moiety/clan as Net Waria, Ninu nel mina Ninu nel mina. the Mœgi Buway Small Moiety, specifically (Gaulai, 191?: (8) 3) in the Kaygas-Dhangal shovel-nose shark - Meaning clan. He was taught to read and write Your great peace, oh, by the South-Seas London Missionary Society Your pain was great, missionaries who came to Mabuyag either in Praised by angels, late 1872 or in January 1873. Your name is true. While on Yama Gaulai kept a notebook from b) Personal information 1899 to 192? (Lawrie, cover notes to Gaulai, Gaulai Bani-Klokeid orthography 1899-192?), a xeroxed copy of which is to Agoste.11.1899 Agosthe.11.1899 be found in the Fryer Library, University of Ngona Gizu Mabaig Ngœna Gizu Mabayg Queensland. The notebook was actually an aiman Sarare ayman, Sarare 11.gœyga. accounts ledger, and one page towards the 11.göiga. center of the book, headed ‘Jimmy Mobyag’, ngöna aiman. ngœna ayman. contains some purchase entries. Jimmy ngau nel Gaulai Ngaw nel Gawlay. Mobyag was probably Gaulai’s European (Gaulai, 191?: 4) name; ‘Mobyag’ [mʌubiæg] is the general Meaning European/Australian pronunciation of August 11, 1899. Mabuyag. The note book includes songs I have been made Head Man, that may have been composed by Gaulai. Saturday the 11th day. I was appointed. The pages are not numbered, and the edges My name is Gaulai. are worn and stained, sometimes obscuring words. The notebook contains one or two Gaulai also made extensive bible study explanatory annotations in English by notes in Kalaw Lagaw Ya, including a list of Margaret Lawrie. He also recorded some prophets, perhaps in part preparations for hymns, a short prayer, a record of the date sermons. The notes show a keen interest in of his appointment as headman of feasts his chosen way of life, that of a lay preacher.

332 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

The written language includes good, native- Modern writing tends to either follow the speaker Kalaw Lagaw Ya besides ‘note- academic orthography or the mission system, form’ Kalaw Lagaw Ya. The hymns on the with variations. That is to say, in real-life use, whole are native-speaker language, as is the the two spelling systems and mixes thereof personal information. The biblical/religious are to be found, as well as now and then the writing is in ‘note-form’, probably being use of English phonics. Words can also be notes taken from the Bible or verbatim from found written different ways, reflecting the South-Seas teacher-missionaries. real variation that exists in the language. c) Bible study notes Examples are ngath - ngatha I instrumental, Gaulai Bani-Klokeid orthography Gœmu – Gumu Goemu, and mekay, mekey, senab pad kadai tari Senaabi paada kadaythari. mekeyi, mekayi, mekaii, mekei, mekeii, sinab mura pad nel Sinaabi mùra paada nel mekai almond tree. This depends on age, seira Seyira. family, island, stylistics, respect for either senab mura pad Senaabi mùra paada the mission or the academic system, degree keda bal kedha bal of education in literacy, and so on. Arabi kurusika Arabi kurusika dada kasi dhadhakœsi- An example of a mixed system which has a senab nel akapa 150 ya, senaab nel Akapa, 150 some currency is the following, which is mail kurusika senab mayl kurusika senaabi the Mission spelling with inconsistent use pad paada of th, dh/dth and oe, and improvising by sinai. 580 senab Sinayi. 580 senaabi padaw representing devoiced final vowels by padau capital letters (e.g. ngùùki drinking water is minaman senab pad minaman. Senaabi paada writtenngukI ). Aron Aron dan uradan a tana danuradhan, a thana a, A, b, d, dh/dth, e, g, i, I, k, l, m, n, ng, o, oe, ladudin ladhudhin, p, r, s, t, th, u, U, z inab Pad nel Horo inaabi paada nel Horo, nui dan nuy dan- double vowels sometimes used to show vowel uradan. urdhan. length, at times with a dividing apostrophe, Etoma wara nel Esau Ethoma wara nel Esawu e.g. gaabu, ga’abu cold, cool,calmness muinu. Kulukad muyinu. Kùlkadhgœmul- glides: ai food, ngau my masculine, ya/ia speech, gomul wa/ua yes, Mabuiag Mabuyag, kain/kaiin/ nga. nga. kai’in new, young, dauai banana tree, zia cloud (Gaulai, 191?: 24, lines 19-30) Meaning SAMPLE TEXTS That hill stands up. That whole range is called Seira. Text 1. Sample excerpts written in the Mission That whole range stretches across orthography, as adapted for typewriting Arabia as far as the centre, (Mooke & Simpson, 1972: 13): that name is Akapa, 150 Excerpt A: miles as far as that hill Sinai. 580 that hill’s Ngoelmun boebatal, ngoelmun tatil nge, measurement. That hill (where) Aron kedha wa tatin ai’imar inab zapul. Ngoi died, and they went, kazil mina koi karawaigal nge. Ngatha kasa this hill is called Horo, (where) he died. kedha kid balbalag palan. Kulzi zapul koi Etoma, also called Esau balbalgiza thanamun tonarnu, dagamul is inside. Red-Coloured. midhi kid na ai’imar.

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 333 Rod Mitchell

Mission: bungu nathaw dagam kedhakidh. Nuydh guuba Ngölmun böbatal, ngölmun tatil nge, keda balbalagpalan. Kulay za nidh nanthan rangadh. ua tatin aiimar inab zapul. Ngöi kazil mina Nungu rangadh nanthan nidh thagaw puuyi. köi karawaigal nge. Ngata kasa kedakid Wagel kayne nidh palpayki bal puuyi kabuthman balbalagpalan. Kulzi zapul köi balbalgiza a kaliya. Ngoedhe kunakan nge palan kedha tanamun tonarnu, dagamul midikid na aiimar. ngapa wara dagamungu, paruw dagamungu a kala dagamungu, buzan pakunumika. Kulay Academic: uru thana ayimar buuzi mudhaka nail lawnga. Ngoelmun boebathal, ngoelmun thathil nge, kedha wa thathin ayimar inaabi zapul. Ngoey Translation: kazil mina koey karawaygal nge. Ngatha kasa When you climb up on the platform, you sit and kedhakidh balbalagpalan. Kulzi zapul koey from the trumpet shell the sides of the platform are balbalgiza thanamun thonarnu, dagamul like this. It straightens/fixes the wind (= in line with midhikidh na ayimar. the wind). First thing you insert is an upright. The upright inserted by you is a thag (red mangrove) Translation: pole. Next you place two cross poles, in front and Our grandparents, then our fathers, it was like behind. With a view to strengthening them do like that indeed, our fathers did these things. We the this coming through from one side, from the front children are then very ignorant (of them). I am side and from the back side, lashing it with lawyer just straightening it all out (explaining it all). cane. Formerly they made rope - lawyer cane - for Long ago things were very good in their time, homes, not nails. how things were done. Text 2. A story written in the Bani-Klokeid Excerpt B: Orthography (Storyteller: Matilda Bani; adapted Ni na nubia natha gima wali na, ni nika a from Bani & Bani, 2011). The origin story for bungu nathau dagam kedha kid. Nuidh two groups of rocks at Pulu, just off Mabuyag: gub balbalag palan. Kulai za nidh nantan rangad. Nungu rangad nantan nidh tagau Wa, kay paypa kulay, si miyar kuyku pui. Wagel kaine nidh palpaiki bal pui mabayg, nungu nel Kawmayn, Pulunu. kabutman a kalia. Ngoede kunakan nge Pulu na seenu moegi lag kalanu, palan kedha ngapa wara dagamungu, Mabuyginu. Kawmayn si miyar, nungu ipil paruu dagamungu a kala dagamungu, a kazil muray. buzan pa kunumika. Kulai uru thana Yes, long ago, there lived a chief called Kawmayn, ai’imar buz mudhaka nail launga. on the island of Pulu. Pulu is a small island at Mission: the back of Mabuyag. That is where Kawmayn Ni na nubia nata gima uali na, ni nika a bungu lived with all his wives and children. natau dagam kedakid. Nuid gub balbalagpalan. Na sena nungu kulay ipi noe, nanu nel Kulai za nid nantan rangad. Nungu rangad Koemuthnab. Nuy koeyma nabeka nagay, nantan nid tagau pui. Wagel kaine nid palpaiki kedhamayka, na nungungu koey kazilayg, bal pui kabutman a kalia. Ngöde kunakan nge sena warigal kazigigal nungu. Za noe palan keda ngapa uara dagamungu, paruu kedha aymayngu, a, nuy nabeka yapoeybi dagamungu a kala dagamungu, buzan pa aymayka. kunumika. Kulai uru tana aiimar buz mudaka Koemuthnab was the name of his first wife. He nail launga. depended heavily on her because she was the Academic: mother of all his children. His other wives did Ni na nubiya natha gima wali na, ni nika a not have children. If there was something to be

334 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland done, ah, he would ask her to take care of it. here, got a bamboo knife, to shave him, and when she shaved him, cut off his double chin as well Mabaygal noe kedha ngapa Puluka mayka (Kawmayn was very fat). miyar noe, nuy nabeka muli, nubeka yathapathayka, wagel kayne mabaygal mangi, Nuy mina warkidh nabiya, nanungu nubeka imayka. Nadh nuyn yathapathan. ubigasidhin - nuy lak kuniya nabeka Nabeka noe senaabi zageth noe mina koey galpisan miyaydhin. Mina koeyma nanungu ubigi zageth, wati zageth, nadh noe nuyn ubigasidhin, nan adhaka wiyadhin - sizi yathapathan noe. Nuydh nabeka senaabi Pulungu, kedha: “Ni pa-adhaka! Nidh ngayka zageth mura thonarnu nan yapoeybarngul wati za ayimnu.” kedha nadh ayman senaabi zageth a wagel He was really put off from her, didn’t want her kayne mabaygal mangi nubika imayka. anymore – he got really angry back at her. He When people were to visit Pulu, he told her to shave really and truly did not want her anymore and him, that people were coming after to see him. She sent her away – from there, from Pulu, saying: would shave him. This was a task that Koemuthnab ‘Go away! You have done a bad thing to me.’ really hated doing, a bad job, when she shaved him. Thana noe – thanamun adhaka wiyadhin He always asked her to do that work whenever noe, na kazin araydhin. Kazin araydhin, na people were to come soon after to see him. uzaraydhin adhaka, nuyn moegidhadhnga Sa, wara goeygi nubiya ya mangaydhin kuyku gima nithadhin, wara moekazil Bawungu kedha mabaygal Bawungu ngapa nabiya pasiya. Maluka adhaka uzaraydhin. nubeka imayka. Nuydh ya kuniya wiyadhin Sigal na malu adha thanuraydhin. Kuniya kedha: ‘Wa, ayewal.’ Thanamun ayewal nagaydhin noe, nuy matha siyar nge madhin. Sena goeyga noe gasamdhin thanamuniya wagel. Kawmayn, kasa kedha thana mangay kazil, a, nuy nabeka nagay, senaabi thonara, na gar kulaka - kula mulaydhin Koemuthnabnaka kedha: ‘Aye, ayimaydhin. nidh ngoena yathapathayk. Mabaygal When they – when they were sent away, she mangay kazil Bawangu’. gathered in all the children. Gathered together Right, one day, word came to him from Baw that all the children, and then she went away, put her people were coming from Baw to visit him. He young child on her head, with the other children sent a message back, saying ‘Yes, do come.’ They beside her. Walked away into the sea. She sat down were welcome. When the day came for the visitors way out in the deep water. When she looked back, he to arrive, he said to Koemuthnab, ‘Come and was just sitting then behind them. Kawmayn was shave me. People are to arrive from Baw’. just looking, right then, and into stone - she turned into stone. Wa, sena wadh nabeka mina ubigi zageth. Ni noe nagi noe, Puluka noe, nuy lak Nanu kedha noe galpis nge miyaydhin Kawmayn lak kula ayimaydhin, nuy kedha nuydh nan lak yapoeybadhin nanga, a nungu ipil. Nuy kayib Pulunu zey senaabi zagethka kay mayka. Nanu senaabi dagamunu sika. Ni noe kedha thonara mangi kerketh! Na zilmaydhin kizi na, uupi noe, nidh iman kedha, Kawmayn kay zey madhin, nungu yathaka pathayka noe, dagamunu sika, adhaka kidh nageka nabeka yatha noe pathadhin, nungu wakaymalaw Koemuthnabnaka. Koemuthnab napa adhal pathadhin wara. sika kazil muray, sena gar moegi kula nanu Yes, that was a job she really didn’t want to do. So kuykunu gimal matha sika, moekaziw kula, she got really angry when he asked her again to moekaazi seenu kula aymaydhin nabiya do that task. She was that furious! She ran from gima, wara moegi kulal pasiya nabiya,

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 335 Rod Mitchell

nanu wara kazil. Na sena adhal sika. Nuy work hard to keep this important part of their Kawmayn iinu zey dagamunu sika, ipil birthright. While most islanders are proud of pasiya nubiya. Si kedha thonarnu senaabi their heritage, the viability of the language kulal matha mimik Pulunu. rests in the hands of the community’s When you look, towards Pulu, he too – Kawmayn will to retain the clearest marker of their also turned to stone, him and his wives. He is identity. Until an overtly proactive policy standing today on Pulu on the southern side. When of the Western and Central Language as the you arrive there now, you see that Kawmayn is language of the community is established, standing on the southern side, looking outwards up alongside English for ‘external affairs’, it there towards Koemuthnab. Koemuthnab is outside could eventually die out, as has virtually standing in front with all the children, the small already happened on some islands. rock on top of her head is still standing there, the little child’s stone, the little child turned into that THE LANGUAGE BEFORE COLONISATION stone ontop of her, the other small stones around her are her other children. She is standing out there. The Western and Central Language before Kawmayn is standing here on the south side, with European colonisation was the major his wives around him. Nowadays that group of language of the Torres Strait ‘world’ – stones are still there at Pulu. those areas that traditionally centred on Torres Strait for trading, cultural and social Ina gidhaw kuutha. Wa, koeyma eso. purposes. It was used by Papuans, Islanders This is the end of the story. Thank you very and Australian peoples for intergroup much. communication. It was once the language of Daru, spoken by the Hiámo, who originally (On finishing a story, the story teller should came from Yama (Lawrence, 1989: 102), as always thank the listeners). well as formerly in two or three villages on the Papuan mainland to the west from there EDUCATION IN THE LANGUAGE opposite Boigu and Saibai (Lawrence, 1989: were quick to develop 118; Garrick Hitchcock pers. comm., 2007). literature in their own languages after the Folk history tells us that most of the Hiámo establishment of the mission schools, which migrated to the Mùralag group (and a few taught literacy in the local languages, and into and over to Saibai) to escape through interest created by the Cambridge Kiwai raiding and colonisation (Landtman, Expedition (1898). However, later government 1927: x; Lawrence, 1989: 102; Haddon, policy meant that writing in the language on 1935: 49; for Lawrie’s (1971) brief notes, see the whole remained largely church driven Appendix 2). (hymns and the like), though now and then Words, phrases and songs were borrowed an enlightened Government school master from the Western and Central Language into would encourage literacy. This lasted till the the neighbouring Papuan languages (including 1970s, when Islanders themselves started Meriam Mìr) over the centuries preceding taking up the pen once again. European contact. These loans fall into three There is still, however, a lack of interest from broad categories, (1) individual words and the Government and Education Department. phrases, (2) religious/cult songs or formulae, The language is rarely used in education. and (3) songs that are retentions from the Hiámo Relatively few speakers are literate in it, and who formerly lived on Daru, and are a window in some cases see it as a ‘millstone’. Others to past forms of the language.

336 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Individual words and phrases are to be found The following song is an example of an easily in technology and religio-magic terminology/ understood song. It is part of a pipi (Torres formulae and ceremonies borrowed from Strait war dance/ performance) called by the the Western-Central Islanders, such as for Mawata Kiwai Kúiamo pípi (WCL Kuyaman dugong-turtle hunting, initiation and fertility Pipi Kuiam’s War Dance): cycles, canoes and weather/season/star/ Oh, mátamána kúika patána sínge navigational terminology. Religious/cult sígamúka, oh, ngáika ngibéka ngúrupana. songs are found in ceremonies borrowed from (or given by) Western-Central Islanders, such “Kill him man, put him head along gáraóro as the turtle-magic ceremonies of the Mawata (head carrier), I learn you (teach) you” Kiwai (Landtman, 1927), songs in the Daru- (Landtman, 1927: 163) Mawata Horiomo cycles (partly initiation, Reconstructed WCL original: partly fertility, and partly other observances O, mathaman, a, kuik, a, pathan, a, all within an overall theme), said to come from singe sigamœka, the Hiámo (Landtman, 1927), and some of the O, ngayka ngibeka ngùrùpan, a. funeral songs of the . Oh, strike him, ah, behead him, ah, It is clear that many such words, phrases inserting the singe (lawyer cane head/fish and songs come from the Western and Central carrying loop) Language, in that (1) the language is often Oh, to me, to you, it has been taught, ah. clearly the Western and Central Language, and (2) the singers of the songs (the Kiwai and The dialect here is song-style Kauřařaigau Meriam peoples) are reported to have said so. Ya, as shown by the use of the word Their traditions are quite clear on where the ngibeka to you rather than the Kalaw songs came from, and that the songs are on the Lagaw Ya/Kùlkalgau Ya nibeka. Kuiam whole unintelligible to them. An interesting normally spoke in Kauřařaigau Ya, and characteristic of the songs is that they fit in with songs ascribed to him in Torres Strait the Western and Central Language song styles are often in Kauřařaigau Ya song-style still in use. Such pre-colonisation era songs are language. Kuiam was a battle hero of a window to past forms of the language at the both the Kalaw Lagaw Ya and Mua/ very least, as well as to the past links between Kauraraiga peoples. The language suggests the peoples of the area. composition within very recent centuries. Appendix 2 here-in has examples of songs Historical records such as Landtman (1927) that are more obscure, perhaps reflecting as well as folk history show that quite a few more ancient borrowing. Meriam, Kiwai and other Papuans could speak the Western and Central Language Other precolonisation songs were quite well, normally either the Kalaw Kawaw recorded by Myers and Haddon in Ya dialect or the Kùlkalgau Ya dialect. Where ‘Funeral Ceremonies’ (Myers and Haddon analysis of the songs is concerned, therefore it 1908: 126-162). The following, Zera Markai can be difficult to decide whether a form that Keber (Haddon, 1908: 134) was part of a appears modern is so because the singers, funeral ceremony on Mer, and was said to through their knowledge of the modern be introduced by Waiet, who came to the language, had changed the older form, or Mer group from Mua some centuries ago that there has been little actual change in the and was the founder of a fertility cult (His Western and Central Language, or that the Muan name is Wayath). The dialect is old song is relatively modern. Italgau Ya (Italaigau Ya, i.e. the southern

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 337 Rod Mitchell

Mua subdialect), though the words were THE LANGUAGE AFTER COLONISATION distorted by the Meriam singers. There Through mission pressure and for work in is reference to the north-west and south- the marine industry (beche-de-mer, trochus, west winds (Meriam Mìr Kòki, Kalaw pearling, etc.), the various clans started Lagaw Ya Kuki north west wind/monsoon, gathering into centralised villages in the Meriam Mìr Ziai, Kalaw Lagaw Ya Zeeya two or three decades around the annexation south-west, capitalised because they have of Torres Strait in the 1870s. On Mabuyag totemic significance), with reference and Badu, the different clans moved to the probably to the rain-bearing clouds pœypaydœgam near/south-east side of each brought down at the beginning of the island. The peoples of the Central group north-west monsoon. The song contains now live on Masig, Puruma (alt. Poruma), archaic word forms similar to the mid- Waraber and Yama, though some Nagi 1800s records of Kauřařaigau Ya. people settled on Mua. On Saibai the Aith Myers/Haddon’s version: people joined the Saibai people at Saibai Wa! wa! wa! wa! wa! wa! wa! village; the subdialects were slightly distinct, Goke eza gau goki longa gau goki but have since merged. Dauan and Boigu Wa! a! a! a! a! a! a! a! a! have kept their slightly different speech. Gaige gaige karapuna sewao ragade The Kauřařaigalai, on the other hand, were Wa! a! a! a! a! a! a! a! a! shifted by force to Poidh on Mua in 1921 Wa banita gasmuneba jai aria pagana koki and 1922. They, the Italgal of southern Mua aria pagana. and the Mualgal of northern Mua then later reconstructed Italgau Ya (Mua) original: moved to Kubin on the south coast Wa! wa! wa! wa! wa! wa! wa! . Starting in 1946 some Kauraraiga families Ngùki, e, za, ngau ngùkilainga, ngau moved back to their own country at Nœrupai. ngùki; (ngùkilainga: in the modern dialects More recently, just after World War 2, Kalaw ngùkilnga) Kawaw Ya was ‘transported’ from Saibai to Wa! a! a! a! a! a! a! a! a! Bamaga and Seisia at Cape York by Saibai Kai nge, kai nge kařapùn, a, sewau rangadh, colonisers, following abnormally high e; (kařapùn: in the modern dialects kaipùn) flood tides which contaminated fresh water Wa! a! a! a! a! a! a! a! a! supplies and gardening areas on Saibai. Wa, banithan gas’mœřipa, (gasamœřipa: in the modern dialects gasamaipa) Kalaw Lagaw Ya and Kalaw Kawaw Ya have Zey ariya pagan, a, become linguistically dominant, particularly Kuki ariya pagan, a. Gœmulgaw Ya and Saibailgau Ya, partly because speakers of these dialects have Yes! ... spearheaded modern literacy and language Water, eh, the thing (i.e. rain cloud) holding policies. Kùlkalgau Ya, Mualgau Ya and my water, my water, Kaiwalgau Ya tend to be sidelined, partly It will then, it will then be back there soon, ah, through the fact that the younger generations that journey, eh; often do not actively speak the language. Yes, stabbed in so as to catch/get it, The South-West wind darted down through the Outside Influences rain, ah, The North-West wind darted down through the The influences of colonisation on all local Cape rain, ah. York, Torres Strait and Papuan languages have

338 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland varied from drastic (to the point of language meyt, GY meeyta friend, mate; thœbudh death), through moderate to minimal. Where (thubudh) friend languages have maintained their community meyt, GY meeyta first mate; wagelparu: standing, the main influences have been (wagel-paru next-face) vocabulary for mainly foreign items as well buut, GY buuta boat; guul, guula sailing canoe as English or Broken (, see biliz village; mùdhawlaaga shelter-GEN+place Shnukal, 1988) loans for stylistic purposes. The sey, GY seeya chair; niáylaaga sitting- loans have been from a surprising variety of GEN+place, niáyza sitting-GEN+thing sources, though English and Broken dominate: beybi/bebi baby; mapeth human baby, Indonesian, Philippine languages (e.g. bœrarunga newly born baby Malay, Makkasarese, Tagalog): thuba coconut pleyn, GY pleeyna aeroplane; gimawœriza: toddy; zaru trumps (in cards); suusa non- gima+wœrí+za above+flying-GEN+thing trump card; bala mate, friend, brother poon, GY poona telephone; sigamulayza: Polynesian and Melanesian: thusi book, siga-muláy+za far+speaking-GEN+thing. document, letter (Samoan tusi); lawlaw table polisman policeman; kunumaymœbayg/ (Samoan laulau ‘woven coconut leaf used kunumaykaazi (kunumay+mabayg ~ kaazi hand. as a tray’); wakasu annointment oil (Drehu tie.up-GEN+person), dhœrdhimaymœbayg/ wakacu ‘coconut oil’); thawiyan brother-in-law dhœrdhimaykaazi (dhœrdhimay+mabayg ~ ( tawean ‘brother-in-law’) kaazi bind.arrest.imprison-GEN+person) Biblical loans (, Greek, Hebrew): basalaya In modern times, the Western and Central kingdom (Greek basileia); aretho holy communion Language has given way to Broken on (Greek artos); Sathana Satan (Hebrew Satan); various islands to varying extents. Broken Sabadh/Sabadhi Sunday (Hebrew Sabbath); is now the community language of Masig, amen (Hebrew) prayer, church service, church; Yama, St Pauls (Mua), Waiben (Thursday pœwbi (Latin via Samoan) cattle; Keriso Island) and the islands surrounding Waiben. (Greek via Latin via Samoan) Christ; Kerubi It is further the language of the middle and (Hebrew via Samoan) Cherubim younger generation(s) on Waraber and Puruma and at Bamaga and Seisia at Cape Broken, English: arawaygul whaleboat (Eng. York, and is just starting to make inroads on haul away + guul sailing canoe); dati dirtiness, Saibai, where some adults use Broken with rubbish, trash; katitap custard apple; mamiyap their children as they say Kalaw Kawaw Ya pawpaw (English mammy-apple); aransis is too difficult for them. The other islands lemon, orange, mandarin; dhamba bread, loaf, vary in usage between the two extremes. damper; taaynga tank; keeka cake, biscuit, bun; laayna family, clan, ancestry, descent; mòòba In actual language use, however, a continuum mob, crowd, school (of fish), flock (birds), etc. exists in all communities between one extreme of using the language to the other extreme of Papuan: badhara (Agöb) dance performance (war dance); buruburu (Agöb) hour-glass drum only Broken, and an ability to fit in at different points of the continuum is the mark of a good Australian: thatha three-prong nail harpoon bit all-round speaker and orator. What often (Wudhadhi/Yadhaikenu, though the word may results is what is called in Broken Ap-ne-ap ultimately be Papuan, cf. Bine toto ‘nail, lashing’) ‘Half-and-half’, a mix of language and Broken Most loans exist beside indigenous words, in of varying degrees, from a language base with the case of the last three below created as a some Broken words, to a Broken base with reaction to enculturation: some language words.

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 339 Rod Mitchell

PART TWO: THE TORRES STRAIT AREA here is for reference, and does not imply that LANGUAGES AND PEOPLES such potential loans would be a priori from Malay. Such words are common to a variety of When Europeans started interacting with Indonesian languages, and an actual origin will Islanders and other local peoples in the 1800s, probably never be known: the local Papuan, Island and Australian peoples adhi huge, great, cf. Malay adi ‘regal, great’ had been interacting with each other for some ( adhi); aye, KKY aya come!, cf. Malay centuries at least, through friendship, family ayo ‘come!’; baayu, baaywa waterspout, relations, intermarriage, traditional adoption, cf. Malay bayu ‘wind’ (Sanskrit vayu); trade, and even battle. The closeness of the buuyu bottle, container, cf. Malay buyung interaction between the various groups can be ‘pot, container’; kòòda important discussion seen in trade words common to neighbouring place, men’s sacred enclosure, cf. Malay kota/ Papua, Torres Strait and Cape York (Gudang, kuta ‘city etc.’, Javanese koTa/kuTa (Sanskrit Urradhi and languages further afield such as kostha ‘city, city wall, sacred enclosure, etc.’); Linggithigh and Mpakwithi), as the following kœdál, GY kœdaala crocodile, cf. Malay kadal, Makassarese kaDalaq ‘lizard’; laaga list shows (Mitchell, 1995, Introduction: 40-41). place, region, home, inhabited island, cf. Malay thanks: eso, KulY yœsa, MM esoau; Papua: loka/loga (Sanskrit loka ‘place, region’); pawa Agöb eso; Australia: Gudang, Urradhi echo, deed, action, custom, cf. Malay paal /pa’al/ id. Yir Yoront acha, ngacha, ngaycha, aycha. ( fa’la) peace: paawdh, GY paawdha, MM paud ‘no In short, Torres Strait has been the centre of fighting’ (mapodan ‘peace’); Papua: Agöb a complex relationship of social ties, trading piuda; Australia: Gudang, Urradhi paawdha. networks and conflict between Australia, cutting tool: thurik(a), MM tulik; Papua: Agöb Papua and to a lesser extent the Austronesian turika, Bine turi/turikä, Kiwai turika, Marind world for some centuries at least. turika; Australia: Urradhi thurriya ‘crowbar’. tobacco: sœguba, suguba, MM sogob; Papua: HOW DOES THE LANGUAGE RELATE TO Agöb/Bine/Kiwai suguba; Australia: Urradhi OTHER LANGUAGES? tyughubha, Anguthimri tyughubhu. The relationship between the languages of knife: gi, OKY giři; MM gir ‘knife-like the Torres Strait area is much more complex formation’; Papua: Kiwai/Wipi giri ‘sharp’; than simple trade, and most likely goes back Australia: Gudang giri, Urradhi kiri/ghiri, to before the end of the last Ice Age, when Anguthimri kiri, Mpakwithi kiri Torres Strait was dry land. Involved are four bamboo: mœráp, GY mœraapi, MM marep; language groups, the Paman sub-group of the Papua: Bine marapi, Kiwai marabi; Australia: Australian Pama-Nyungan languages, Papuan Gudang marraapi, Urradhi marrapi, South-Central languages, Eastern-Trans Fly Mpakwithi marrapi languages (which includes Meriam Mìr) and The Islanders and others also had dealings the Trans-Fly subphylum, represented by with outsiders such as the Makassans, who Kiwai, of the Trans- Phylum. There is also archaeological, folk-history and had been visiting the area for some centuries linguistic evidence of Austronesian settlement (Haddon, 1935: 15). Words which might be from South-East Papua. evidence of this include the following, which includes words that are loans from Sanskrit However, the Western and Central Language or Arabic (Malay, Sanskrit, Arabic data from is not closely related to any of its neighbours. Ngajedan, 1987). The use of Malay examples Mitchell (1995) states that Meriam Mìr is

340 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

mistaken form/meaning mistaken cognate actual form/meaning/structure naka situated here PP *ñaka naka that female/feminine object up there: na-ka feminine prefix-up.there nagi-ka look at PP *ñaki- ‘look’ nageka (colloquial pronunciation: nagika): naga-i-Ø-ka look-ACT-SG-PrIMPF actual cognate PP *ñaka garrpath- gather, collect PP *karrpa- garpatha- gather, collect together: gar-patha- collective prefix-put, place wadhawadhagumiya PP *wañca warawaradagumiya, warawaradœgamuya everywhere, all around ‘where’ (> wadwadagumiya/wadwadœgamuya): found on every side, moving on wara-wara+dœgamu/daguma-ya every side one-one+side-NSpLoc the closest language in terms of common al. (2011: 138), claims to relationships often vocabulary, at around 25% (though see further seem to have been based on flimsy or highly below), followed closely by Gudang at 20%. selective evidence. Another serious failing is Daru Kiwai rates at 12% (based on the word the lack of good, reliable knowledge on the lists given in Ray, 1907: 391-412), Bine and neighbouring Papuan languages, peoples Gizra at 11%, and Gidra at 8% (from the word with whom the Islanders have been closely lists given in Reesink et al., 1976). Urradhi, interacting for centuries. the closest living Australian neighbour, has The fact that some researchers have not been around 11% common vocabulary (6.5% speakers of the language and at times have cognation, Crowley, 1983: 309; Mitchell, depended on second or third hand sources 1995, Introduction: 9-10, and Appendix 1: means a tendency of mistakes arising through pages 1-10). Mitchell and Piper (unpublished the failure to identify correct word forms, research notes), using the Holman et al. (2008) derivations, variation according to speech 40-word list (see below, and Appendix 1), style, misrepresentation of phonemes and find a higher rate for the Western and Central morphemes, and so on, such as the above Language-Meriam Mìr of around 40% shared from Alpher et al. (2008: 25-28): lexical items between Meriam Mìr and the Western and Central Language. Another failing is also not to take into account variation such as dialect, idiolect, speech Post-war writers, e.g. Capell (1956), Wurm style and language change. One example is (1972) and Dixon (2002), have stated either the association in the same work (Alpher et that the Western and Central Language is al. 2008; 28) of gœyga day, sun with PP *gayga an Australian language heavily influenced sun. The stem form of gœyga is gœygœyi-, by Meriam Mìr in particular, or a Papuan in songs gaigayi-, and the earliest recorded language heavily influenced by an Australian forms of the word in Kauřařaigau Ya were substratum. Unfortunately, some works from gyrriegi, gurrigi, goraigor, görigar, göriga (as MacGillivray (1852) to the present have been recorded by MacGillivray, 1852; Brierly, to varying extents dependent on inaccurate, 1848-1850 [in Moore, 1979], Ray, 1907), poorly understood, badly or wrongly i.e. Kauřařaigau Ya gœřiga(ř), stem form translated, limited and limiting materials, gœřigaři-, a reduplicated word cognate with leading at times to misanalysis, marring often the Meriam Mìr gerger ‘day’, and originating insightful work. As pointed out by Hunter et from PP *gari ‘sun’.

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 341 Rod Mitchell

Finally, when researchers do not speak the because not enough is known about the language and do not have recourse to native languages of the area. Of the 40 words, speakers, they unfortunately can misidentify Meriam Mìr shares 17 (42.5%) items with the material, such as the following quote from Western and Central Language, of which two Alpher et al. (2008: 17), using a word form (gegur ‘skin’ and gerger ‘day’) are Australian (*thanama-) that does not exist: ‘The 3rd- in origin, seven are derived (e.g. tìrìg ‘tooth’ Pl forms continue pPN *cana (*dhana is a [ereg ‘eat’], osme- ‘full’, a specialised use of the notational variant), and additionally show verb osme- ‘protrude, show self’, erkep ‘eye’ oblique forms based on thanama-, which is [er- ‘see’, kep ‘body part’]), and possibly one is shared by a number of other Pama-Nyungan Austronesian (wer ‘star’). languages, including those of the Yolngu From its Australian core come some concrete subgroup (cf. Yan-nhangu dhana ‘they’, and abstract vocabulary, all personal dhanama ‘theirs’).’ (including nga who), some The affixed forms of thana they are based on verbs, and a lot of the morphology (such the augmented stem thanamù-; the augment as the instrumental, accusative, genitive, suffix mù is also found in the affixed forms ablative, LAI locative, -ka dative, perfective, of palay they DU (palamù-), ngœy we PL EXC imperfective, and perfective active). Though (ngœlmù-) and nitha you PL (nithamù-). these categories exist in the neighbouring Similar misassociation through mistranslation Papuan languages, the forms in the Western is gath, GY gaatha, with PP *kaca+ ‘coral’, and Central Language are Australian. Alpher et al. (2008: 28). Their source had given Australian words (Pama-Nyungan/Common the Broken meaning of shallows, reef, whereas Australian): thana they PL (*jana), kœlaaka gath in English actually means shallow, spear (*galga), ara- enter (*ŋara), Athe shallows, and only refers to reefs with this Granddad (*ŋaji ‘maternal grandfather’), connotation; reef is maza. iwi mosquito (*ŋiwiri), muugu ant hill, ant’s nest, termite (*muŋga ‘ant hill’), paga- stab, The Make-Up of the Language prick, spear, etc.(*bagal ‘prick, etc.’), isama- transport liquid (*yiija- ‘get’), patha- bite (of It has been clear since as early as MacGillivray fish) (*bajarr/l ‘bite’), kisaayi moon (other (1852), and confirmed by Mitchell (1995) dialects kiisay(i), OKY kiisaři, *giijar-), thara- and Alpher et al. (2008), among others, that stand erect, stand up (*ja[a]rra[y] ‘stand’), by its pronouns, core structures and some gasama- catch, get (*gaja- ‘tie up’), saana core vocabulary, the Western and Central foot (*jina), gœyga sun, day (OKY gœřigař(i), Language is a member of the Australian *gari), siiba liver, centre; centre of “heart-felt” Pama-Nyungan phylum. However, only 18% feelings (*jiba ‘liver’) of the 279 Proto-Paman words in Sommer (1969: 62-66) have definite realisations in From Papua as well come concrete and abstract the Western and Central Language. In the vocabulary, some morphology, syntactic/ Holman et al. (2008) 40-word list based on the grammatical structure such as verb number Swadesh 100 word list (see Appendix 1), 22.5% [also possibly archaic Australian] and depletive of the words are Australian, 22.5% Papuan and verbs, the use of state/ verbs as ‘be’ verbs, and two interrogatives (naag/naga how, 12.5% Austronesian. Of the remaining 42.5%, namuyth when) in Kalaw Kawaw Ya. 15% could be from any of these, one word (‘horn’) is not applicable, eight are derived Papuan words (Proto East-Trans Fly): siipi words, and fully 32.5% are unclassifiable, root (*sipi), pe-/pi- specifically there in the

342 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland distance (*pa~*pi- ‘that, there’), gabu cold, Examples of words of more than one possible cool, calm, etc. (*gabo ‘cold’), ber/bera, S-D origin are the following: bero rib,side of boat, river, etc.(*biro ‘side’), guul sailing canoe (PETrF *ŋgola,*ŋgalo, maadhu meat (*madu), baaga jaw (*mbaŋka] POC *qaluwaŋ) – possibly an Austronesian ‘jaw.molar’), uthuy sleep (*uto), ùmai dog loan to all local languages (*omái), saamu cassowary (*saamu), ngœna piki dream (PETrF *pi[ ]io, POC *(m)pi(t)i) breath (*ŋana), ngœnakaapu heart, centre of sii-/siya- stand, stand doing (CA *ja-n/*ji-n thoughts and the breath (*ŋana ‘breath’, *kapu ‘stand’, POC *siři ‘stand’) ‘body part’), mœlpal(a) moon (*malpala). Ama Mum, Mum’s Sister (PP *ŋam[au]ŋ, From Austronesian also come concrete and PETrF *ŋaam[au] ‘mother, breast’) abstract vocabulary, perhaps some morphology Baba Dad, Dad’s Brother (PP *baŋbaŋ, PETrF such as one of the ablatives, the pa- telic prefix *baba, POC *ba(m)paq ‘father’) and the KIDHA group of morphemes, some terminology dealing with agriculture, canoes, buthu sand (PP *buju dirt, POC *(ka)pudu the weather, the sky and the sea, sky/weather/ ‘dust’) agricultural gods (Thœgay, Kang and the kapu, GY kaapu seed (PP *gambuŋ ‘egg, Zugubal) and a few verbs. There are in many seed’, PETrF *kapu ‘egg, seed’, POC *k[ao] cases clear relationships with the South-East mpuŋ ‘seed’) Papuan Austronesian group (Mitchell, 1995; thala- chew (PP *ja-l eat, POC *tolon ‘gulp, David et al., 2004). devour, sip, swallow’) Austronesian words (Proto South-East Where kin terms are concerned, one is Papuan Austronesian [Proto Oceanic in Australian, ipi, GY iipi wife, PP *yibi ‘woman, some cases as marked]): gamu, GY gaamu female’, two are probably Australian, Athe body (torso) (*ŋkamo ‘belly’), wœœwra south- Grandad, cf. Urradhi athi, athidha ‘maternal east (*waura), bùrùm pig (*mporoma), mapu grandfather’, PP *ŋaji, and Aka Grandma, PP heavy (*mapa), wœywi mango (*waiwai), aapa *baga. Another, Ama Mum, Aunty could be garden bed (*[s]apu ‘dust, dirt’), aar dawn (*aro Australian or Papuan, while Baba Dad, Uncle < *anso ‘sun, day’), daana pool, reef lagoon; eye; could be Australian, Papuan or Austronesian life (*dano ‘lake’, *danu ‘water’), maalu deep, – or even simultaneously from all three. The sea (*malo, POC *(ŋ)malo/u ‘submerge; reef; kinship system is fairly different from that of hollowed’), maanga fork (POC *maŋa() ‘fork, the neighbouring Australian cultures, and is branching’), thanura-i- sit (*tanu(t)ali ‘sit’), essentially the same as that of the neighbouring waadha reality/existential emphasis (*wada Papuans. The Western and Central Language ‘existential’), mùra all (*mora ‘numerous’), and Meriam Mìr kin terms are very similar, uur/wœr (archaic KKY wœyr) water (*wair), surprisingly so for unrelated languages, and the bùngil/bongil (KKY bongel) last night (*boŋi neighbouring Urradhi system is very dissimilar, ‘night’), barama enormous, most (*bada/ surprisingly so for related languages: bara ‘big, most’), puuyi (OKY puuři) magic father, male of father’s generation in charm~medicine~equipment~actions (*puli father’s clan/moiety ‘magic’), sayim(a) (OKY sařima) outrigger float WCL thathi, GY thaathi; emotive Baba, (*nsarima), thawal(a) coast, shore (*tawala), KKY Bab wœru/wuru/uru rope, cord, string (*waro() MM bab ‘vine, rope’), aay food (*[k]ani, *[k]ain ‘food, Urradhi (Atampaya) ibhuny; (Angkamuthi/ eat’), sal bilge water (POC *sa(dr)a/e ‘dig, bail’) ) ibhadha

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 343 Rod Mitchell

father’s sister or female relative of his however, show signs of something akin to generation in his clan/moiety “pidginisation”. The Australian 1st exclusive WCL ngœybath(a), OKY ngœřibatha dual *ŋanapula, via *ŋampula (cf. Urradhi MM nerbet ampula) became the inclusive dual ngœba, Urradhi inhya while the 1st inclusive plural *ŋali ‘we’ mother, female of mother’s generation in became the exclusive plural ngœy, i.e. they mother’s clan/moiety in effect swapped place. The other st two1 WCL apu, GY apuuwa; emotive Ama pronouns were formed from *ŋali with what MM apu, emotive Ama appear to be deictics, an exclusive -bay and Urradhi ungunyu an inclusive -pa/pù-. The 3rd person dual mother’s brother or male relative of her appears to be suffixed by the proprietive generation in her clan/moiety; sister’s child suffix LAI, while the most radical change is WCL awadhe, awdhe, wadhuwam; that the Australian non-singular 2nd person emotive Awa pronouns have been lost, replaced by the MM awá “pidgin” forms *ŋin+pal you+two > nipel, Urradhi ukurra ‘mother’s brother’; aala KKY/OKY ngipel, and *ŋin+tana you+they ‘mother’s younger brother’ > nitha, KKY/OKY ngitha (OKY ngithana, sibling ngitha). In this the ni, KKY/OKY WCL (same-sex) tœkuyap, GY tœkuyaapa ngi acts like the i- this, here (tukuyap, GY tukuyaapa), (opposite- sex) babath, KulY bayabath, OKY and se-/si- that, there, dual forms ipal these bœřabatha two and sepal/sipal those two and plural MM berbet (also: le, lit. ‘person’) forms itha these and setha/sitha those. Urradhi upungka ‘elder brother’, upantin ‘elder On the whole, the Western and Central sister’, ithamu ‘younger brother or sister’ Language seems to be a cousin on mother’s side resulting from language shift in the model WCL naguwam of Thomason and Kaufmann (1988 : MM neguám; emotive Negú 212), where speakers within a long-term Urradhi ? multilingual community characterised by grandparent mothers of mainly Australian origin, some WCL bœbath; (grandmother) kayadh; emotive Grandad Athe, KKY Pòòpu, of Papuan origin, and fathers of mainly Grandma Aka Austronesian/Papuan background over MM kaied (WCL loans pòp, emotive At) time ‘create’ a new language (see further Urradhi wuula/wuulan ‘father’s father’, athi/ below in the next section). athidha ‘mother’s father’, api/apidha ‘father’s mother’, (Atampaya) ami/ THE LANGUAGE AS A RECORD OF amin, (Angamuthi, Yadhaykenu) ami/ amidha ‘mother’s mother’ AUSTRALIAN AND PAPUAN PREHISTORY: HOW OLD IS THE LANGUAGE? grandchild WCL ngep, GY ngeepa When Island Southeast Asians and then MM nap Europeans began visiting Torres Strait from Urradhi ? around 500 years or so ago (cf. Haddon, 1935: On the other hand, the singular personal 15) – with intensification after the colonisation pronouns (Table 1) are Australian, and are of Australia in 1788 – the present-day language close to their Proto Paman predecessors. situation seems to have been well-established. The dual and plural pronouns (Table 2), But how old is the language? That is to say,

344 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

TABLE 1. The Paman sources of the singular pronouns.

WCL 1st 2nd 3rd masculine 3rd feminine who KLY ngay(i) ni nuy na nga KKY ngay(i) ngi nuy na nga OKY ngayi ngi nui na nga Proto Paman *ŋayi *ŋin *nyu[lu] *nyaan *ŋaan

TABLE 2. Comparison of the WCL dual and plural pronouns with those of PP

WCL nominative oblique nominative oblique stem stem 1st exclusive dual ngalbay ngalbayni- 1st exclusive plural ngœy ngœlmùni- KKY ngalbe ngalbeni- KKY ngœy ngœymùni- archaic KulY ngœibai ngœibaini- OKY ngœři ngœři[mù]ni- 1st inclusive dual ngœba ngœbani- 1st inclusive plural ngalpa ngalpùni- KKY/OKY ngalpa ngalpani- 2nd dual nipel nipeni- 2nd plural nitha nithamùni- KKY/OKY ngipel ngipeni- KKY ngitha ngithamùni- OKY ngitha/ngithana ngitha[na]mùni- 3rd dual palay palamùni- 3rd plural thana thanamùni- Boigu/OKY pale palemùni-

PP dual plural PHASE 1: UP TO AND BEYOND THE END OF THE ICE AGE: 8900–3500 YEARS AGO 1st exclusive *ŋampula < *ŋanapula *ŋana 1st inclusive *ŋalipula *ŋali Archaeology/Human Biology 2nd *nyupula < *nyurra- *nyurra pula The earliest evidence of human presence in Torres Strait is from Badu, 8900 years ago 3rd *pula *jana (David et al., 2004), when Torres Strait was still dry land. The rising waters at the end of the Ice Age pushed the local people south when did the mix of Australian, Papuan and and north, though many stayed on the former Austronesian elements come together to high hills that stretch from Mabuyag down ultimately give the language its more-or-less to Cape York. Archaeological evidence on present form, and how does its development Badu (David et al., 2004: 6) shows occupation reflect local prehistory. There are various there from 8900 – 6000 years ago, which then clues from archaeology, with associated ‘tailed off’. The few archaeological records human biology (genetics etc.), folk history post-6000 years ago indicate either sporadic and linguistics that give speculative keys to visits from Australia, if not a continued highly estimating both the age of the language, and nomadic existence of retained ownership of its general development. the islands – or both. Human settlement in Torres Strait can be Modern ‘biological archaeology’, namely summarised in four phases: blood typology, physical appearance and

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 345 Rod Mitchell skeletal evidence, also shows that the Torres sea was dry land inhabited by people whose Strait Islanders, neighbouring Cape York descendants are still in the area both to the peoples and Papuan peoples have a close north and the south (cf. Foley, 1986; Donohue relationship to each other, i.e. genetically, and Terril, 1996; Moore, 1979: 309). northern Australians and southern Papuans are very closely related (Kirk, 1972: 373; PHASE 2: 3500–2600 YEARS AGO Moore, 1979: 309). However, between Cape York, Torres Strait and Papua there have Archaeology/Human Biology been untold centuries of intermarriage, adoption and the practice of procuring From around 3500 years ago occupation what Islanders called gasamayzigal intensified, going by evidence from Badu captives, i.e. people taken in raids either as (David et al., 2004) and Mabuyag (McNiven et al., wives or workers, or as children. Therefore, 2006). These are linked to increasing Aboriginal comparison of modern Papuan, Torres activity in tropical North Queensland at the Strait and Cape York human biology will time (McNiven et al., 2006: 66). not necessarily give good clues as to what differences or similarities existed in the Folk History far past. There are also interesting local variations; one inland Cape York group, for Established Aboriginal occupation of certain example, were said to be stocky and thick- islands is remembered in Torres Strait folk set “when they came out of the bush” in history that deals with the start of the next the early 1900s, quite unlike their coastal phase (Phase 3). Urradhi relatives (Richard Tamwoy of , personal communication, 1994). Linguistics Common Australian influence moved into Folk History Cape York from further south in Australia None as yet identified in Torres Strait itself (O’Grady, 1979; Wurm, 1972), ultimately that refers to this period; all present Torres overlaying (at least partly) local languages to Strait oral history refers to a world of islands form the Paman group; this influence reached that have always been there bounded by two Torres Strait quite early, as Australian dhawdhay major land masses to the south and words in the language are on the whole north. Neighbouring Papua could have some more archaic in form than the neighbouring oral history dating back to this period, while , which underwent later potential oral history has probably been changes. In particular, there has been little lost in neighbouring Australia due to loss of , sporadically of *ŋ, *g/*k and language and culture. *y (see below), unlike Gudang, Urradhi and other Cape York languages, which indicates either that the language was taken out of the Linguistics Australian sphere just when this had started, Some linguistic evidence north and south of or it is independent in the Western and Torres Strait seems to point to the possibility Central Language, or there are later loans that the northern Paman, Eastern-Trans Fly from the Australian mainland. The fact that and South-Central Papuan languages and words of Papuan and Austronesian origin therefore peoples share common origins; that also appear to undergo this could suggest what is now Torres Strait and the Arafura independent development:

346 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Proto Paman gloss WCL gloss *ŋara ‘enter’ ara- enter, put in *ŋiwiri ‘mosquito’ iwi mosquito *ŋaji ‘maternal Athe Grandad grandfather’ *ŋam[au]ŋ ‘breast, mother’ Ama Mum, Aunty (this has essentially the same proto form in the neighbouring Papuan languages, i.e. *ŋaam[au]) *gaamba- ‘cover’ aba- cover *giimV- ‘see’ iima- see, find *giba ‘scrape’ iiba- grate, scrape *yibi ‘woman, female’ ipi, GY iipi wife ipika (iipkazi-), KKY ip-/yip-/ woman, female yœpkaz(i) *yiga ‘laughter’ either egi laughter, laugh Cf. PETrF*giga ‘joy, happiness’ or ikay, KKY ika happiness, joy, gladness PETrF *kiigiro ‘life’ KKY ígil life PSEPA *kain/*kani ‘food, eat’ ay food PSEPA *sapu ‘dust, dirt’ aapa garden bed, garden cf. MM sep ‘ground, soil’, Gudang ampa ‘ground, soil’ Gizrra tüp ‘ground’ Wipi sopa ‘garden’ apa- down, below cf. MM sep ‘down, below’ Wipi sap ‘down, below’ (in compounds)

Furthermore, a few early Common masculine-feminine systems (except Meriam Australian monosyllabic stems have been Mìr, which is genderless), though not marked on retained relatively ‘unchanged’: the pronouns themselves. (Wurm, 1975: 333-334). CA WCL PHASE 3: 2600–800 YEARS AGO *bul pal/wal dual morpheme *ŋaan nga who (what only in the KKY Archaeology/Human Biology ‘who/ word ngalaga where, lit. what’ what-place SLoc) Settlers arrived from Papua around 2600 to *ŋiin ni, KKY ngi you singular 2800 years ago and colonised the uninhabited *nyaan na feminine personal and inhabited islands. They brought pronoun, feminine morpheme horticulture, archaeological evidence of this *nyii-n ni-, niya- sit, stay (KKY also niina- in being dated to as early as 2500 years ago on niinadha SG.IMP.IMPF) Saibai (Barham, 1999: 79) and the Murray *maa-n ma-, mani- get, take, etc. group (Carter & Lilley, 2008: 74,76 – with evidence for coconut, banana and yam). A third archaism is the retention of the Torres Strait has been horticultural ever since. Common Australian masculine and feminine gender, lost in neighbouring Paman languages. Lapita pottery also appeared at the same Gender is also found in neighbouring Trans time, which had been brought to the Central Fly languages, which also have two-gender District of south-east Papua by Austronesian

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 347 Rod Mitchell speaking settlers by around 2900 years ago history has it that these initial colonisers were (David et al., 2011; McNiven et al., 2011). Sherds a culturally dominant group of Austronesian found on the Murray group date from 2600 to men who had married local Trans-Fly Papuan 1600 years ago, with one very late anomaly of women from the Parema area, many, if not 700 years ago (Carter & Lilley, 2008: 74). These most, of the settlers would have been mixed are made of material that could ultimately Austronesian-Papuan as well as Papuan. be from the Kubor region of the New Guinea Highlands or the Kikori area to the north-east Linguistics of the Fly Delta, which leads Carter and Lilley (2008) to postulate a Papuan settlement in Carter’s postulation of Papuan settlement Torres Strait rather than Austronesian, though ultimately from either the Kikori or Kubor as the sand material shows strong wearing it is areas is not supported by Meriam Mìr. Kikori is probably that it had been eroded downstream on the border of the north-east Kiwai language before use (Ian McNiven, pers. comm., 2011). area. The Kiwai (of the Trans New Guinea The same style of pottery has been found at Phylum group) descended into the north Fly Mask Cave on Pulu near Mabuyag and dates Delta from the headwaters of the Fly River in to two periods, 2600 to 2400 years ago and 1700 the Highlands around 2000 years ago; this, it to 1600 years ago (McNiven et al., 2006: 67-68). must be noted, is based on linguistic evidence It was of local Mabuyag make, crafted with only (Wurm, 1975: 324). Meriam Mìr is closely technology and expertise that came from the related to the other East Trans-Fly languages east in south coastal Austronesian Papua New Bine, Wipi and Gizrra, and more distantly to the Guinea. Given such early dates, coupled with Pahoturi Family (Agöb, Idi, Taeme and Ende), the oral history summarised below, it is likely to the north and northwest. Meriam Mìr folk that Austronesians were directly involved in the history of the peopling of the Eastern islands settlement in Torres Strait. is that they first settled Mer, then moved to the other islands of the group (Anna Shnukal, pers. Folk History comm., 2012). Whether there were previous inhabitants or not is unclear. The Meriam may Mabuyag folk history recorded by Laade have overlaid earlier inhabitants who would (Laade, 1968: 146-148, information from the have been the same people as the Western Reverend Seriba Sagigi, Missi Mam and Jimmy and Central Islanders, the Gamle (Koiki Mabo, Luffman) recounts that light-skinned traders personal communication, 1980; Lawrie, 1970: from the ocean to the east established a base 326). Various aspects of the Western and at Parema (northeast of Daru), intermarried Central Language and Meriam Mìr show a with local Trans-Fly Papuans, then fairly soon period of at least partial bilingualism over a after colonised Torres Strait (from Murray in long period, perhaps stemming from such an the east to Mabuyag in the west) to avoid more original settlement pattern. intermarriage – particularly of their daughters – with the Papuans. At Mua, Badu and Austronesian linguistic and cultural influence Mabuyag they found Aboriginal people, killed in the Torres Strait area is not disputed; however the men and kept the women (and presumably such an early date of around 2600 years or so ago the children). Some chose to go north to Saibai, is. Carter and Lilley advise caution in blindly Dauan and Boigu so as to avoid even further accepting linguistic and cultural evidence of intermarriage. Badu folk history further states pre-colonisation Eastern Austronesian contact that others later moved down from Badu and in Torres Strait, such as that presented in David colonised the Mùralag group. While the folk et al. (2004): ‘this linguistic evidence, along with

348 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland suspected Austronesian traits in Islander oral However, as the languages and cultural traits histories and legends as well as in rock art of the Pacific Islanders who came to Torres stylistic affinities, lacks chronological control Strait in the colonisation period are very well and may reflect the influx of Pacific Islanders known, it is clear that they cannot be the origin to Torres Strait in colonial times’ (Carter & of most of the Eastern Austronesian words Lilley, 2008: 79). They also highlight the sea- and (presumed) cultural traits in the language. going capabilities of coastal Papuans (Carter & Many of these words could only have come Lilley, 2008: 79); the migration of Trans-New from the South-East Papuan Austronesians Guinea Phylum Papuans to East Timor and (see Table 3), and at least in some cases clearly neighbouring islands is a case in point. predate the Motu trading voyages (the Hiri TABLE 3. South East Papuan Austronesian words in languages of the area, comparing Proto-Central District Austronesian (PCD), Proto South-East Papuan Austronesian (PSEPA) and Proto-Polynesian (PPN), subgroups of Proto-Oceanic (POC).

outrigger OKY sařima MM sìrìb Motu darima Samoan 'ama KLY sayim Kiwai sarima PCD *Darima PPN *sama KKY sayma Daru Kiwai harima PSEPA *(n)sarima ideal song form: sayima Gudang charima (OKY loan) Torres Strait Area Proto Form *sařima POC *nsaRman rope wœru/wuru/uru Kiwai waro, oro Motu varo ‘creeper sp.’ (not cognate) KKY wœru-/wuru-/uru- PCD *waro (only in wœrukam[i] rope) PSEPA *waro ideal song form: waru Gudang uurru (OKY loan) Torres Strait Area Proto Form *waru ~*waro POC *waRos south-east (wind, direction) OKY wœura MM waur Motu laura (not cognate) KLY wœœwra Kiwai uro PCD *na waura KKY wœwr (*na definite article) ideal song form: waura PSEPA *waura Torres Strait Area Proto Form *waura POC *waura magic (as a product, medicine, charms, etc) OKY puuři (not cognate) Motu hui (not cognate) KLY puuyi PCD *pu[r]i KKY puy PSEPA *pu[lr]i ideal song form: puuyi Gudang upiri (OKY loan) Torres Strait Area Proto form *puuři POC *(m)puluŋ pig bùrùm(a) MM borom Motu boroma Samoan pua'a ideal song form: bùrùma Bine blomo/blome PCD *boroma PPN *puaka Kiwai boroma PSEP *mporoma, *mporok Torres Strait Area Proto Form *boroma POC *(m)borok

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 349 Rod Mitchell

Motu); that is to say, they are not Motu or have arrived through knock-on trade across similar ‘recent’ Central District Austronesian. the Fly Delta. Having said this, on present Further, the amount of influence shows strong, knowledge, many words can not be assigned long-term contact, none of which occurred to a clear time period, as can be seen in the with any post-colonial . following list, which contains various items The modern South-Sea Islanders came which range from clearly to possibly South- as seamen (and some women) who were East Papuan Austronesian. not interested in spreading their language or culture (or in most cases Christianity). WCL PCD PSEPA Their languages (Samoan, Rotuman, aar dawn (in *aro ‘sun, *[ ]anso Drehu, Maori, and so on) have made no songs, etc.) day’ mark on local languages, apart from some barama enormous, *bada ‘big’ *mpara loan words. The South Sea men preferred most to keep their languages for their personal bùngel, bùngil, *boŋi ‘night’ *mpoŋi communication – these were not for people KKY bongel last ‘night’ that they often considered to be inferior, night Pidgin English being the preferred language bùrùm pig *boroma, *mporoma, *boro *mporok of communication. This also reinforced their buya light PCD *pula, *mpula position as the co-workers of the White PECD *vue, colonisers, along with the Malay, Filipino, PWCD Chinese, Japanese, Jamaican and other *puya ‘shine, outsiders. The only real linguistic influence glow, moon’ has been the replacement of the traditional daaka side of face *raqe *daqe languages in some communities by Broken, ‘forehead, face’ used by all foreigners to varying extents, daana pool, *ranu ‘water, *dano ‘pool, including Europeans. lagoon; eye; life pool, lake’ lake’, *danu The various forms of South East Papuan ‘water’ Austronesian words appear to show long- gamu, GY gaamu *gamu ‘belly’ *ŋkamo body term contacts over centuries. Many have gœru sugar cane *garo *garo a more ‘archaic’ Proto-South East Papuan ‘garden’ Austronesian appearance, while a few kaazi child, person *taDi, PWCD *tansi ‘child; resemble the more evolved Central District *kati younger Austronesian languages, the sub-group same sex of the South East Papuan Austronesian sibling’ languages closest to Torres Strait; PSEPA maalu deep, deep *malo *ŋmal[ou] is the immediate ancestor of PCD. It could sea ‘hollowed’ ‘submerge; reef; be that trading voyages such as the Hiri hollowed’ Motu have a long history (from as much as maayi (OKY *mairi ??? 2900 years ago) and included some traders maaři) nacre settling in areas such as Torres Strait. While mùra all, total *mora ‘big, *mora the was much more restricted numerous’ in range in recent history, a wider range of natha- cook, roast, *naDu ‘cook’ *nansu contacts may have been maintained for a colour long time, allowing for more recent loans, paa fence, *ba *mpaa possibly including loan words that could enclosure

350 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

WCL PCD PSEPA in constant and – perhaps by implication – puuyi (OKY *pu[rl]i *mpu[lr]i unchanged use since around 700 years ago; puuři) magic, ‘magic, though, of course, if a people with more or medicine medicine’ less the same material technology and means sal bilge water ??? *nsara ‘bail’ of making a livelihood as an already resident sayima outrigger *Darima *nsarima(n) people moves in, this is not likely to be (OKY sařima) obvious in the archaeology. susu breast; white *DuDu *nsunsu sap ‘breast, milk’ thanura-i- sit *tanu(t)aru *tanu(tali) Folk History waadha, KKY *waDa *wada ‘exist, Folk history of various types of contacts waaza reality ‘perfective’ be present’ between Australians, Islanders and Papuans /existential emphasis abound, including trade, family ties, marriage, waaku mat, sail ??? *paqu warfare, the spread of cults and religion, inter- waaru turtle *ponu ‘turtle, *ponu tribe adoptions, wife-stealing, and so on. It is also tortoise’ a period when tales of contact with the markayl wœr/wur/uur *wai *wair white spirits show that Makassans or the like water(archaic were regularly visited the Straits. Within the KKY wœyr) area, the most significant migrations involve wœru/wuru/uru *waro ‘vine, *waro the Kiwai and the Hiámo of Daru. According rope rope’ to local Papuan folk history recorded Wœœwra South- *(na) waura *waura East by Lawrence (1989: 102), Daru was first settled by settlers from Yama. Lawrence’s wœywi mango *(wai)wai *(wai)wai informant stated that Daru was a mud flat that eventually became an island. As soon as PHASE 4: 800 YEARS AGO TO it was habitable, Yama people settled there COLONISATION AND BEYOND as a trading base. These people were later to be called the Hiámo (alt. Hiáma, Hiámu) by Archaeology/Human Biology the Kiwai colonisers of Daru, Mawata and A significant period of change throughout neighbouring villages. Landtman (1927: x, Island Melanesia as well as elsewhere in the 337), Haddon (1935: 49) and Lawrie (1971 world (McNiven, 2006: 9); mirrored in Torres field notes) record that when the Kiwai raided Strait, and evidenced by ‘a suite of sites across and then colonised the area, the bulk of the the Strait demonstrating major cultural Hiámo fled south to the Mùralag group via changes taking place within the last 600-800 Muri [Mt Adolphus] (see Appendix 2), and a years’ (McNiven, 2006: 1). There appeared to few to Saibai and into Papua. This may also have been “an absolute increase in activity be the time that the Malo-Bomai religion from across the region due to overall population the Marind to the west (West Papuan border increase. This activity continued virtually area) came to Mer. unchanged in the archaeological landscape into the modern period. If the archeological Linguistics evidence from Moore (1979) is anything to go by, the migration of the Hiámo mentioned The continuing contacts between Australians, below may well have happened towards the Islanders and Papuans have meant continuous beginning of this period – his dig at the Port linguistic and cultural influences of various Lihou site on Mùralag showed that it was kinds, particularly in religious contexts, such

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 351 Rod Mitchell as the introduction of Kulkalgal turtle fertility denasalisation from *kokani (cf. MM kokni ceremonies to Papua and the spread of the ‘knee’). Kwádi~kowódi is an acknowledged Kuiam cult into Papua (Landtman, 1927), loan (the cluster kw~kow is from the WCL [q] the “conversion” of the Meriam to the Malo- of k, mandatory in WCL with round Bomai religion, and so on. Language contact vowels), while others can only be from the with Macassans and/or other Indonesians is Western and Central Language because they also probably reflected in pre-colonisation have meaning in that language, but not in West Austronesian loan words. Kiwai, such as Kóidjugubo, Sengérai and Utíamo. Evidence of the voice of the Hiámo are the Among words common to the two languages words and songs in Daru Kiwai dance cycles are those that are ultimately Australian, such and so on (as recorded in Landtman, 1927) as sibo (PP *jiba ‘liver’) and karáko (PP *galga said to be in the language of the Hiámo. These ‘spear’), a further sign that the words are are clearly relatable to modern forms of the loans into Kiwai. Síbo in Kiwai appears to Western and Central Language, showing that refer on the whole to what in the Western and the development of the language predates Central Language is expressed by ngœna the Kiwai expansion to the south-west of breath, intellect, intellectual feelings, and in the their territory – and that the language was in compound ngœnakaapu to the heart, the existence before the Yama Islanders colonised seat of the breath and intellectual ‘feelings’ Daru. The specific forms of the language of the such as memory and agreement. The brain, Hiámo link the them to the Kauřařaiga as well thiigi, deals with intellectual aspects such as to the Saibai-Dauan-Boigu people. as wisdom and cunning. Síbo also seems to An example of contacts in this period cover some of the abstract meanings of the reflected in vocabulary are words common Western and Central Language siiba liver to Kiwai and the Western and Central as well, which is the seat of feelings such as Language recorded by Landtman. Certain of love, hate and kindness the words in the list below show influence Kiwai WCL from Torres Strait into Kiwai rather than ámo ‘harpoon rope’ amu, GY aamu id the other way around; i.e. they are words Báidam ‘Ursus Major’ Baydham id. (lit. Shark) borrowed along with Torres Strait cultural baidama, baidamo, baidham(a) shark traits into Kiwai, such as dugong and baidamu ‘shark’ turtle hunting techniques, cosmology and bobo ‘swamp lake’ pœpu (pupu) id. the Kuiam cult, which includes kúbai from djógubo zugub(a) god-like being; the Western and Central Language kùbay ‘constellation’ any star or constellation . Some are fairly modern, such as that is associated with the zugub karáko ‘metal-tipped spear’, WCL kœlak, gábo ‘flat end of gaab, GY gaaba flat- GY kœlaaka spear, while others are older, canoe’ sterned canoe and their phonology shows this in retaining gábora, gábara ‘sawfish’ gabaro id. word forms since lost in the Western and gópu ‘sucker fish’ gapu, GY gaapu id. Central Language, such as naráto ‘dugong karáko ‘iron-tipped kœlaaka spear platform’ (PWCL *nařáta > OKY nœřatha, spear’ MY-KY nœyath/nath, KLY/KulY niyath/nath, Károngo ‘a god-like WCL Kang, MM Kareg id. KKY nath) and Károngo (PWCL *kařánga > figure who became a one of the two chief Zugub OKY Kœranga, WCL Kang, MM Kareg). constellation’ (became a constellation) The word koráre has undergone assimilation káuta ‘split canoe kautha id. (*kolápi > *korapi > koráre), and kokádi shows used for transport’

352 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Kiwai WCL Overview Kóidjugubo ‘a Kœy Zugub(a) Big Zugub The language can be speculated to have constellation’ originated in the colonisation of the islands by kokádi ‘hockey stick’ kokan(i) knee-cap; hockey- Austronesian-dominated settlers over 2600 like game, hockey stick (cf. MM kokni knee)" years ago. If so, it would be the descendant koráre ‘seed kùláp, GY kùlaapi id. of the previous Paman language with strong (Queensland bean), influence from the South East Papuan dance rattle made Austronesian language and the Trans-Fly from these seeds’ Papuan language spoken by the colonisers. kúbai ‘magic kùbay woomera The Austronesian men formed an ‘elite’ who instrument intermarried with local Trans-Fly Papuans resembling a woomera’ before colonising the Straits. After moving kwádi/kowódi ‘men’s kòòda id. to Torres Strait, there was further marriage important enclosed with local Pamans. For a period of time, there discussion place’ was probably a multicultural community of naráto ‘dugong nœyath, nath, KKY nath speakers of the three languages, presumably platform’ (OKY nœřatha) platform with the majority of mothers speaking the nigóri ‘north-east’ naigay(i), OKY naigaři Paman language. Such a period of time may north, north-east have been as short as 3 or 4 generations, páto ‘stake, pin etc.’ paata id. though in reality was probably long-term, pipi ‘dance and pipi war dance keeping in mind the continued contacts with performance style introduced from the neighbouring Papuans and Australians Torres Strait’ (to the present), as well as assuming Sengérai ‘Orion’s Singeyal id. (OKY continued long-term trade links from South- Belt’ singeyalai; lit. head-carrying East Papua. In time, this multilingualism loops, in Kiwai gáraóro [óro coalesced to create the Western and Central ‘rope, string’]) Language, the mixed Australian-Papuan- síbo ‘heart’ (physical siib(a) liver, center; seat of Austronesian language still spoken today, and abstract) heart-felt feelings created by a people that are not Papuans, túru ‘bloodwood’ thulu bloodwood; straightness nor Aborigines, nor Austronesians, but that Utíamo ‘a Uthiyamal (uu thiyamal have elements of all three. The Melanesian constellation’ ripe banana bunches) a component dominates genetically, and the constellation of the Zugub Australian component linguistically. The group language of the North-Western, Western, úro ‘south-east’ wœœwra id. South-Western and Central islands of Torres varéga ‘rudder, walnga id. Strait is the language of a true Island People. steering board/oar’ It must be said, however, that this mix of wápi ‘fish’ waapi id. linguistic and cultural backgrounds seems wápo ‘harpoon shaft’ waapa id. to be reflected in all the local languages, wárakara ‘hibiscus wœrakar(a) tree hibiscus sp.’ which have varying amounts of Australian, waro, oro ‘rope, wœru/wuru/uru id. Papuan and Austronesian content. Meriam string, cord’ Mìr, of course, is also the language of a true wawa ‘mythical bush wawa id. Island people, with a different mix of the giant’ same components reflecting its different – though related – history. None of the

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 353 Rod Mitchell

Torres Strait area languages, however, as TABLE 4. The core KLY vowels. would be expected, are Austronesian; both non-round round linguistics and oral history discount this. The high i /i/, ii /i:/ u /u/, uu /u:/ Austronesian men married local women and high-mid e /e/ ù/ʊ/ lived in a world dominated by Papuan and low-mid œ/ə/ o /o/ Australian languages. low a /a/, aa /a:/ òò/ͻ:/

PART THREE: THE LANGUAGE Note that /ͻ:/ here represents a vowel more similar All four dialects are very similar in phonology, to Australian English broad rather French homme. morphology and structure, and therefore much of the following applies to the language Comparative linguistics and vowel as a whole. The presentation differs in minor complementary distribution patterns suggest ways from Bani and Klokeid (1971), Kennedy that the above eight-vowel system derives (1981, 1985a, 1985b) and Ford and Ober (1991), from an older Papuan style 4-vowel system which on the whole took the surface forms contrasting high ~ low and non-round ~ of the language at face value without taking round with short and long members. The into account underlying forms and how mid vowels in general (but not exclusively) these transform according to phonological originate in 1) non-tense and 2) partly environment and speech style. In part this assimilated allophones of the short vowels: was due to the general theoretical approach *iCo > eC[oa] PETrF*biro, MM ber(a), B bera, of the time; the language to be analysed is that bìr ‘side, rib’ SD bero side, rib that is least likely to be overtly monitored, i.e. *iCi > iC[i] *piti, MM pit piti, GY piiti normal, everyday speech. The present work ‘nose, beak' nose takes the point of view that a whole view of *aCa > aC[a] PP *bagal ‘stab, paga- prick, stick, the language can only be gained by looking at etc.’ stab, spear, shoot the whole language with all its varieties. *aCC > œC PP *ŋampula ngœba we dual (<*ŋanapula) ‘we inc. THE SOUND SYSTEM OF THE LANGUAGE dual exc.’ *uCa > ùCa PP *gul(g)a, kùla stone VOWELS PETrF *kula ‘stone’ There are eight core (i.e. phonemic) vowels *uCu > uCu CA *buju ‘dirt’ buthu, GY with a three-way contrast of round ~ non- buuthu sand round, high ~ low and mid ~ non-mid. Three *oNa > ùNa PETrF *omái ùmáy dog of the non-mid vowels have short and long ‘dog’, MM omái members, one is phonemically long, and the *oNi > ù/ PSEPA *boŋi bùngil/bongil, four mid-vowels are phonemically short. oC[ie] ‘night’ KKY bongel last night Previous works assume 6 vowels, presenting two round vowels, u and o, rather than the Due to language change such as the four herein. That there are four separate development of vowel shortening and round vowels can be shown by near minimal lengthening, final and internal vowel pairs, such as pùs, GY pùùsa fine hair, fur, deletion, and so on, the original allophonic down, pubic hair and pus, GY puusi mist, variations have become phonemicised, with modholpe butter banana and mòdhab price, exceptions being either retentions of older cost, payment, pay. forms, or loan words, or later sound changes.

354 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Vowel Length (b) morpho-syntactic vowel length: Vowels before consonant groups are short, 1) the unaffixed word contrasts with forms except in rare cases of , such that are affixed by 1) an elided underlying as guruguy around, in a circular movement morpheme, namely the Ø-marked specific > guurguy/gurguy, and are long in most locative, and 2) the singular present active monosyllabic words, though exceptions are perfective, which is a reduced morpheme: common, such as nel name, ber rib, side (of mùùdha camp, shelter, house nominative- boat etc.), sar white tern, kab oar, paddle and accusative others, where in effect the final consonant is mùdha camp, shelter, house Ø-marked virtually doubled, and the vowel “clipped”, specific locative thus [nel:], [ber:], [sar:] and [kab:]. Long vowels naagi look! watch! singular imperative do not appear in unstressed syllables except perfective active as a result of intonation, and do not appear in nagi look(s), watch(es) singular present modified words except in restricted cases, such active perfective as the instrumental of monosyllabic vowel- final nounsyaa ( speech > yaadu) and in the The Ø-marked specific locative comes Kalaw Kawaw Ya dialect in the active singular from an older form from which the final syllable (the ending) has disappeared; perfective present (patha- chop > pathiz [pa:tiz], that is to say, a phonological morpheme iima- see, find > imiz [i:miz]), the active singular has become a zero-morpheme while perfective imperative (patha- > pathi [pa:ti] , leaving the trace of its former presence by iima- see, find > imi [i:mi]) and in the attainative (a) the retention of the stem final vowel, singular perfective present when the stem has and (b) the shortening of the previous a long vowel (patha- > pathan [patan], iima- > long vowel. The former phonological iman [i:man]). morpheme exists in either fossilised or old-fashioned language, or sometimes There is an uneasy interplay between (a) in other dialects. The mid-to-late 1800s vowel length that contrasts word meaning, records of Kauřařaigau Ya show that and (b) vowel length that has morpho- the older form of mùdha was variously syntactic force. Comparative and interdialect mùdhal, mùdhali, mùdhale, mùdhalai, evidence suggests that vowel length while the active singular present formally contrasted word meaning, however perfective in Kauřařaigau Ya was nagizi, the development of morphosyntactic vowel and in Kalaw Kawaw Ya is nagiz [na:giz]. length has meant that contrastive vowel 2) emotive semantics (diminutive/poetic length is being lost. This is a characteristic as opposed to non-diminutive/non- of the language as a whole, however Kalaw poetic). The main vowel of the stressed Lagaw Ya is the only dialect that fully applies syllable is long, or lengthened, in the (b) and that has almost completely lost (a): nominative-accusative when non-emotive (a) word contrasts: in bisyllabic and trisyllabic words with kaaba, kaab dance performance; node (of antepenultimate stress. When emotive, all bamboo, etc.); kaba, kab paddle, oar vowels are short/shortened. na (naa) she, it; na if, when, referencing kaazi child, kazi kid, kiddy; iipi wife, ipi ngaadha, ngaadh appearance, looks; ngadha, darling wife; mœraapi bamboo, marápi ngadh who instrumental bamboo (songs, etc.) kaazi, kaaz child; kaza, kaz fathom, length As a result of such variation, all short vowels from hand to hand, slack (of tide, rope, etc.) in Kalaw Lagaw Ya have long allophones,

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 355 Rod Mitchell

and all long vowels have short allophones precede the endings -ka dative/imperfective (Table 5). and -zi ablative and the article formant -bi. In words such as gurguy around, in a circular kœpaasị/kùpaasị grasshopper movement (< guurguy < guruguy) and mòdhab iipị wife (< mòòdhab), the long vowels are normally mœraapị bamboo shortened in Kalaw Lagaw Ya because of the muulị speak! presence of the following voiced syllable. pœlaagị jump! take off! ngùùkị fresh water Devoicing of Vowels yaagị keep quiet! don't talk! In colloquial speech vowels can be devoiced thaathị father between voiceless consonants and further elide: seenụ that male there iinạ this female here sesithama- > sesithama-, sesịthama-, sesthama- mùdhakạ homewards explain, judge, give judgement wœrikạ be flying kasa kay kedha, kasạkay kedha, kas’ kay senuubị garka that man kedha but, however, on the other hand senaabị guulạ that canoe Devoicing, however, plays an important adhazị from outside part in Kalaw Lagaw Ya, where word-final gimazị from above vowels in non-emotive contexts are devoiced This devoicing is a mark of formal speech. In in formal speech when the vowel in the colloquial speech the devoiced vowels elide preceding syllable is long, and the word completely, while in ideal song form, they has no affix. In the case of and verbs, are fully voiced. this occurs in the nominative-accusative and singular perfective active imperative, Vowel Processes though also occurs in particles such as waadha existential/reality emphasis, cf. Kalaw In some words there is more or less free and Kawaw Ya waza [wa:za]. Such devoicing unpredictable variation between two or more also occurs in the gender forms of se-/si- variants, some being metathetic variants. Of there/that/those and i- here/this/these as well the examples below, se-/si- and pe-/pi- are as in words where two or more syllables in fairly free variaton, except in the genitive TABLE 5. Long and short allophones. long <> short nominative specific locative nominative specific locative liver; centre siiba siba, sibanu wrapping suupa supa, supanu dugong flipper meetha metha, methanu wind, air gùùba gùba, gùbanu dust, mist, spray pœœya pœya, pœyanu slowness sooba soba, sobanu red mangrove thaaga thaga, thaganu lung, spit mòòsa mòsa, mòsanu

short <> short nominative specific locative nominative specific locative mosquito iwi iwi, iwinu baby shark puri puri, purinu name nel nelay excreta kùma kùma, kùmanu mallard bœga bœga, bœganu brain coral bonaw bonawa, bonawanu axe aga aga, aganu payment mòdhab mòdhabi, mòdhabinu

356 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland and genitive based forms, which always spoonbill, bireg shelf, stem bœréygi-, biregi-, have se- and pe-. For some speakers, the e ipikazil > iipkazil women, females, ùkasar(a), forms are normal when there is an a or u in kosar(a) two (ùka- two, -sar(a) small number). the following syllable, otherwise i is found. On the whole, however, vowel variation Free variation: se- ~ si- that, there, pe- ~ pi- is fairly predictable. Apart from vowel specifically over there, thonar ~ thunar time, length processes and the associated vowel period, weather, etc., ugáy ~ ògáy waiting, devoicing, vowels can undergo 1) raising ngabunan, ngarubi arrive, come PL. (or gradation) and 2) assimilation. These Metathesis, on the other hand, is sporadic. result in surface variation, with some words It has been significant in the development resisting change, others having “free” of the language, however, as kœlák, GY variants, and still others where variation kœlaaka spear in comparison with the has given sporadic dialect, subdialect, or Pama-Nyungan *galga shows. Metathesis in idiolect variants. Such processes have also the language consists of 1) a vowel or glide resulted in surface variation linked to certain to the other side of a neighbouring syntactic or phonological environments, consonant and being replaced by an a or œ, or giving declensional/conjugational variation, 2) o, u or i “jumping” a consonant and either such as in the singular personal pronouns, leaving Ø or “itself”, or 3) metathesis of r. the dual-plural pronouns and masculine proper nouns. Metathetic variation: palil(a), pœláyl(a), pœléyl(a), pœlél(a), pilel(a) dry, dried, A to œ raising is extremely common, to the tekot(a), teukat(a) large puffer-fish, dœgam(u), point of being partially grammaticalised. In side, part, direction, variant stems: daguma-, quite a few words raising can form the major dœgámu-, guruguy > guurguy > gurguy part of the distinction between different around, in a circular movement, surunu > forms of the word, as in the following. suurnu boating pole SLoc, tharpu, thapur(a) Though a in such words becomes œ due to

singular pronouns: a raises to œ, which can further assimilate to following u sound change sound change no change case 1st person singular who she nominative ngay nga na instrumental ngath/ngatha ngadh(a) nadh(a) accusative ngœna ngan(a) nan(a) genitive ngaw (masculine) ngœnu/ngunu nanu ngœzu/nguzu (feminine) dative ngayka/ngaykika ngabeka nabeka

dual-plural pronouns and masculine proper nouns: i assimilates to following u: nominative Rod thana they PL ngalbay we DU EXC dative Rodanika thanamùnika ngalbaynika locative Rodaniya thanamùniya ngalbayniya ablative Rodanungu thanamùnungu ngalbaynungu (beside Rodaningu thanamùningu ngalbayningu)

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 357 Rod Mitchell its position in a prestressed syllable, words ngay na uzari na when~if I go > ngay nœ of this category are distinguished only by the uzœri nœ vowel quality by those speakers/communities nguzunga watinga lawnga mine is not bad > where contrastive word stress has been lost. nguzungœ watingœ lawngœ nága-[i-] look, watch: nágay – active singular thapeka swim present active imperfective > remote past imperfective; nœgáy, %nœgay thapekœ, thapek’, thapika, thapikœ̣, thapik’ – verbal noun thapema swim today past perfective active > thapima pára-[i-] fall, drop (fruit): páray – active singular remote past imperfective; pœráy, The optional assimilation of œ to neighbouring %pœray – verbal noun sounds is the most common variation in the wari-[i-] fly imperfective: wárika – active language: singular present imperfective; wœríka, % ngœba > ngaba you and I; mœgi > migi small, wœrika – verbal noun dative little; ngœzu > nguzu my feminine; wœrab > Verbal noun a-raising is an example of wurab > urab coconut; yœwda- > yuwda-, destressed raising, where the word stress yuda- give, donate, ask; thœyáy > thiyáy, thayáy throw, turn, twist VN; kœw > kow shifts from the underlying stressed syllable. here GEN; kœrawayg > karawayg unknown, Similar raising also occurs when words unable; pœyba- > puyba-, poyba-, peyba-, of two or more syllables are preceded piba- give; wœydha- > widha- place, apply to, by a phonological word. The modifying place on ATT; pœwth, GY pœœwtha > powth, morpheme takes the main phrase stress, pawth, GY poowtha, paawtha forehead hence the stressed syllable of the modified morpheme becomes destressed: i > e girer > gerer dance movement, (in__C[ea]) idiman ruin, destroy > ideman mábayg person: kápu mœbayg ~ kápu a > e (in thirengadh lawyer cane-like > m’bayg (kapu good), sépalab’ mœbayg [iye]C__) therengedh, niyáy sit, stay VN (sepalabi those two) > niyéy kázil children: thánamùn kœzil their children, i > u (in kurisika up to, until > kurusika; itháábi kœzil ~ ithááb’ kœzil ~ ’thááb’ kœzil uC__) napùninga that feminine object these children back there > napùnunga márkay white ghost, European: tháwpay In rare cases the assimilation has become mœrkay a short, white ghost ~ European, permanent, as in nipel you two, from ni you inúúbi mœrkay ~ inúúb’ mœrkay ~ ’núúb’ + pal dual (cf sepal, sipal those two, ipal these mœrkay this white ghost ~ European two, palay they dual, palgu those two down Vowels are subject to optional raising there, and so on). in unstressed syllables under somewhat differing rules. “Destressed” raising CONSONANTS normally only effects a, and occurs in open The consonant system (Table 6) is very similar and closed syllables. Unstressed vowel to that of the neighbouring Papuan languages. raising also optionally affects e (> i), and is Unlike most Australian languages there are only found in open syllables: full voice contrasts, s and z, only one r, l and mùdhaka shelter, camp, house DAT > mùdhœkœ, n, and no retroflex consonants. The consonant mùdhkœ, mùdhœkœ̣ , mùdhak’, mùdhœk’ r is most commonly tapped, sometimes trilled, wanika eat active present imperfective > particularly when syllable final, and in singing wanikœ, wanikœ̣ , wanik’ is pronounced as the rhotic glide.

358 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

TABLE 6. The Kalaw Lagaw Ya consonants.. only the coronal are found. In both cases the tip of the tongue is behind the bottom teeth. voiceless voiced nasal “flaps” The and affricative difference is noticed labial p b m w by speakers and therefore can be used stylistically velar k g ng to convey feelings such as embarrassment, lamino- th dh n l age, and so on. For example, susu breast can dental pronounced chuchu by embarrassed children, apico- t d -- r while ‘so! thanks, the colloquial form of eso, is alveolar always pronounced cho! alveo- s z -- y In the environment of round vowels k, g and palatal ng are phonetically [q], [ɢ] and [ɴ], and both these and the labials in this environment There is some allophony. The voiceless and often have a w off-glide. This is the source voiced labial, velar and lamino-dental stops, of spelling variation in words such as kòòda normally aspirate, at times become fricatives men’s important discussion place, such as (i.e. ph > ф, thh > θ, kh > x, bh > β, dhh > ð, gh kod, kwod, kuad and koad. In the same > ). This allophony is normally unnoticed ɣ environments t and d are ever so slightly by native speakers. These stops also have retroflex, though without the r-colour of true unaspirated variants when intervocalic, or retroflex consonants. when syllable or word final when another consonant follows in the same breath group. VOWEL AND CONSONANT GLIDES The stops t and d differ by being nonaspirate, and have aspirated allophones only at the end The present work differs from previous of words as a result of final vowel devoicing. In works in assuming two types of glide, a few restricted words d varies with r, the most (1) those which are vowels in underlying common being words based on the morphemes representations, forming surface diphthongs, kaday-/karay- upwards: kadaka/kadka/karaka/ and (2) those that act as consonants. That karka upwards, northwards, kadaman/karaman is to say, glides can be classified as vocalic rip up/off, pakadaman/pakaraman break, destroy, or consonantal according to phonological tear up, rip up, kadaythari/karaythari stand up, characteristics and origin. etc. Earlier works included n and l in the apico- Vowel+vocalic glide combinations are alveolar series rather than the lamino-dental herein termed for convenience ‘diphthongs’. series; this was because the first descriptions Though they are not separate phonemes did not recognise the distinction for the stops, as in English, they do have specific and the series was presented as if it was English characteristics. In essence, diphthongs act (t, s, d, n, l, r). When th and dh were proved to as a vowel unit. Diphthongs often originate be separate phonemes, it was not realised that where an intervening consonant has been (a) statistically, the apico-alveolar t and d are lost, as in gœiga (Bani-Klokeid gœyga) day, the odd ones out, not th and dh, and (b) l and sun, mid-1800s Kauřařaigau Ya gœřigař, n are also lamino-dental. The alveolar stops are and in the genitive, where *ngu becomes u: relatively rare, the percentages in a 2059 stem- *laaga-ngu > lagau (Bani-Klokeid lagaw). list being: th 14.7%, dh 12.7%, d 4.2% and t 2.4% Metatheis in sporadic cases has also created (author’s research notes). diphthongs, where a vowel “jumps” a The syllabants s and z can be coronal fricatives or preceding consonant, e.g. Kalaw Kawaw Ya palatal affricates except when word final, where peku, stem peku-, Kalaw Lagaw Ya peuk

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 359 Rod Mitchell

(pewuk), stem peuka- (Bani-Klokeid pewka-) initial of the syllable they are in, and become whopper fish (alt. whitelip, sweetlip), PP *gaalu syllable-final under segment deletion ‘ear’ > kaura (Bani-Klokeid kawra). At times rules, as happens with all consonants. such resulting vowel combinations retain Furthermore, in quite a few cases, y and w their separate vowel status (as often happens are the modern realisation of older *ř and in peuk), and at times the two vowels coalesce keep this original consonant characteristic, to become a diphthong (as in the stem form as in sayim(a) outrigger (older *sařima, cf. peuka-/pewka-, and in kaura/kawra). OKY sařima), maayi pearl shell (older *maaři, Having said this, in certain styles it is common cf. OKY maaři), gœngaawu skin, hide, leather for diphthongs to be split into discrete (older *gangářu), and (through metathesis) vowels. This includes the pronunciation of island (older * , cf. OKY kauřa, sounds in isolation clearly to show correct kaywa kauřa pronunciation, and in singing. In such cases KKY kawa, MM kaur). words like gœiga (gœyga) day, sun and The contrast has declensional repercussions. kaura (kawra) ear are normally syllabified/ Words ending in a consonantal glide, such pronounced as gœ-i-ga and ka-u-ra. as away pelican, decline like any noun whose In contrast, consonantal glides fit into nominative ends in a consonant (in colloquial phonological patterns typical of consonants speech, the situation is more complex, for in the language, and are in syllable terms the which see Segment Deletion):

nominative-accusative genitive dative ablative plural away pelican awayaw awayaka awayangu awayal awar fingernail awaraw awaraka awarangu awaral bayag longtom bayagaw bayagaka bayagangu bayagal Words that end in diphthongs decline as vowel-final words, the exceptions being that the genitive ending -w elides (a) when the word ends in a glide (two glides cannot come together in the same syllable), and (b) when the word ends in -u (except in formal speech in Kalaw Lagaw Ya only): nominative-accusative genitive dative ablative plural ùmay dog ùmay ùmayka ùmayngu ùmayl uubi liking, want ubiw ubika ubingu ubil buuthu sand, beach buthu, buthuka buthungu buthul GY buthuw Monosyllabic-stem words that end in a diphthong differ from their vowel-final counterparts only in modifying the instrumental (NU > -thu[n]) and the homophonic specific locative, proprietive and plural forms (LAI > -thay): nominative-accusative genitive instrumental specific locative, proprietive, plural muuy fire muyngu muythu/muythun muythay maa spider mangu maan/maanu malay lii basket lingu lidu/lidun liday

360 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Diphthongs can undergo three types of Glide deletion has become permanent in monophthongisation: modified forms of the pronoun palay they Main-vowel assimilation to the glide (œw, dual, thus palamùn GEN, palamùdh SIM, etc. œy): dhœœwba > dhuuba swelling; wœydha- > wiidha- place, lay, apply THE WORD Main vowel partially assimilates to the glide, Words in the language vary from one which can then elide (ay > ey > e, œw > ow > syllable, like nga who, to many syllables, e.g. o): kuyay knife, sword > kuyey > kuye; kœwbu pabalkabùthayzimayka for/to the thing that has battle, raid > kowbu > kobu been laid down across something, colloquial form Glide sporadically elides: kuykùthal long pabalkabùthzimaka. There does not appear > kukùthal, danalmayka life dative > to be an upper limit on the number of syllables danalmaka, napay that F ahead there > napa, that can make up a morphologically complex mùdhawlaaga home, village > mùdhalaaga, word, though where stems are concerned the > , Kalaw Lagaw Ya Kala Lagaw Ya Kala Laga upper limit appears to be five syllables. One Ya, dhawdhaylayg mainlander > dhawdhalayg word, poknintheway long sea anenome sp., This can also have declensional and however, in postulated underlying form has conjugational effect, particularly in verbs, where seven syllables: *pokaninathewaya-. in certain paradigms, monophthongisation has become permanent, in others there is variation, Kennedy, Ford and Ober assumed that the while in syllables followed by a syllable elicitation form of a word is the basic form of containing u/ù or i, or by an underlying final r, the word, or, where verbs are concerned (in monophthongisation does not occur: this latter agreeing with Bani and Klokeid), wala-i-ka climb active present imperfective the present singular is the basic form of > waleka (not *walayka) the verb. This approach led Ford, Ober and Kennedy to postulate consonant-final stems wala-i-ma climb active today past perfective > walema, waleyma (archaic form: walayma) for Kalaw Kawaw Ya nouns that then add unpredictable epenthetic vowels when wala-i-dhe climb active remote future affixes are added. Because many of the same perfective > waledhe, waleydhe (archaic words in Kalaw Lagaw Ya end in devoiced form: walaydhe) vowels that are exactly the same as the wala-i-ngùl climb active recent past ‘unpredictable’ epenthetic vowel, Klokeid perfective > walayngùl (not *walengùl) and Bani’s analysis assumes vowel-final wala-i-dhin climb active remote past stems for all words except verbs. perfective > walaydhin (not *waledhin) Various pieces of evidence favour Bani/ wala-i-r climb active remote past perfective > Klokeid’s analysis. In the case of the three walay (not *waler) words in Table 7, thama is a recognised TABLE 7. Nominal Stem Identification. Stem Bani/Klokeid Ford/Ober present work gloss thaama- thaama tham thaam, GY thaama branch PL thama-l PL tham-a-l PL thama-l kaazi- kaazi kaz kaaz, GY kaazi child PL kazi-l PL kaz-i-l PL kazi-l yalkapu- yalkaapu yalkap yalkap, GY yalkaapu lock of hair PL yalkapu-l PL yalkap-u-l PL yalkapu-l

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 361 Rod Mitchell variant in Kalaw Kawaw Ya not noted or the second to the third, hence the term by Ford, Ober or Kennedy, kazi exists as shifted stress (in the following the acute the diminutive (and poetic) form, yalkap, accent represents the stressed syllable, and yalkaapu is a compound of yal soft, hair and the grave accent secondary stress). kapu seed, body part, fruit, etc., and in ideal song form, the final vowel is restored as a full initial stress second syllable stress vowel, thus thaama, kaazi and yalkapu. séna, sééna that kedhá thus femine Where verbs are concerned, the rule of thumb káázi child mœráp, GY mœraapi was ‘take away whatever appears to be affix, bamboo and what is left is the stem’: gíuway environment thithúy, GY thithuuyi star kúwath large grey kuwápay cover of coconut Klokeid/ Ford/Ober/ gloss mosquito; brolga bud Bani Kennedy thari thariz stands up In reduplicated and compound forms, tharan tharan stands something up the stressed syllable of the iteration has thaari thari stand up! secondary stress: tharal tharal stand (it) up! míthimìth painter, holding rope (dinghies thar- thar- stand up (stem) etc.), pírupìru rainbow bird, yábugùd, GY yábugùùda road, path, way (yabu way, path, Looking at the various forms of verbs road, gùùda mouth, opening), ngœ́nakàp, GY (around 100 for a regular verb) as well as ngœ́nakààpu heart (ngœna breath, kapu, GY idiolectal, dialectal and other variants, kaapu body part). shows that verbs, like nouns, have vowel final stems, and that the stem-final vowel The verbal noun suffix -y and the elides in certain cases – in all cases in the proprietive suffix LAI cause the accent to present singular active perfective, thari, shift to the syllable they are attached to in Kalaw Kawaw Ya thariz, and the equivalent words of two or three stem syllables where imperative, thaari, Kalaw Kawaw Ya thari. the underlying penultimate stem syllable In the case of thari/tharan, the stem is carries the pitch accent: thara-, the verbal noun tharáy (thara-’i VN), verbs: núúda- squash > nudáy, níya- sit, stay the remote past singular active imperfective > niyáy is tharay (thara-i-Ø-[r>Ø]), the today past singular active perfective is tharema, beside , nominalised adjectives: kùla thareyma and tharima, as well as the rare stone > kùlálnga stony object, stoniness, tharayma (thara-i-Ø-ma), and so on. kœmáána heat > kœmœnálnga hot object, heat (state) WORD STRESS Verbs whose stem have three or more Contrastive word stress similar to the syllables shift the accent from the first contrastive pitch accent of Meriam Mìr is syllable to the second in the following finite present, though being lost in some (sub/idio) forms. This is retained in full in Bœigu dialects. There are two types, inherent and Kalaw Kawaw Ya and Kaiwalgau Ya, shifted. Inherent stress is either on the first whereas in (old-fashioned) Kalaw Lagaw Ya syllable (the majority) or the second (a large it is found in the singular active perfective minority). Certain affixation can cause the present and imperative, and in other forms accent to shift from the first to the second, in more archaic (or poetic) speech.

362 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

non-truncating attainative active bárpuda- sell imperative bárpudar SG S barpúúdi GY, barpúd/bárpud BY bárpudaziw, bárpudaw NSg S today past bárpudanu bárpudima; older form: barpúdima truncating (internal) attainative active pùratha- eat imperative pùrthar SG S pùraathi GY, pùráth/pùrath BY pùrthaziw, pùrthaw NSg S today past pùrthanu pùráthima, pùrœthima, pùrùthima, younger KLY: pùrthema, pùrthima

Sometimes, the pitch accent shift gives minimal contrasting pairs - though in certain verb forms loss of syllable stress also causes monophthongisation (in some cases optional) of ay to e (and further fronting to i), and fronting of a to œ: present imperfective dative of the verbal noun púzi- follow accompany púzika puzíka nágay- look, watch nágeka (nágika) nagáyka/nœgáyka present imperfective instrumental of the verbal noun pálngi- flog, whip pálngin palngín/pœlngín

In bisyllabic-stem and 3+-syllable-stem internal truncating verbs, the accent shifts to the final syllable in the verbal noun, while in other 3+-syllable verbs, the first syllable retains the high pitch, while the final syllable has secondary pitch: pùratha- eat > pùrtháy, bárpuda- sell > bárpudày, thákama- fight > thákamày.

SYLLABIFICATION In unmodified multisyllabic words the first and second syllables can have the same There are six core syllable types in the form as in monosyllabic words, though non- language. The onset can be Ø or C (any initial syllables always have a C-onset. The consonant, including the consonantal glides third syllable has either a Ø or G coda, while y and w), the nucleus is always a vowel, fourth, fifth (and nth) syllables can only have and the coda can be Ø, a vocalic glide, or a Ø coda. Through segment deletion rules L (the liquids l and r). The one complex (see below), the onset becomes the coda of syllable final cluster is in the archaic Kalaw the preceding syllable, giving other syllable Kawaw Ya wœyr water, liquid (normally types, including clusters, which vary from wœr/wur/ur, Imasu Waigana personal (sub/idio)dialect to (sub/idio)dialect. communication 1982). stem nominative core syllable ONC ONC shapes ira parent-in-law i-ra- i-ra uu over-ripe; yellow ØVØ buu CVØ gùrba small, gùr-ba- gùr-ba (leaves, etc.) trumpet-shell green crab aay food ØVG muuy fire CVG kùrthur kùr-thu-ra- kùr-thur caterpillar, grub aar dawn (a poetic ØVL nel name CVL word) ayguy cairn ay-guy- ay-guy

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 363 Rod Mitchell

stem nominative l/r-labial: arpa dawn, modholpe butter banana, gùrba small, dark crab, kùlbay old, away pelican a-wa-ya- a-way wœrma/urma drop of liquid, dew-drop, dew, aybawdh harvest ay-baw- ay-bawdh pùlma- take out of a bundle dha- gœgayth gœ-gay- gœ-gayth l/r-dental: kùrthur caterpillar, grub, balthay- clanland, country tha- float, bœrdh, bœrdha long grass species, yaldha- spread out, stretch out bathaynga ba-thay- ba-thay-nga morning, nga- l/r-palato-alveolar: bœrsa bad luck, tomorrow misfortune, walsi lagoon, arzi alarm call (but modholpe butter mo-dhol- mo-dhol-pe not lz) banana pe- l/r-velar: arkath hole, pit, tunnel, kùlka blood, markel silver mar-ke-la mar-kel wœrgi/urgi covering, cover, layer, palga spear mullet shaft, kerngay initiate, walnga steering board kœruway kœ-ru-way- kœ-ru-way (ku- kuruway (ku-ru- ru-way) y/w-labial: pœypiyam closely watched, rainbow way-) mawpus dry coconut bunch stalk, mayba Mabuyaagi ma-bu-yaa- ma-bu-yaa-gị, trigger, ngawbath same-sex in-law, gayma Mabuyag gi- > ma- ma-bu-yaag boil, abcess, wawmer frigate bird, paywa bu-i-gi- > native basil ma-buy-gi- y/w-dental: gœgaythal clanlands, countries, zaruwam za-ru- za-ru-wam banana sp. wa-ma- > kawtha half-canoe, maaydha magic, za-ru-ma- aybawdhal harvests, wœyni pass (by/over etc.) present active, kœwni bundle, wad, sibiriyam si-bi-ri- si-bi-ri-yam bayludh dawn, bœwli recently burnt ground banana sp. ya-ma- > si-bi-ri-ma- y/w-velar: thaykuy yam species, Awkam Aukam (a name), Bœygu Boigu, awgadh totem, Surface deletion creates other non-core god, bayngan red-bellied snake, lawnga no, not monosyllabic word forms (see further below): y/w-palato-alveolar: kaysi audience, kœwsa surface monosyllabic words: fruit; blossom, gayzu crocodile snout, kawza [Ø/C]VGC: Ayth Ait (Saibai place name) sinker, yœwya- lie down/over (note that many people pronounce this word yuya-) [Ø/C]VLC: dharb farm (KKY) [Ø/C]VGL: wœœwr south-east y/w-alveolar: waytuka small white reef heron, kœwtayi small green crab, yœwda- give, ask for/ [Ø/C]VC: aad magpie goose; kab oar, paddle to, Bayra Baira (a name), kawra ear (but not yd) [Ø/C]VCC: nanth! dive in! (KLY only) Unfamiliar clusters in early loans tended to (a) simplify, thus handkerchief > agesip, Consonant Clusters monkey > mage, custard apple katitap, and/ In the underlying representation of words, or (b) to become clusters permissible in at the level before surface vowel and syllable the language, thus tank > taaynga, bank > deletion rules come into operation, there are baaynga, or (c) a vowel is introduced to no consonant-consonant or glide-consonant split the cluster, thus twenty > tuwente, clusters within syllables, apart from the archaic spoon > sipun. Note, however, that carpenter Kalaw Kawaw Ya wœyr water. The members of has been borrowed (via Broken) as kamda, “permitted” clusters are in different syllables. and anchor as angga (the indigenous word Those found within stems are the following: is yaadi).

364 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Where words are modified (declined, suffixed, > usul dirty water; yœl > yil > il gall bladder; conjugated, compounded, etc.), various other wœydha- > wuydha- > uydha- / wœydha- > clusters can occur, such as in kùlzi long ago, wiidha- > widha- place, apply to. from way back, kùl- before + -zi ablative. Optional segment reduction can also create various Generally there is a certain amount of others, as discussed further below: haphazardness in segment deletion, and it varies according to speech style, dialect, pa-nanitha-i-Ø: pananith > pananth attack!; age of speaker, and idiolect. Older speakers babatha-LAI: babathal > babthal cross-sex are perceived to use ‘fuller’ language, siblings; awuma-ka: awumaka > awumka, awmka > mourning dative while younger speakers are said to ‘cut’ the language short. This is to a certain extent true, though there is also a certain amount of Segment Deletion (Word Shortening) subjectivity involved as well. Records of the Vowels, consonants, glides and syllables 1800s general show much the same variants can be deleted. This happens in unstressed as now, and so suggest that the ‘old-young’ syllables, the one exception being certain divide in the language depends more on the active forms of the verb ma- take, give, move, formal/deliberate and informal/colloquial do, be, etc., where the stressed vowel elides divide. Segment deletion otherwise tends to leaving the stem as m- (e.g. ma-i-Ø-IZI > be blocked in poetic language (where deleted mizi active singular present perfective). vowels are often ‘restored’), proper nominals, Segment deletion depends on word length. onomatopoeic words and emotives. It does not occur in monosyllables, is less likely in bisyllabic words, more common in The most common segment deletion is that of word-final vowels, which are often deleted words of three syllables, and so on; i.e. the in the nominative and accusative, in some longer a word is, the more likely shortening invariable , and in colloquial speech will occur. in the endings -ka dative; present imperfective; The most common deletion is that of y and near future, -dha similative, -zi ablative, -bi w, which can assimilate to neighouring demonstrative article formant, and -gi privative, homorganic high vowels: wœsul > wusul particularly in longer words.

stem formal~poetic colloquial sara- white tern sara sar waama- bee's wax waama waam ngùki- drinking water ngùùki/ngùki ngùùk, ngùk mœrápi- bamboo mœraapi mœráp kuwiku- head kuwiiku kuwík, kúyk karùma- goanna; clumsiness karùma karùm sayima- outrigger sayima sayim modified words formal~poetic colloquial gima-zi from above gimazị gimaz siga-zi from afar sigazị sigaz kœdála-dha crocodile-like kœdáladha kœdáladh sazi-ka be standing (tree, etc.) sœzikạ/sazikạ sœzik/sazik bùlika fly (insect) DAT bùlikạ bùlik maaba-gi don't walk! mabagị mabag

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 365 Rod Mitchell

Equally important is internal vowel deletion, where unstressed a (œ), i and u can elide in stems of three or more syllables where the last two syllables of the stem do not carry word stress, or where the initial syllable does not carry stress; this happens most commonly when the word is affixed, though it can appear colloquially in unmodified forms. Affixed words specific locative non-specific locative Mabuyaagi Mabuyag Mabuyginu Mabuygiya aun/awun blue-spotted ray awnanu awniya gòradh long digging stick, crowbar gòradhanu, gòrdhanu, gòradhnu gòradhiya, gòrdhiya

Unaffixed words, compounds, reduplicated words, phrases, etc. formal colloquial reduction new, young kain (kayin) kayn back that way, off to the side paupa (pawupa) pawpa blue-spotted ray aun/awun awn mother's bother, sister's child awadhe awdhe spear kœlaaka klaak, klak coconut bud cover kuwápay kwapay dirt, ground, land bœrádhar bradhar river, stream, creek kœsá k'sa set free, let go gethawana- (getha- hand, wana- put, let, leave) gethwana- temporary shelter, lean-to zarazar zarzar (zara, GY zaara cut frond or branch) a small person mœgi mœbayg mœgi m'bayg that inhabited island senuubi laaga senuub' laag In the dual of the demonstrative articles, where the reduction of -bi would result in an ‘illegal’ cluster with the initial of the following word, an epenthetic vowel is inserted after the dual suffix: senuubi laaga > senuub laaga that inhabited island sethaabi lagal > sethaab lagal those inhabited islands sepalbi laaga > sepalab laaga those two inhabited islands In Kalaw Lagaw Ya the balbalgi (bal+bal-gi- cross-cross-PRI not crooked) straight, okay, allright, good, well similar becomes balbalag in verb compounds for the same reason, thus: balbalagpalan straighten, fix, cure, heal, repair, make well, resolve balbalagtida- straighten, repair, fix, mend, cure, heal, comb hair, console and through extension: balbalgasi-/balbalagasi- be straight, okay, allright, good, well In affixed forms stem finala - tends to delete when the following affix begins with a consonant followed by a vowel; the same happens to word final i and u when the stem ends in -yi or -wu, and word final ya- and -wa when the stem has three or more syllables, including when the following affix is a consontant only; this rarely happens otherwise.

366 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

nominative genitive similative dative ablative plural bùrùm pig bùrùmaw bùrùmadh bùrùmaka bùrùmangu, bùrùmal bùrùmka, bùrùmngu dagul fish spear dagulaw daguladh dagulaka, dagulangu, dagulal dagulka dagulngu bayludh dawn bayludhaw bayludhadh bayludhaka, bayludhangu, bayludhal bayludhka bayludhngu maayi spring, well; mayiw mayidh, mayika, mayingu, mayil, pearl shell maydh mayka mayngu mayl naawu song nawuw, nawudh, nawuka, nawungu, nawul, nawu nawdh nawka nawngu nawl away pelican awayaw awayadh, awayaka, awayangu, awayal, awaydh awayka awayngu awayl gabaw purple yam gabawaw gabawadh, gabawaka, gabawangu, gabawal, gabawdh gabawka gabawngu gabawl

Where verbs of three or more syllables and whose internal stem syllable is rV or lV, truncation also occurs in most forms except for certain active singular forms: wœradha- (uradha-) stow, put away, hide, take, steal, die (euphonism), judge

attainative perfective present (truncation in singular form) wœradha-Ø-Ø-n > wardhan SG wœradha-Ø-NGAUMA-n > wardhawman DU wœradha-Ø-MAYI-n > wardhamnu PL (for -nu see p.371) active perfective present (no truncation in singular form) wœradha-i-Ø-IZI > wœradhi, uradhi SG wœradha-i-NGAUMA-n > wardhewman DU wœradha-i-MAYI-n > wardhemin PL attainative perfective today past (truncation in singular form) wœradha-Ø-Ø-nu > wardhanu SG wœradha-Ø-NGAUMA-nu > wardhawmanu DU wœradha-Ø-MAYI-nu > wardhaminu PL active perfectve today past (no truncation in singular form) wœradha-i-Ø-ma > wœradhima, uradhima, wardhima SG wœradha-i-NGAUMA-nu > wardhewmanu DU wœradha-i-MAYI-nu > wardheminu PL attainative perfective remote past (truncation in singular form) wœradha-Ø-Ø-dhin > wardhadhin SG wœradha-Ø-NGAUMA-dhin > wardhawmadhin DU wœradha-Ø-MAYI-dhin > wardhamidhin PL active perfective remote past (truncation in singular form) wœradha-i-Ø-dhin > wardhaydhin SG wœradha-i-NGAUMA-dhin > wardhewmadhin DU wœradha-i-MAYI-dhin > wardhemidhin PL

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 367 Rod Mitchell

The diphthong ay undergoes deletion in 1) verbal nouns of verbs of three or more stem syllables when the following affix is a syllable, and 2) LAI affixes when the stem is of twoormore syllables except when the personal nominal suffix is added (see Nominal Derivation for the uses of the impersonal and personal nominal suffixes): verbal noun instrumental dative barpuda- sell barpuday barpudayn barpudayka, barpudaka, barpudka thathara- rub, file, thatharay thatharayn thatharayka, thatharaka, thatharka create (men’s work) ayima- make, do ayimay, aymay ayimayn, aymayn ayimayka, ayimaka, ayimka cf. nunga- probe for nungáy nungáyn nungáyka, not *nungaka ima- see, find imáy imáyn imáyka, not *imaka

LAI affixes monosyllabic stem multisyllabic stem thaa crocodile tail geetha hand proprietive, plural thalay gethal impersonal nominal thalaynga gethalnga (archaic: gethalenga, gethalinga) stem form thalaymay- gethalmay- (archaic: gethalemay-, gethalimay-) personal nominal thalayg gethalayg (< getha-LAI-IGA) stem form thalayga- gethalga- (archaic: gethalega-, gethaliga-) specific locative thalay gethaØ (fixed phrases: gethal) The only words in Kalaw Lagaw Ya that undergo initial vowel deletion – and then only optionally – are the non-specific locative and the article forms ofi - this, here; this is idiolectal: masculine feminine dual plural specific locative inu, GY iinu ina, GY iina ipal itha nonspecific locative inuki, nuki inaki, naki ipalki, palki ithaki, thaki article inuubi, inuub, inaabi, inaab, ipalbi, ipalab, ithaabi, ithaab, nuubi, nuub naabi, naab palab, palbi thaabi, thaab Consonants are less liable to deletion, though when consonants come together, the first is liable to assimilate to the other. When the cluster is homorganic, including those resulting from assimilation, then the first consonant canelide: nakadaka, nakaraka > nakadka, nakarka, nakatka upwards (na-kada-ka F-upward-DAT) gùdamathamay > gùdmathamay, %gùbmathamay cover/fill in VN (gùda+mathama-y opening+hit+VN) laka kedha > lak kedha, la’kedha just like that, the same as that (laka again, more of the same, kedha like that, thus) kùrsayg > kùssayg, kùsayg alone (in KKY kùsayg has become the sole form) (kùrsa-IGA ?+PerNom) kakùradhaza > kakùradhza, kakùradza, kakùraza egg-like object (kakùra-dha+za egg-SIM+thing) kùlkadhagaamu > kùlkadhgaamu, kùlkaggaamu, kùlkagaamu red (noun) (kùlka-dha+gamu blood- SIM+colour) kœrkakbadh > kœrkapbadh, kœrkabadh sorrow, grief (kœrkaka+badha throat-sore) iibupuydhay > iibpuydhay, iippuydhay, iipuydhay help, assistance, aid (ibu+puydha-y chin+hang-VN) uumamathaman > uummathaman, uumathaman, umathaman kill (uuma+mathama-Ø-Ø-n death+hit-ATT-SG-PrPF)

368 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

In some words this assimilation and elision for the attainative today past perfective. The have become permanent: present perfective ending in the records of 1) nipel you DU: nipel-ni > nipen GEN, nipel- Kauřařaigau Ya had varying forms, these ni-ka > nipenika DAT; cf. ngalbay we DU EXC: being (using standardised spelling) -n, ngalbayn GEN, ngalbaynika DAT -nœ, -na and -nu, with -nu being the full 2) uur water: uur-lay > ulay SLoc, PRP, PL; nuur form, and the other three reduced forms noise: nuur-lay > nulay SLoc, PRP, PL; nel name: thereof. The equivalent today past ending in nel-lay > nelay SLoc, PRP, PL; cf. maa spider: Kauřařaigau Ya was variously -nulai, -nule, maa-lay > malay SLoc, PRP, PL; buu trumpet -nuli and -nul. All modern dialects have lost shell: buu-lay > bulay SLoc, PRP, PL the final syllable in the today past perfective, i.e. > -nu, and the final vowel in the present In its realisation of 2), the Kalaw Kawaw Ya perfective, i.e. -n, except in the attainative dialect displays the only paradigm where the plural present perfective in Kalaw Lagaw Ya elision occurs to the following consonant, in verbs of this type. thus: wœr/uur water: wœr-lay, uur-lay > wœray, uray; nuur noise: nuur-lay > nuray; The sound ng sporadically deletes nel name: nel-lay > nelay. intervocalically or after r, normally In certain cases a whole syllable deletes. This is nasalising the adjacent vowel(s). This regular in verbs of three stem syllables ending deletion has become permanent, though in ma, such as mathama- hit, strike, siilama- not the nasalisation, in the genitive of class fight, thakama- fight, wœlama-i- continue, go 2 nouns and the singular pronouns, and, as on, be going, idima- ruin, destroy, ‘ up’, illustrated by pama- and ubama- in Table 8, iisama- load, transport liquid and ziilama-i- in the dual of all verbs except ma- take, give, run, drive along, sail along. It is found (1) in the be, move. This is an early change where the singular of the active present imperfective/ near future, the active recent past perfective singular pronouns are concerned, witness the and imperfective, and the active remote retention of the Proto Pama-Nyungan finaln future, and (2) through haplology when the in ninu (*ŋiin+ŋu) your SG, nanu (*naan+ŋu) dual and plural suffixes are added in the her, its GEN, ngœnu (*ŋan+ŋu) whose, and attainative, as shown in Table 8. In Kalaw the lack of this in nungu (*nu+ŋu) his, its. Kawaw Ya, the elision of (1) only occurs in the verbs wœlama-i-, thus ulaypa continue, go on, 1) karngemi- > karẽmi-, karemi- hear; be going ATT SG PrIMPF, and ziilama-i-, in yangu nuur > yaũ nuur sound of words which it is optional, thus zilaypa ~ zilmaypa 2) *ngu genitive run, drive along, sail along ATT SG PrIMPF, and nouns nominative genitive that of (2) only in the plural. class 1 paa *paa-ngu Kalaw Lagaw Ya is unique in the plural fence, pen > pangu present perfective in trisyllabic stem verbs of class 2 puri *puri-ngu the above type, ubamnu in comparison to the baby shark > puriw (puriu) ubamin ~ ubamayn of the other dialects. In makas *makasa-ngu form the ending -nu is the same as the ending mouse, rat > makasaw (makasau) singular nominative genitive pronouns: 1st ngay I (stem *nga-) *nga-ngu > ngaw (ngau) my masculine 2nd ni you (stem *niin-) *niin-ngu > ninu 3rd feminine na she (stem *naan-) *naan-ngu > nanu who nga who (stem *ngan-) *ngan-ngu > ngœnu/ngunu 3rd masculine nuy he (stem *nu-) *nu-ngu > nungu

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 369 Rod Mitchell

In the following the syllable zi optionally elides, though can become ri in the non-singular subject/singular object perfective imperative of the verb ma-, and always in the dual perfective imperative of all verbs: -ZIU non-singular subject imperative > -ziw, -riw, -w ma- give, take, move, etc. ma-Ø-Ø-ZIU: maziw, mariw NSg S, SG O O (also KLY maraw, reanalysed from maral, other dialects maar~mara ma-Ø-Ø-RA SG S, SG O) ma-Ø-MAYI-ZIU: mamayziw, mamiziw, mamayiw, mamiw NSg S, PL O ma-Ø-NGAUMA-ZIU: mangawmariw NSg S, DU O yœwtha-i pull, drag yœwtha-i-MAYI-ZIU: yœwthemayziw, yœwthemiziw, yœwthemiw PL yœwtha-i-NGAUMA-ZIU: yœwthewmariw DU TABLE 8. Final syllable elision in -ma final stems. tri-syllabic stem: uubama- dress up (final syllable elision) present recent past remote past perfective imperfective perfective imperfective perfective imperfective singular active X-i-Ø-ending ubami ubayka ubayma ubayadh ubamaydhin ubamay singular attainative X-Ø-Ø-ending ubaman ubamaka ubamanu ubamadh ubamadhin ubamar dual active X-i-NGAUMA-ending ubamewman ubamewmaka ubamewmanu ubamewmadh ubamewmadhin ubamewmar dual attainative X-Ø-NGAUMA-ending ubawman ubawmaka ubawmanu ubawmadh ubawmadhin ubawmar plural active X-i-MAYI-ending ubamemin ubamemika ubameminu ubamemidh ubamemidhin ubamemir plural attainative X-Ø-MAYI-ending ubamnu ubamika ubaminu ubamidh ubamidhin ubamir (other dialects ubamin) bi-syllabic stem: pama- dig (final syllable not elided) present recent past remote past perfective imperfective perfective imperfective perfective imperfective singular active X-i-Ø-ending pami pameka pamema pameadh pamaydhin pamay singular attainative X-Ø-Ø-ending paman pamáyka pamanu pamadh pamadhin pamar dual active X-i-NGAUMA-ending pamewman pamewmaka pamewmanu pamewmadh pamewmadhin pamewmar dual attainative X-Ø-NGAUMA-ending pamawman pamawmaka pamawmanu pamawmadh pamawmadhin pamawmar plural active X-i-MAYI-ending pamemin pamemika pameminu pamemidh pamemidhin pamemir plural attainative X-Ø-MAYI-ending pamamin pamamika pamaminu pamamidh pamamidhin pamamir

370 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Except for the dual, there is fairly free variation in the use of the two variants -w and -ziw, as in the following: Paypa mimiziw zagethka, parul yakamziw, apasimiw, geth pœybaziw, bangalthonarka. (Aleck Tipoti, pers. comm., 2012) Go forward, present yourselves to work, show your faces, humble yourselves, show respect, give a lending hand, for the future. pai-pa ma-i-MAYI-ZIU zagetha-ka, paaru-LAI yakama-Ø-MAYI-ZIU, ahead-DAT take-ACT-PL-NSgS.IMP work-DAT front-PL show-ATT-PL-NSgS.IMP apa+asi-Ø-MAYI-ZIU, getha-Ø pœiba-Ø-Ø-ZIU, bangala+thonara-ka. below+be.with-ATT-PL-NSgS.IMP hand-ACC give-ATT-SG-NSgS.IMP later+time-DAT

Zi elision has become permanent in all verb -kaazi person nominative paradigms except for that of ma- in the active male, man garka singular present perfective: female, woman ipika -IZI active singular present perfective > -izi, -i: unmarried girl ngœwaka ma-i-IZI > mizi be, move; para-i-IZI > pari drop, In Kalaw Kawaw Ya the nominative- fall (fruit etc.); thaanura-i-IZI > thanuri sit accusatives are garkaz, yipkaz (also ipkaz, The active singular present perfective ending yœpkaz), ngawakaz ~ ngœwakaz, and has the form -izi in mizi take, move, be, do etc., in archaic Mualgau Ya-Kaiwalgau Ya garkai, ipikai, ngœwakai (Kauřařaigau Ya otherwise is -i, and in the speech of some ngœuřakai). Kalaw Lagaw Ya and Kùlkalgau younger Badu speakers -in, where the -n Ya also have the shortened variants ngœwka ending found in all other active and attainative (ngœwkazi-) and ngoka (ngokazi-) of numbers, including the singular attainative ngawaka, also found in the compound present has extended by analogy to the active ngokakaazi girl, young woman, maiden (as singular form. In Kalaw Kawaw Ya the full opposed to woman). Where the initials of form of the ending is -izi/-izin (also with an these compounds are concerned, ipi-~yip- extended -n), thus mizi ~ mizin; otherwise ~yœp- clearly is a reflex of ipi, GY iipi wife, the ending is -iz, thus pariz [pa:riz], thanuriz. PP *yipi ‘woman, female’. The initials gar- of In Kauřařaigau Ya the full form of the ending garka male, man and ngœwa- of ngœwaka was -iziři, recorded by Brierly (Moore 1979: do not exist elsewhere in the language. The 86) from an Aboriginal friend in Ngi waerigie first appears to be from PP *kaala ‘male, mitcherry I am hungry, i.e. ngai weregi miziři, man’, while the second is of Trans Fly modern KY ngai wereg mizi, KKY ngay wereg Papuan origin, cf. MM neur ‘girl, daughter, mizi/mizin, KLY ngay yœraagi mizi. The unmarried woman’, Bine ngule/ngulo/ngure shortened form was -izi, i.e. parizi, thanurizi. (dialect variants), PETrF *ŋauro. Zi elision also occurs in the nominative- Word final dh(a) in certain words normally accusative of kaazi child, person in the deletes, being retained in more emphatic speech: following established compounds in Kalaw thakakidh(a) > thakaki those moving along up Lagaw Ya and Kùlkalgau Ya, and optionally there; senakidh(a) > senaki that F moving along in Mualgau Ya-Kaiwalgau Ya: just there; ngedh(a) > nge then (sequential clitic). This deletion also occurs in Kalaw Kawaw Ya -kaazi person stem plural speech in the following: kamedh, kame hey! male, man garkazi- garkazil masculine attention seeker, kakedh, kake hey! female, woman ipikazi-/ ipikazil/ feminine attention seeker, and koledh, kole hey! iipkazi- iipkazil non-singular attention seeker. In Kalaw Lagaw Ya unmarried girl ngœwakazi- ngœwakazil and the other dialects, only the forms without

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 371 Rod Mitchell

-dh are found, thus kame, kake and kole. This use of -dh as an emphatic form in Kalaw Kawaw Ya has led to a -dh being added to the Kalaw Kawaw Ya habitual ending -paruy through analogy (-paruy/-paru/-pu > -paruydh beside the more correct -paruyg), to the reduplicated adverb kaykay > kayke > kaykedh soon after, soon, and to sike > sikedh maybe. The other dialects have retained the older sikay, from sii I don’t know + kay but, however. Where deictics are concerned, the variation in idiolects of all dialects has developed a semantic difference of a non-specific locative inki - , e.g. thakaki those moving around up there, and a global locative in -kidh(a), e.g. thakakidh those moving around all over that place up there, particularly in Kalaw Kawaw Ya. A few words have syllable deletion in parts of their paradigms, in particular the unmarked nominative(-accusative). Quite a few words of three stem syllables ending in -ya or -wa fit in this category, including the following: za thing, may time, period, gœyga day, sun, Kuki North-West (Monsoon), singe catch-carrying loop, thunge torch, brand, light, apu, GY apuuwa mother, mother’s sister: stem genitive proprietive, plural dative nominative za-, zapu- zangu, zapu zapul zaka, zapuka za may-, maypu- mayngu, maypu maypul mayka, maypuka may Kukiya- Kukiyaw, Kukiw Kukiyal, Kukil Kukika Kuki singeya- singeyaw singeyal singeyaka, singe singeka thungeya- thungeyaw thungeyal thungeyaka, thunge thungeka apuwa- apuwaw apuwal apuwaka, apuka apu, GY apuuwa In established compounds with za – at a colloquial level – the full stem is only normally found in the proprietive, plural and instrumental; in other forms the compound can be treated as a mono-morphemic word: stem genitive proprietive, plural dative nominative kùlbayza ancient object kùlbayzangu kùlbayzapul kùlbayzaka kùlbayza kùlbayzapu kùlbayzaw ayza food stuff ayzangu ayzapul ayzaka ayza ayzapu ayzapuka ayzaw INTONATION is not marked. As a rule, intonation patterns tend to be more accentuated in feminine The language is smooth flowing, with an overall pitch patterning of high (H) tones/pitch speech, that is to say, women’s intonation can and low (L) tones/pitch (cf. Ford and Ober, be more “musical”. Though H often coincides 1979; for Kalaw Kawaw Ya), with intervening with the stressed syllable of a word or phrase intermediate tones/pitch (M). If the initial group, this not always the case. In certain syllable(s) do(es)not carry the stress (= H), then intonation patterns, particularly in female the first syllable(s) is/are often M. There is an speech, the H-M-L patterning can reverse, with overall fall in pitch over the phrase, though this stressed syllables being lower in pitch.

372 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Words pronounced in isolation have the Clauses have the same overall pattern as same overall intonation pattern as clauses, words, except in Kalaw Lagaw Ya, where, as is to be expected. Compounds and other instead of L pitch at the end of clauses, often complex words in general follow the stress a rising pitch (to H) occurs, particularly in the patterns of noncomplex words, except in the speech of women. The relative pitch of words/ clauses can be higher or lower in relation case where the first part of the compound to other words/clauses according to their is a monosyllable, in which case it has high relative importance in the overall message; in pitch and the next syllable medium pitch. general the more important words/clauses are Bisyllabic words with second syllable stress higher, and the less important lower, except and with a short final vowel are M-H in in reverse pitch intonation. intonation, though if the second vowel is The main intonation patterns are: long, the intonation is M-HL. a) declarative: H - M - L, (particularly women) monosyllabic words: H - M – H falling: HL pitch – bœy palm frond/leaf Guul napakidh pungáyk(a). bisyllabic words: H H H M M ML falling: H-L – galpis anger, sagul fun, game, alt.H M H H M H (H) dance alt.M H2 H M L H (M) rising: M-H or level H-H – kedhá like this/ that, thœrá ridge A/The canoe is sailing along in from there. guul-Ø na-pa-kidha puunga-’i-ka rise-fall: M-HL or level-fall H-HL – thithuuy canoe-NOM F-ahead-GLoc sail-VN-DAT star (beside GY thithuuyi) b) listing intonation: a subcategory of declarative three syllables: intonation; each part of the list is M-H: falling: H-H-L or H-M-L – galupi shiver, tremble, shake, danalayg living person, life Na na stuwaka ubilmak(a) miyaydhin, rise-fall: M-H-L – kuwápay coconut bud M M H H H HH2 H (H) M L M cover, mœraapi bamboo, thithuuyi star nadh bœred ya bùrùmaw maadh(u) ya biskital M M H L H H H M (M) L H HH four or more syllables: gasamidhin. falling: H-H-H-L+, H-H-H-M-L+, H-H-H- MM L L M-M-L+ – pirupiru rainbow bird, When she went to the store for shopping, ngœnakaapu heart, ngœnakapugigal people who she got bread, pork and biscuits. have no heart, gugubithœyayzinga coil, na-Ø na stuwa-ka she-NOM REF store-DAT halo, globe, world ubi-LAI-may-ka miya-i-Ø-dhin, rise-fall: M-H-H-L+ – imáyzinga seen/ want-PRP-ImpNom-DAT go-ACT-SG-RemP.PF found object, mœrœpílgal bamboo owners/ na-dha bœred-Ø ya holders/possessors she-INS bread-ACC and bùrùma-NGU maadhu-Ø ya compound/prefixed words with pig-GEN meat-ACC and monosyllabic first member – the first syllable biskita-LAI gasama-Ø-MAYI-dhin. is high, then following syllables lower: biscuit-PRP get-ATT-PL-RemP.PF H-M-M-M-L-L+ ~ H-M-M-L-L-L+ – c) Softness, pleasure, politeness, interrogative pagasamayzinga/pagasamzinga object that intonation: the contour covers a wider range; is being held, guythwayewmanu take off, H is relatively higher, and L relatively lower. leave ACT DU TodP.PF The first syllables are often at the mid range,

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 373 Rod Mitchell and the very first syllable can even be L, declarative unless the first syllable is the important Ngath ayiman. word of the clause. The final syllable in H M M L such clauses, particularly in polite or I’ve made it. soft language, tends to be lengthened (or nga-tha ayima-Ø-Ø-n rather, drawled), though this is also a I-INS make-ATT-SG-PrPF characteristic of surprised or exasperated insistence speech (such as hurt insistence of the type Ngath ayimaan! But he did, I tell you! Would I lie to you?!). H H H L The major marker of interrogative status is the presence of a question word, which Mina kœy ngœlkáy waadh! is not fronted, or the appearance of one of M H H H HL L the clause final yes-no question aw It was a bloody great lie! (aaw) or a (aa): mina kœy ngœlka-’i-Ø true big falsehood-VN-NOM decisive intonation ‘pleased’ intonation. waadha Elisabeth mangi. Elisabeth mangi existential emphasis HHH M L L MMMH L L e) Sympathetic intonation: this is the most Elisabeth’s just arrived. distinctive and musical contour. The pattern Elisabetha-Ø manga-i-Ø-IZI starts at M, falls to L, rises to H, then finishes Elizabeth-NOM arrive-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF on M; in musical terms one can say that M is roughly at Do, L at So or La, and H at around interrogative intonation Mi or Fa. Normally each word or phrase Elisabeth mangi, aaw? LMMM H H L group is pronounced at one pitch, and then Has Elizabeth arrived? the next word/phrase group at the following pitch. The last syllable is normally lengthened. Ngadh inaab(i) thuus(i) paladhinngùl? (alt. The pattern is typical in situations where one paladhinngùl?) feels some sympathy and sadness, such as a H M M (M) L (L) L L L M parent consoling a child for a minor mishap. Who wrote this document (book/letter)? The sadness is mixed with the knowledge nga-dha i-na-bi thusi-Ø that for the referent there is something who-INS this-F-ART book-ACC pala-Ø-Ø-dhin-ngùl? positive, as when a friend is leaving after cause-ATT-SG-RemP.PF-RecP having stayed for a while on holiday and is now going back to their own home and Nidh Zonan Dhabangayka wiyangùl aw family. The clitic gaar, used to show or elicit H H H H M L L L L L M sympathy or empathy, typically appears, Did you send John to Dhabangai the other day? and often if the person spoken to is the ni-dha Zona-NI Dhabangay-ka subject of the sympathy/consolation, they You-INS John-ACC Dabangai-DAT wiya-Ø-Ø-ngùl aw? are addressed in the third person. send-ATT-SG-RecP PF Q Bala gaar patheka kaay! MM L H H H M d) Surprised, insistence, exasperated So, you’re off today! (to a friend leaving that day) intonation: while other intonation contours bala-Ø gaar can be somewhat ‘musical’; this category is brother-NOM SYM generally a single contour that rises from M patha-i-Ø-ka ka-i to H and then slides down to L. embark-ACT-SG-PR.IMPF hereNSp-LOC

374 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Yaagaar, Mapeth gaar muluka pudhemaa! Thanamùn, aaw, guul napaki pungáyk(a). M L M M L H H H M M M H H H L2 H H MM L H (H) Oh dear, Baby fell down! Their, aah, canoe is sailing along in front there. ya-gaar, mapetha-Ø gaar thana-mù-ni, aaw, guul-Ø speech-SYM, baby-NOM SYM theyPL-AUG-GEN, HES, canoe-NOM mulu-ka puudha-i-Ø-ma na-pa-ki puunga-’i-ka. down-DAT fall-ACT-SG-ACT.SG.TodP.PF F-ahead-NSpLoc movealong-VN-DAT f) Exclamative intonation, typically found Garkazin bùrùm a adal uummathamidhin, in such situations as making shouted public M M M H H L H2H2 H H H H L announcements or joking in a place such as a nuy na pupuka miaydhin. pub or at a dance where it is necessary to force H M H2 H L H L L the voice somewhat. The intonation can also The man killed a pig and some magpie geese when he went to the swamp lake. occur where people become excited, such garkazi-n bùrùma-Ø a ada-LAI as telling an exciting story. The intonation male-INS pig-ACC and magpiegoose-PRP either (1) starts at H, or rises from M to H, uuma+mathama-Ø-MAYI-dhin and maintains H for the whole utterance, death+strike-ATT-PL-RemP.PF though a fall to M may occur at the end, or nuy-Ø na pœpu-ka (2) starts in the same way, but drops to M he-NOM REF swamplake-DAT after the stressed syllable of the key word of miya-i-Ø-dhin the clause, and maintains this to the end of move-ACT-SG-RemP.PF the utterance when less emphatic. Aaw, inuub’ garka kùniya tidema. (alt. tidema.) Papudhi! L H H H H H MMM L L MM H M H H Umm, this man went/came back. He/She’s/You’ve/I’ve gone and fallen over! aaw, i-nu-bi garkazi-Ø pa-puudha-i-Ø-IZI HES, this-M-ART male-NOM TEL-fall-ACT-SG-ACT.SG.PrPF kùna-ya tiida-i-Ø-ma back-NSpLoc return-ACT-SG-ACT.TodP.PF Nitha watikœzil adhaka sizi. H H HH H M MMM MM Kame, nidh iman aaw?! (MM HH H H HMM MM) M L H H L L You bad kids get out of there! (M L M H H M) ni-tha-Ø wati+kazi-LAI Hey! Did you see that?! you-PL-NOM bad+child-PRP ka-me, ni-dha iima-Ø-Ø-n aaw adha-ka si-zi hey-M, you-INS see-ATT-SG-PrPF Q out-DAT there-ABL Extra-clause words, such as hesitation syllables, THE STRUCTURE OF THE LANGUAGE: and introductory words such as names or words/ MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX exclamatives like kame! Hey! (masculine), as well The language tends more towards declining the conjunctions a and (specific conjunction), ya than agglutinating. There are split syntax and (“and others” conjunction), lawnga or (a use typologies in core arguments and locatives. of lawnga no, not) and ò or (an English loan), are highlighted by intonation. The hesitation Core arguments: syllables and the conjunctions are always L2 (ie. • singular personal pronouns – three-way lower than ordinary low pitch), or falling LL2, nominative (S) ergative (A) accusative (O) while introductory words fall from around M to • proper nouns and dual-plural pronouns – L, or are L. two-way nominative (SA) accusative (O)

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 375 Rod Mitchell

• dual-plural pronouns, KKY only – one-way … se/si-i miya-Ø-r marking, i.e. S, A and O are all unmarked … there-SLoc moveACT-SG-RemP.IMPF • common nouns – two-way ergative (A) kuwiku-NGU maba-IGA-Ø head-GEN walk-PNom-NOM (= person) absolutive (SO) nu-NGU nel-Ø Kawmayni-Ø Pulu-nu. Locatives: He-GEN name-NOM K.-NOM P.SLoc • personal pronouns and proper nouns – Word order is normally fixed, however, in one locative clauses where all or most key members of • common nouns – three locatives the clause take the same case marking. These Words referring to people can have either three include purposive clauses (marked by the locative forms or one locative form, depending dative), avoidance clauses (marked by the on how personalised (+human) the reference ablative), and negative clauses (marked by is. If the reference is fairly impersonal, then the genitive on the arguments and privative the three locatives are found, regardless of on the verb): the +human status of the referent. A variation a) kazika kathamka pùrtháyka of this are words such as kaazi child, young, S O V offspring, son, daughter, young of animals, young of dative marking plants. When the reference is to a human child, in order for the child/children to eat (a) banana(s); particular as a son or daughter or the like, then the child/children want(s) to eat (a) banana(s) the word falls into the single locative category, while when referring to the young of animals b) kazingu kathamngu pùrtháylay or plants – or even simply of ‘offspring’, or the ablative marking child of a ‘lesser human being’, the word falls in order for the child/children not to eat (a) into the category of having three locative forms. banana(s); not to let the child/children eat (a) banana(s); (we) don’t want the child/children to Basic word order is S-(X)-(O)-V, though there is eat (a) banana(s); the child/children want to avoid free variation depending on pragmatic features: eating (a) banana(s) Sesere thamanu pudhaydhin. S X V c) kaziw kathamaw pùrtháyginga The willy-wagtail landed on a branch. genitive marking in conjunction with the sesere-Ø thaama-nu nominalised privative of the verbal noun. willywagtail-NOM branch-SLoc the child/children do not/did not/are not going to puudha-i-Ø-dhin eating (a) banana(s) fall-ACTSG-RemP.PF Verbs crossmark the number and syntactic Awban thamanu sesere imadhin. role of the arguments, as well as being S X O V marked for tense, aspect, mood and the verbal A hawk saw the willy-wagtail on the branch. noun. Nominal inflections indicate syntactic awuba-n thaama-nu sesere-Ø function. There are five types of affix: hawk-INS branch-SLoc willywagtail-ACC derivational prefixes: aspectual/modal, see.find-ATT-SG-RemP.PF iima-Ø-Ødhin locational/positional deictic prefixes: specific/nonspecific deictic … si miyar kuyku mabayg, nungu nel distance, gender/number deixis X V S Kawmayn, Pulunu. derivational suffixes: modify word class … there (at that place) was a chief, called augmenting suffixes: deictic gender and Kawmayn, on the island of Pulu. number, verb number, (singular pronouns)

376 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

dative and locative augmented stem(s), NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY (proper nominals, dual-plural pronouns) oblique gender and number (feminine, Common Nominals have two classes, masculine-nonsingular) Class 1, monosyllabic stems, and Class 2, multisyllabic stems, which differ somewhat endings (inflectional suffixes): carry the in their affixation. Suffixes and endings are syntactic load of the word; they are so affixed to the nominal stem. Plural number termed as they always come at the end of (three or more) is marked only on the the word nominative subject and specific direct object Word stems (roots) are vowel or diphthong by the proprietive suffix, and optionally on final, except for some nominal monosyllabic the transitive subject when refering to an stems which end in l or r, such as bal across animate subject. All other cases are neutral and ger seasnake; this exception includes to number, including the transitive subject, compounds or where the marked as instrumental (= ergative). Not all final stem is monosyllable, such as tharthar cases have overt case marking; that is to say, boiling, seething, apnur sound of footsteps Ø-case marking is also significant (see below). (apa- below, nuur noise) and nipel you two, Proper nominals differ from common (ni you singular, pel, a variant of the dual nominals in using the accusative-genitive morpheme pal). Words can have more than (which have the same form) as an augmented one prefix and/or suffix, though normally stem for the oblique cases, except in the only one ending, the rare exceptions being case of the singular pronouns, which use where former clitics have become fully the genitive as the base for the ablative and grammaticalised as compounded endings. similative (and the privative, which exists in Kalaw Kawaw Ya only), and a locative WORD CLASSES augmenting suffixbe - /bi- in the dative and There are three broad word classes, two locative, except for the first person singular, declining/conjugating (nominals and verbs) where the augmenting suffix iski - -. The and one class which does not decline/ locative augmenting suffix -be/bi- may in conjugate. The declining/conjugating origin be a locative ending in its own right, categories have declensional classes based though it is essentially identical in form to on stem syllable number (monosyllabic stem the demonstrative article forming suffixbi - , versus bisyllabic/multisyllabic stem): perhaps indicating a common origin. The 3rd dual pronoun and the 1st-2nd, 2nd and 1) Nominals – Common nominals: common 3rd plural pronouns take an augmenting nouns, non-personal names (e.g. nicknames), suffixmù - - before all affixes; this suffix may non-emotive kin-terms, non-modifying adverbs be related to mùra all, totality, total, whole. (temporal, locational, etc.), verbal nouns, demonstrative deictics, nominalised words; Adjectives, demonstrative articles, numbers Proper nominals: emotive kin terms, personal and words marked by the genitive names, boat names, personal pronouns. immediately precede the noun which they modify and are syntactically dependent 2) Verbs on the noun, which is the head. Only the 3) Non-Declining Words – Word modifiers, noun takes case marking. The genitives, clause modifiers:adjectives , modifying adverbs, demonstrative articles and most adjectives demonstrative articles, numbers, particles, clitics, when not preceding their noun must be etc.; Extra-clause words. nominalised (by a nominalising suffix), and

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 377 Rod Mitchell are then common nominals. Those adjectives Accusative: specific transitive object (i.e. that are not nominalised are syntactic nouns specific direct object) when predicates. The personal 3rd person case marking: common nominals pronouns also function as definite articles, none; non-singular pronouns, proper however retain their separate status in being masculine singular nominals and dual- separate NPs from the noun, such as for plural pronouns -NI (KKY non-singular pronouns – no case marking), singular decensional purposes, as following: pronouns, proper feminine singular -NA. Nadh kayin ngokakazin kœsanu nangapa dhogay imadhin. Instrumental: transitive agent (ergative), The young maiden saw a dogai over there on the instrument, generalised/global/total object other side of the river. (antipassive) na-dha kayina-Ø ngoka+kazi-n case marking: proper nominals none; she-INS young maiden+child-INS common nominals -NU; singular kœsa-nu na-ngapa-Ø pronouns -DHA (first person -THA). river+SLoc F-beyond-SLoc Genitive: possessive; habitual subject; dhogay-Ø iima-Ø-Ø-dhin dogai-ACC see-ATT-SG-RemP subject/object of negative clause case marking: common nominals, singular This is also true of nominals which fulfil pronouns -NGU; masculine singular the role of postpositions. These are likewise proper nouns/non-singular pronouns -NI; separate NPs from the declined noun that feminine singular proper nouns -NA. they collocate with, and do not necessarily Dative: concrete or abstract motion to, agree in case with the noun, thus mùdhanu towards or for (purposive, allative, etc.) muyinu in~inside the house (mùdha-nu house- case marking: -ka; -pa in kipa/kœpa to SLoc muyi-nu inside-SLoc), but mùdhangu here, sepa/sipa to there, paypa ahead-wards, adhaka out of the house, away from the house pawupa off, back, away from, . etc (-pa in all (mùdha-ngu house ABL adha-ka outside. cases in KKY; in archaic MY-KY as well, away-DAT). Though they tend to follow except for the first person singular pronoun). the noun, other discourse-based positioning is also common, thus muyinu mùdhanu Ablative: concrete or abstract motion away from in~inside the house and adhaka mùdhangu (causative, avoidance, etc.); emphatic subject out of the house, away from the house. case marking: -NGU (-NGUZI); true adverbials (i.e. adverbials that are not common nouns used as adverbs) -ZI; The Cases and their Semantics verbal nouns (active ablative) -LAI There are 9 cases, the uses of which are as Locatives – Common Nominals: presented below, with the underlying forms Specific Locative: specifically (= fixed) of the endings: positioned (and normally unmoving) with Nominative: elicitation form, vocative, regard to the intransitive/antipassive subject case marking: class 1 nominals -LAI; class case marking: none 2 nominals -NU, -LAI (> -l, -Ø); adverbials In WCL, the antipassive is a transitive -LAI (> -lai, -l, -Ø) whose object is a generalisation or a global/ Non-Specific Locative: not specifically (= total entity, and whose syntax is intransitive unfixed) positioned (and often moving) with (see further Transitivity and Voice). regard to the location (comitative, perlative, etc.)

378 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

case marking: -YA; demonstratives and is still to be found sporadically in the -KIDHA (> -kidh, -ki) modern dialects. The forms of the non- specific and global locatives show common Global Locative: located or moving all origins. In the case of YA and YABU (-ya, over or throughout the position -pu, -ab, -yab) this could very well be yabu case marking: -YABU (class 1 nominals: path, way, while KIDHA (-ki, -kidh, -kidha) is a use of the morpheme KIDHA, found -pu/-yab/-ab; class 2 nominals -yab); also as a prefix, kidha-/kidh- cross-movement, demonstratives -KIDHA (-kidh) stirring movement, criss-cross movement, and Proper Nominals: the adverbial nominal kidhakidh(a) to-and- Locative: covers all the functions of the fro, back-and-forth, each other. three common nominal locatives; in form the ending is the same as that of the non- Adverbial Adjuncts specific locative of the common nominals Some adverbial nominals are normally case marking: overtly human common found in the unaffixed form, i.e. the nominals -YA; proper masculine nominals/ nominative-accusative, others normally only non-singular Pronouns: oblique stem + in the instrumental, and a few with fossilised locative or other affixes, though now felt to -YA; singular pronouns: dative/locative be unaffixed words. Such adverbs can take stem + -YA. the genitive ending and others when needed. The common noun/adverb specific locative Unaffixed: kaib/kayib today, kaybaw GEN, has three surface forms, the Ø-form, the LAI- kaybaka DAT, etc.; bathaynga this morning, form and the nu-form. The Ø-form is used tomorrow, bathayngaw GEN, bathayngaka at times for stylistic purposes in songs, and DAT, etc.; ngùl yesterday, ngùlngu GEN, at times as a colloquial form. It is a reduced ngùlka DAT, etc.; kùlkùl beforehand, formerly form of the LAI-form, which is normally (*kùl before, first); kùlkùb long ago, kùlkùbaw only retained (a) in adverbials such as adhal GEN (*kùl before, first); -ka up there, -gu down outside, apal underneath, below and gimal there, -ngapa beyond there, etc. (see Nominal over, above, (b) in full form in Class 1 nouns, Deictics: Demonstratives). thus buu trumpeter shell > bulay, and (c) in Instrumental: amadhan close to, near, almost; reduced form in fossilised phrases, such as kidhakidhan back-and-forth, to and fro, each gethal hand-SLoc, geetha hand, in gethal angan other (reciprocal adverb); ùgidhan (KKY wield, use [hand-SLoc bear-present perfective mœgan) for no reason, in vain. singular]). The -nu form is used by all common Fossilised case forms; kùlay before, first nominals of two syllables or more, except [specific locative], kùlzi long ago [ablative] for the adverbs in -l. Through extension it is (*kùl before, first); wagel after, behind, next sometimes found on class 1 nouns. [specific locative] (wage- behind/opposite part, only in compounds), wagelaw GEN; kaymel Interdialect comparison as well as the (KKY kalmel) together with [specific locative] forms recorded in Kauřařaigau Ya show (kaymi- accompanying, in compounds, cf. that the -nu form is from older -nulai, the kaaymi companionship, which for many standard form in Kauřařaigau Ya, where the speakers is now obsolete). locative -lai was added to the instrumental, The noun kùt, GY kùùta afternoon, evening and underlying form -NU. Similarly, the ablative the compounds gœygakùt, GY gœygakùùta -ngu is from older -nguzi, where the ablative afternoon, evening have an idiomatic use of the ending -zi was added to the genitive; -nguzi dative as a locative, as well as of the archaic was the standard form in Kauřařaigau Ya, LAI locative suffixed by the dative ending:

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 379 Rod Mitchell kùtaka, kùtalka, gœygakùtaka, gœygakùtalka form of endings varies according to nominal (KKY kùtapa, kùtalpa, gœygakùtapa, class and nominal type. Class 1 nouns tend to gœygakùtalpa) in the afternoon, in the evening, have longer affixes, and Class 2 nouns reduced towards evening: [gœyga+]kùta[-LAI]-KA [day/ affixes. The instrumental of monosyllabic stem sun]-evening[-SLoc]-DAT. nouns is noteworthy for its variety of forms, with the first given in each case being the more The Paradigms formal (or archaic) form – as is true in all cases Nominal is straightforward where where there are variant forms, such as for What, the cases are concerned, though the actual Which (see further Interrogative Nominals). The Syntactic Cases: common nominals nominative/accusative instrumental genitive class 1 banana leaf ba, PL balay banu, baan bangu palm frond/leaf bœy, PL bœythay, bœythayl bœythu, bœythun bœyngu speech, word(s) ya, PL yaday, yadayl yadu, yaadu, yadun yangu water uur, PL ulay urnu urngu class 2 axe aga, PL agal agan agaw person; community mabayg, PL mabaygal mabaygan; mabaygaw PL mabaygal when person dominant verbal nouns seeing, finding imay, PL imayl imayn imay adverbs 1) inside muy, GY muuyi muyin muyiw (in compounds; < muuyi hollow, hole) adverbs 2) outside adh, GY aadha (in compunds) adhan adhaw demonstratives up there n/a n/a -kaw mixed paradigms what, which miay; PL midayl midu, midun, midayn/miden mingu, midh(a), midhakidh, midhuy miaw here NSp n/a kedhá kœw; kœwaw proper nominals (names, titles, emotive kin terms, personal pronouns) nominative accusative instrumental genitive non-singular pronouns ngœba you and I ngœban ngœba ngœban masculine proper Baba Dad; PL Babal Baban Baba Baban feminine proper Ama Mum; PL Amal Amana Ama Amana singular pronouns 1st ngay, ngayi ngœna ngath, ngatha ngaw masculine ngœzu (nguzu) feminine 3rd M nuy nuyn(a) nuydh(a) nungu 3rd F na nan(a) nadh(a) nanu 2nd ni nin(a) nidh(a) ninu who nga ngan(a) ngadh(a) ngœnu (ngunu)

380 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

The Oblique Cases: common nominals dative ablative specific location non-specific location global locative class 1 banana leaf baka bangu balay baya bapu palm frond/leaf bœyka bœyngu bœythay bœyya (bœya) bœypu speech, word(s) yaka yangu yaday yaya yapu water urka urngu ulay urya (uriya) urpu/urab class 2 axe agaka agangu aga, aganu agaya (agiya) agayab (agiyab) person, mabaygaka mabaygangu mabayga, mabaygaya, mabaygayab, community mabayganu mabaygiya mabaygiyab person dominant: only one locative form: mabaygaya (mabaygiya) verbal nouns seeing, finding imayka imaylay imay, imaynu imayya (imaya) imayyab (imayab) adverbs 1) muyika muyingu muyi, muyinu muyiya (muya) muyiyab inside (muyab) adverbs 2) adhaka adhazi adha, adhal adhaya (adhiya) adhayab outside (adhiyab) demonstratives up there -kadaka kizika, kœzika -ka -kaki -kakidh(a) mixed paradigms what, which mika mingu, minguz minu miya mipu, miyab here NSp kipa, kœpa; kœzi, kizi; kay; kayki; kaykidh; kœwpa kœwzi kœwa kœwki kœwkidh Proper nominals (names, titles, emotive kin terms, personal pronouns) dative ablative locative non-singular pronouns ngœbanika you and I ngœbaningu, ngœbanungu ngœbaniya masculine proper Babanika Dad Babaningu, Babanungu Babaniya feminine proper Amanaka Mum Amanangu Amanaya singular pronouns 1st ngayka, ngawngu M ngaykiya, ngayki' ngaykika ngœzungu, nguzungu F 3rd M nubeka nungungu nubiya 3rd F nabeka nanungu nabiya 2nd nibeka ninungu nibiya who ngabeka ngœnungu, ngunungu ngabiya Irregular Nouns nouns that form the instrumental in -du, and specific locative/proprietive/plural in - , Class 1 nouns have two regular types, (a) day ya vowel and -r/l -final (ba banana leaf, pel fish tail), speech, talk, etc., li basket, li batfish,lu mound, characterised by the instrumental -n/nu, and hump, curve, ay food. Kalaw Lagaw Ya often specific locative/proprietive/plural -lay, and ‘doubles’ the instrumental and the plural in (b) y-final (bœy palm frond/leaf), instrumental monosyllabic nouns of the -thu/-thay (thus -thu, specific locative/proprietive/plural -thun/-thayl) and -du/-day (thus -dun/-dayl) -thay. There are five somewhat irregular groups. This does not occur in other dialects.

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 381 Rod Mitchell

In Kalaw Kawaw Ya there are two other word declined as a class 2 multisyllable: a irregular Class 1 nouns, which though vowel [a:] NOM.ACC, an [a:n] INS, aw [a:u] GEN, final decline as diphthong-final nouns: na apa [a:pa] DAT, al [a:l] PRP.PL. In the other song, instrumental nathu, specific locative/ dialects it is a regular bisyllabic class 2 word, proprietive/plural nathay, and yu cooking spit/ aay, GY aayi, and has the additional meaning skewer, instrumental yuthu, specific locative/ of family, clan based on blood relationship proprietive/plural yuthay. In the other dialects, rather than totemic relationship. the word for song is naaw, GY naawu, which is a regular class 2 noun; however, it has two Za and maay can be postulated to have lost instrumental forms, the regular nawun, and their final syllable either through frequent use the irregular nathu and in Kalaw Lagaw Ya in combinations (e.g. *gitaŋu zapu hand+GEN itself nathun. The equivalent to yu is nu, stem thing > gethawza hand-held object, small digging nuwa-, also regular Class 2. stick), initially in the unmarked nominative- accusative, or through backformation from Five nouns are irregular, including za thing, the Ø-marked specific locative zapu and maay time, period and gœyga day, sun, as maypu to za and maay, through the model noted in Segment Deletion. The other two of the global locative of monosyllabic stem are dœgam(u) side, part, direction and bireg words, e.g. lipu covering all the basket < li basket. shelf, rack, which have two stems each, one of Alternatively, the words are monosyllabic which has undergone metathesis. In the case stems whose global locative form has of dœgam(u), it is possible that the metathesis extended to become an alternative stem. has extended to the nominative-accusative and replaced an original *daguma: The one irregular verbal noun is may give, take, make, do, move, be, etc., which has the ablative dœgam side, part, direction, dœgamu-/ daguma-: dœgamun/ daguman INS, dœgamuw/ maythaylay, which in effect is a reduplicated dagumaw GEN, dœgamuka/ dagumaka DAT, ablative, as well as the optional variants meay dœgamul/ dagumal PRP.PL or miay, found as active alternatives, i.e. do, move, be, etc., with the equally irregular bireg shelf, rack, biregi-/ bœreygi-: biregin/ ablatives meaythalay and miaythalay. bœreygin INS, biregiw/bœreygiw GEN, biregika/ bœreygika DAT, biregil/bœreygil PRP.PL THE PERSONAL PRONOUNS A sixth irregular word exists only in Kalaw Kawaw Ya, namely a [a:] ancestor, great-great- The personal pronouns (Table 9) distinguish grandparent, irregular in being a monosyllabic 1) first, second and third person, 2) singular, TABLE 9. The Kalaw Lagaw Ya personal pronouns (nominative/unmarked and stem forms)

1 1 + 2 2 3 masculine 3 feminine who singular ngay, ngayi - ni nuy na nga underlying stem nga-/ngay- - nin- nuy-/nu- naan- ngan- locative/dative ngayki- - nibe-/nibi- nube-/nubi- nabe-/nabi- ngabe-/ngabi- stem dual ngalbay ngœba nipel palay ngawal augmented stem ngalbayni- ngœbani- nipeni- palamùni- (same as the singular) plural ngœy, ngœyi ngalpa nitha thana ngaya augmented stem ngœlmùni- ngalpùni- nithamùni- thanamùni- (same as the singular)

382 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland dual and plural, 3) 1st inclusive and exclusive, verbs. Two (-nga/-may) are suppletive, while as well as 4) masculine and feminine gender four (LAI, DHA, *RA, *LA) are fossilised. (a) in the third person singular, and (b) the 1st a) impersonal~neutral~abstract nominalisation: person singular genitive and genitive-based nominative-accusative -nga, affixed form: forms (see The Paradigms for the ). Gender is marked on other parts of speech as -may- (in certain cases reduced to -ma-, well, and though is prototypically masculine though not in Kalaw Kawaw Ya). Some Kalaw and feminine, has abstract reference, for Lagaw Ya speakers see this suffix as a common which see the section on Gender below. noun (nga thing, with a suppletive stem may-/ ma-: mina nga a real thing, plural mina mal / Note that in fast speech palamùni- and mina mayl real things (Ephraim Bani, pers. thanamùni- often become palmùni- comm., 1983). The genitive is marked as a and thanmùni-; this latter is sometimes monosyllable for Kalaw Lagaw Ya speakers, pronounced thalmùni-, a rare denasalisation thus minamayngu of (a) real thing(s), but as of n when followed by a consonant. The a regular multi-syllabic noun in the other dative of the 1st person singular in full form dialects, thus Kalaw Kawaw Ya, Kùlkalgau is ngaykika, however is most commonly Ya, Mualgau Ya-Kaiwalgau Ya minamay. shortened to ngayka. The suffixes refer to the more impersonal or neutral nuances of nominalization (including NOMINAL DERIVATION when the reference is to people) and are also There are nine nominalising suffixes affixed used to create the abstract nominal form of to nominals, adjectives, demonstratives and adjectives, as can be seen in the following list.

type base derived nominal adjective uma dead, unconscious umanga dead body; drunk/unconscious person; death; drunkedness, unconsciousness, coma; debt, sin, crime kuykul have a head kuykulnga state of having a head; leader, chief, boss kisáyigi moonless kisáyiginga moonlessness mabazi, mabawzi walked mabazinga, mabawzinga place where walking has been done nisadh leaf-like, green nisadhanga greenery; green, greenness genitive nanu her nanunga her object, hers quantity/number ùrapùn one (in number) ùrapùnnga, ùrapùninga state of being one interrogative midha- what, which midhanga what one, which one, the one which demonstratives thangapa beyond there thangapamal those beyond over there (plural) b) personal~abstract nominalisation: -IGA: this suffix refers to the more personalised or non- neutral abstract or “intellectual” nuances of nominalization (including when the reference is not to people).

type base derived nominal adjective yabay passing by yabayg passer-by ngagal winged ngagalayg sea-eagle yagi speechless yagig speechless person, person left without a word mabazi, mabawzi walked mabazig, mabawzig person who has walked quantity/number war/wara one of a group, warig one person of the group, the other/another person other

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 383 Rod Mitchell

type base derived nominal noun kùùtha end kùthayg youngest child of family maaba walk, way of life mabayg person, human being maalu deep, deep water, sea maluyg person who lives on a deep-sea island (KKY term for the Mabuyag, Badu and ) gùdawmaluyg Dauan Islander (Kuiam’s name for the people of Dauan), in a more general sense a KLY term for the Dauan, Saibai and Boigu people (gùùda-NGU mouth.opening-GEN – so-named because these islands are before the mouths of Papuan rivers)

The personal-nonpersonal distinction has Use of the nominalising suffix -nga/-may- is various semantic extensions, the personal also wide-spread as a relative clause marking suffix being more ‘special’, while the device. Often it is only context which shows impersonal suffix is more ‘down-to-earth’: that these suffixes are to be taken as marking maytha belly, maythal have a belly/gut; pregnant: a nominalisation or a relative construction: maythalayg pregnant, maythalnga having a Sena war email ngayka yakamaw, belly/gut (have a beer-gut etc.); kikir sickness, senabnga kùlay mangema. pain, kikiril sick, painful, sore: kikirilayg sick, Show me that other email, sickness, kikirilnga pain, soreness; daana pool, the one which came first/before. lagoon, eye, life: danalayg life (KKY person who se-na war emaila-Ø is awake), danalnga state of having a pool, lagoon, that-F other email-ACC eye; ngùlay- have knowledge/ability: ngùlayg ngay-ka yakama-Ø-Ø-ZIU, knower, knowledge, ability, ngùlaynga home I-DAT show-ATT-SG-NSg.IMP.Pf ground, home base, the place one is intimately se-na-bi-nga-Ø kùl-lay familiar with, crew; ayima- make, do, aymayzi that-F-ART-ImpNom-NOM first-SLoc made, done: aymayzig creator of the creation, manga-i-Ø-ma arrive-ACT-SG-TodP.PF aymayzinga creation; kuyk, GY kuwiiku head, kuykul have a head, headed: kuykulayg Wa, inaabi email kapu yadaynga; kasa kay some one who has a head (e.g. in headhunting), senabnga warnga adhapudhaynga. kuykulnga headman, chief, leader, councillor. Yes, this email is good news (or well-worded); but that other one is excellent. The following group of true adjectives wa, i-na-bi emaila-Ø cannot take the personal suffix, and often yes, here-F-ART email-NOM impersonal suffixation either, being used kapu ya-day-nga-Ø; preferably with nouns such as za thing good talk-PRP-ImpNom-NOM; and mabayg person when predicates. They kasa kay do take the impersonal suffix, however, just however where appropriate, particularly to create se-na-bi-nga-Ø the abstract state noun: kapu good, kapunga there-F-ART-ImpNom-NOM goodness; wati bad, watinga badness; kùlbay war-nga-Ø old, kùlbaynga oldness; kain young, new other-ImpNom-NOM kaynnga youngness, newness; kœy big, great, adha+pudha-’i-nga-Ø. out+fall-VN-ImpNom-NOM kœynga bigness, greatness; mœgi small, little, mœginga smallness, littleness; mina real, true, c) verb nominalisation: -i/y and -n: added minanga realness, reality, truth; adhi great, to the verb stem to form the verbal noun. huge, adhinga greatness, hugeness. The suffixi/y - is from older *ři, recorded in

384 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Kauřařaigau Ya, the following examples in d) Fossilised derivation: the adjective formants Kauřařaigau Ya being maři, ladháři, piníři, LAI (proprietive) and DHA (similative) are uthúři and yagamaři. also found as fossilised nominal formants. LAI carries the semantics of ‘having’ the -i/y – standard verbal noun formant, neutral base word, thus in the following a minalay to tense, aspect and mood. Its affixed forms, mat has lines/marks, and a patalay/pœtalay such as the privative, resultative, dative, has needles. DHA shows that the word has a ablative and genitive form various modal similar appearance to the base word, thus a and aspectual clauses, such as the clause bawadh is like a wave, baawa. negative, negative imperative, resultative, purposive, avoidative and ‘supposed to’ LAI: geetha hand, crab etc. claw, githalay modality (see further Modality). mud crab; miina line, sign, mark, minalay finely designed ;mat paata spike, needle, ma- take, give, move, go, be: may VN, mayka patalay/pœtalay prickle, thorn; pal deitic dual DAT, maythaylay ABL morpheme, palay they dual; mùra all, total, ladha- cut, chop: ladháy VN, ladháyka DAT, mùraray totality of countable objects ladháylay ABL DHA: baawa wave, bawadh bank with wave- pini- paint, smear: piní VN, piníka DAT, like shape; daana pool, lagoon; eye, danadh pinílay ABL pimple; kùùpa bottom, base, kùpadh small bay uthu- plant, shoot, etc: uthúy VN, uthúyka A few nouns seem to have a fossilised *RA DAT, uthúylay ABL or *LA suffix, similar in appearance and yagama-i- wonder at/about: yagamay VN, perhaps meaning to LAI, and possibly yagamayka/yagamaka/yagamka DAT, originating from it: yagamaylay ABL *RA: kùn, GY kùùna flour, kùnar(a) ash; -n: a rare attainative verbal noun, identical star cloud; miina mark, sign, minar(a) design, in shape to the attainative singular present stripe, drawing, painting, writing etc.; berdh(a) perfective, and probably in origin an softness, tenderness (food/mud), berdhar(a) idiomatic use of this; used to focus on the soft mud, KKY soft food; yawa carefulness, attainment of the verbal noun, and mainly farewell, yawar(a) journey only used in the nominative-accusative form: *LA: kùbi, GY kùùbi charcoal, kubil(a) night; minayakathamay belief as the act of believing CA *miil ‘eye’, milal(a) stare, observe. minayakathaman belief as the state of having come to believe NOMINAL DEICTICS: DEMONSTRATIVES minamay act of measuring, estimation, judging, etc. The nominal deictics are a closed set which minaman measurement, estimation, judgement have physical and abstract (temporal, etc.) garwœydhamay the act of meeting or gathering, uses. They contrast: meeting, gathering (a) relative position with regard to the garwœydhamayn, garwœydhamin meeting, speaker: higher, eye-level, lower; here, convened gathering there; ahead/up front/near to, behind/ mathamay the act of hitting, striking, killing, at the back/away from, beyond/on the murdering other side); mathaman hitting/striking/killing that has been (b) relative distance (near, middle, far) and done, murder specificity (specific or non-specific);

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 385 Rod Mitchell

(c) in certain cases gender and number with kay-, thus kaypùn, kayupa; kaypay, (masculine, feminine, dual and plural), kaypa, kaypaypa, kaypapa. The ablative is as pronominal forms; neutral to distance and specificity. (d) demonstrative articles (gender and number) The prefixes ending in -w are the genitive a) Relative position with regard to speaker forms of the demonstratives ka- nonspecifically (marked by stem form) here and se-/si- there (middle distance), with the extension of this through analogy to the higher: -ka, dative stem -kada-/-kara- up there; prefix pi- specifically yonder. Pi-~pew- and eye-level: i- (specific), ka- (nonspecific) here; kay- both refer to yonder, however pi-~pew- se-, si- there; -pay, -pa, -paypa, -papa, dative shows a specific referent. Thus, in the sample -paypa ahead, up front, near to; -pùn/-wupa, sentence from the story of Kuiam in the dative -pawupa behind, at the back, away from; section on Education and Literacy: Writing -ngapa beyond, on the other side; the Language, kayka refers to a vague lower: -gu (KKY -guy), dative stem -mulu- positioning ‘up there’ (on a hill). This differs (KKY -ngùl- when prefixed) down there from the use of pika in the example below, b) Relative distance and specificity (marked the first line of The Lord’s Prayer, where the by prefixes) reference is to the specific being God. nearer to speaker: kœw-, e.g. kœwka up there Ngalmùn thaathi, pika dapara. relatively near to here Our father, up there in heaven. away from speaker: sew-, e.g. sewka up there ngal-mù-n thathi-Ø, in the middle distance wePL.EXC-AUG-GEN father-NOM, pi-ka dapara-LAI specific distance: pi-; pew-, e.g. pika, pewka SpDem-up.there sky-SLoc specifically up over there The unmarked neutral forms of here and there non-specific distance: kay-, e.g. kayka up are used with pre-referencing semantics and there in a general sense use equivalent to the French y and Italian ablative: kœzi-/kizi-, e.g. kœzika/kizika from ci. These are kay here at this place already up there established and sey/si/sin/siyen there at All demonstratives save i- here SP, ka- here NSp that place already established. While sin is an and se-/si- there take the same prefixes. Note all abbreviated form of sina, the feminine, and the variant stems of -pùn back there/off away, i.e. siyen appears to be the same, kay and sey/si –wupa, and –pay, ahead, up front, etc. are found appear to have an -i locative suffix. c) Pronominal forms masculine feminine dual plural neutral (-)nu(-) (-)na(-) (-)pal(-) (-)tha(-) ---- here, this inu, GY iinu ina, GY iina ipal itha kay (KKY in) there, that senu, sinu, sena, sina, sepal, sipal setha, sitha sey, si, sin, siyen seenu, siinu seena, siina (KKY senaw) up there nuka naka palka thaka kayka pinuka pinaka pipalka pithaka pika

386 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Thana bathaynga yuthaka amenika. Thana up there non-specific locative na si mangeminu, pasa mamuy matha masculine: nukaki, pinukaki thamudhayzinga kay. feminine: nakaki, pinakaki This morning they went to church for the service. dual: palkaki, pipalkaki When they got there, the door was still shut. plural: thakaki, pithakaki Thana-Ø bathaynga-Ø specific neutral: pikaki theyPL-NOM morning-SLoc nonspecific neutral: kaykaki yutha-ka ameni-ka. Similar are: -muluka (KKY -ngùlpa) church-DAT service-DAT DAT, -guki (KKY -guyki) NSpLoc down Thana-Ø na si there; -paypa DAT, -payki/-paki/-paypaki TheyPL-NOM REF there manga-i-MAYI-nu pasa-Ø NSpLoc ahead there; -pawupa (-pawpa) arrive-ACT-PL-TodP.PF door-NOM DAT, -pùnki/-wupaki/-pawupaki NSpLoc mamuy matha thamudha-’i-zi-nga-Ø back there, off away; -ngapaka DAT, -ngapaki while still shut-VN-RES-ImpNom-NOM NSpLoc beyond. ka-i. Many speakers use the full form of -ki, hereNSp-LOC i.e. -kidh All demonstratives except for i- here SP and se-/ d) Demonstrative Articles si- there take the gender and number morphemes as prefixes. Ka- here NSp, having non-specific The pronominal forms of i- here, this, these reference, cannot be arked for gender or (specific) and se-/si- there, that, those are number. The variant stem of -pùn back there/off marked for the non-specific locative and away, -wupa is used optionally in the feminine, for the demonstrative articles, with some dual and plural, but not the masculine: idiolect, sociolect and dialect variation: back there i- this, here masculine: nupùn, pinupùn article: inubi, GY inuubi M; inabi, GY inaabi feminine: napùn, pinapùn, nawupa, pinawupa F; ipalbi, ipalab DU; ithabi, GY ithaabi PL dual: palpùn, pipalpùn, palawupa, pipalawupa non-specific locative: inuki M; inaki F; ipalki plural: thapùn, pithapùn, thawupa, pithawupa DU; ithaki PL specific neutral: pipùn nonspecific neutral: kaypùn, kayupa global locative: inukidh M; inakidh F; ipalkidh DU; ithakidh PL Apart from the ablative, which is invariable, the relative position deictics have a full range se-/si- that, there of pronominal (noted above) and neutral article: senubi, sinubi, GY senuubi, sinuubi oblique case forms (noted below), and in a (KKY senawbi) M; senabi, sinabi, GY senaabi, few cases non-specific forms: sinaabi F; sepalbi, sipalbi, sepalab, sipalab up there dative DU; sethabi, sithabi, GY sethaabi, sithaabi PL masculine: nukadaka, pinukadaka non-specific locative: senuki, sinuki (KKY feminine: nakadaka, pinakadaka senawki) M; senaki, sinaki F; sepalki, sipalki dual: palkadaka, pipalkadaka DU; sethaki, sithaki PL plural: thakadaka, pithakadaka specific neutral: pikadaka global locative: senukidh, sinukidh (KKY nonspecific neutral: kaykadaka senawkidh) M; senakidh, sinakidh F; sepalkidh, unmarked neutral: kadaka sipalkidh DU; sethakidh, sithakidh PL

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 387 Rod Mitchell

Abstract extensions of the deictics Ya and Kaiwalgau Ya, there is a strong tendency for the instrumental/similative Other uses of the demonstratives are abstract form midha (> midha-, midhœ-, midhi-) extensions of their cores uses. Such include to replace mii-/mi- as the interrogative the following: formant. One interrogative pronoun and kay: non-specifically near the speaker > soon one interrogative adverb also exist, and an after, will soon, going to soon – also found in additional interrogative adverb in Kalaw reduplicated form: kaykay, S-D kayke (and a Kawaw Ya only: reanalysed emphatic form kaykedh); yet, still, e.g. matha lawnga kay, kay matha lawnga migœyga, midhagœyga which date, what (beside matha lawnga) not yet; in Kalaw date; mikisaayi, midhakisaayi (KKY Kawaw Ya, and sometimes in other dialects, mimœlpal) which month; miay, midhaay in this use the clitic is usually reduced to ka: which food, what food; miza, midhaza which matha lawnga ka, ka matha lawnga. thing, what thing; etc. -pay: ahead there > on the south-eastern side mimabayg, midhamabayg which person, nga (facing the South-East trade winds); pœypay who; milaga[nu], midhalaga[nu] which place, on the near side, on the south-east side. where, wœnaga, unaga, una where (MY-KY wœnága, unága, naga, KKY ngalaga where, paypa: ahead there (clearly seen) > upstream, what place [nga+laga-LAI what+place-SLoc]), upcurrent; kay paypa kùlay in the past, in the mithonaranu, midhathonaranu at what time, old days (and therefore knowable). when, KKY namuyth when. pawupa: back that way, away from there (and Nga who is also used when asking for the often not clearly seen or even out of sight) names of people (common in languages > downstream, downcurrent; kay pawupa of the world, such as Malay/Indonesian, wagel in the future, in future times (and Brokan and ), while miay, midha unpredictable) and midhakidh are used for asking for the kadaka/kadka: upwards over there > names of things: northwards, upstream Ninu nel nga? What is your name? muluka/mulka: downwards over there > Nipen nel ngawal? What are your names? (dual) southwards, downstream Nithamùn nelay ngaya? What are your The deictics are also compounded with names? (plural) dœgam side, part, direction to specify the Iina nel miay/midha/midhakidh? What is the physical area specified by the deictic, such as name of this? nangapdœgam the other side, pœypaydœgam near-side, south east side, nagudœgam the Both miay what/which food and miza what/ down-below side, etc. which thing can be used as the independent proforms which and what: INTERROGATIVE NOMINALS Sena miay/miza? What is that? Sena miay/midha-ay? What food is that? The interrogative prefixmii -/mi- what, which Sena miza/midha-za? What thing is that? forms interrogative nominals. In use it is almost identical to the Meriam Mìr prefix Miay can also be used as the exclamative na- which, what. In Kalaw Lagaw Ya and to what!, though in more polite language the a smaller extent Kùlkalgau Ya, Mualgau exclamative is midha/midh (or midhakidh)

388 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

(mother calling to child) The nominalised form, however, is A. Kùpaasi ay! Grasshopper! midhanga/midhamay- which/what one. B. Miay? What? The extended forms are not used in Kalaw A. Ni milaga? Where are you? Kawaw Ya, and only midhakidh in Mualgau B. Ngay ina giyapalaylaga! I’m here in the kitchen! Ya-Kaiwalgau Ya. Kùlkalgau Ya has the variant midhadh, with a doubled suffix. The (hailing a stranger in order to speak to him [old fashioned story language - kœymega is word in Kauřařaigau Ya was midhu, and an honorific that literally meanscompanion ]) Kalaw Lagaw Ya midhuy appears to have A. Kœymega! Friend! retained this older form. B. Midha/Midhikidh? How can I help you? The interrogative midha (alt. midh, A. Ni sey, aw? Are you there? midhikidh) how, like what shows that the B. Wa. Aye. Yes. Please come. speaker is asking or wondering about how, Unlike the Meriam Mìr na-, the Western a situation, identity, what’s wrong, what’s and Central Language prefix also exists the matter, and so on. This has a range in declined forms as an independent beyond that of the English word how, and can be translated in various ways according word declined as a common noun, and to context, including what [a translated as a in one of the four meaning], as when asking for names (as variant instrumental forms (midha). The already noted), such as in the example nominative-accusative (miay), nominative- below. In the second example following, accusative plural (midayl), and one of midha focuses on the global action, and the variant instrumental forms (midayn/ represents the global object, expressed by miden) are based on miay what/which the instrumental, of the active verb, me-/ food (PL midayl < mi-aydayl, INS miden < mi-/miyai-, the active form of ma- give, midayn < mi-aydayn). The oblique cases are take, move, do, etc.. It contrasts with the third based on the stem mii- as a class 1 noun: example, where miza/miay what (thing) instrumental midu/midun, dative mika to/ refers to the product. for what/which, why, ablative mingu (also minguz and minguzi) from, because of what/ Nanu nel midha/midhikidh thœráyka? What is her name? What is she called? which, why and the instrumental/similative nan-NGU nel-Ø midh/midha how, like what/which. As a She-GEN name-NOM synonym of midh/midha, Kalaw Kawaw mi-dha[-kidha] thara-’i-ka Ya has the interrogative adverb naag (also what-INS.SIM[-GLoc] call-VN-PrImpf naga) how. When asking for people’s names, nga who is The instrumental/similative has been used, thus ninu nel nga? What is your name?, ‘augmented’ in various ways in Kalaw literally who is your name?, also common Lagaw Ya, particularly in similative uses: in languages of the world, such as Malay/ Indonesian, Brokan and Tok Pisin. basic form: midha, midh; Ni midha meka? extended forms (no semantic difference What are you doing? form the basic form): midhakidh, midhikidh What activity are you doing? (-kidh[a] -wise, non-specific locative), mimidh ni-Ø mi-dha (either the prefixed interrogative, or youSg-NOM what-INS reduplicated stem), midhuy (an older form ma-i-Ø-ka of the instrumental plus a -y augment). do-ACT-SG-PrPf

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 389 Rod Mitchell

Nidh miza/miai ayimka? Midha(kidh) is also used together with What are you doing/making? lawnga to express or, as in the first example ni-dha mi+za-Ø // mi+ay-Ø below, while the second expresses the sense youSg-INS what+thing~food-ACC of English or what?: ayima-’i-ka make/do+VN+PrPf Ni midha, mabayg aw, lawnga ni markay aw? Are you a person or are you a ghost (I wonder)? Other interrogative uses are in 1, 2 (asking ni-Ø mi-dha about health - both in earnest as well as in youSg-NOM what-INS.SIM greeting), and non-specific wondering (3, 4): maaba-IGA-Ø aw walk-PNom-NOM Q 1) Ni/Nipel/Nitha midhakidh? lawnga ni-Ø How’s things? How are you going? or.not youSg-NOM (in colloquial speech simply : markay-Ø aw Midhikidh How’s things? How are you going?) ancestoralspirit-NOM Q 2) Ninu kulu midhakidh? Ngœba ayka a? Lawnga midhikidh? Balbalginga, a, lawnga kikirilnga, a? Will we go eat now, or what? How is your knee? ngœba-Ø ay+ka a, OK, or feeling painful? weDUInc-NOM food+DAT Q, nin-NGU kulu-Ø lawnga mi-dha-kidha youSG-GEN knee-NOM or.not what-INS.SIM-GLoc mi-dha-kidha what-SIM-GLoc The instrumental/similative has special use bal+bal-gi-nga-Ø a in the following constructions: cross+cross-PRV-ImpNom-NOM Q lawnga kikiri-LAI-nga-Ø a a) how many/much - in collocation with mùra all not.or sickness.pain-PRP-ImpNom-NOM Q Nanu tukuypal midha/midhakidh mùra? How many sisters does she have? 3) Rod midha/midhakidh kœy kùthalnga nan-NGU tukuyapa-LAI meka? she-GEN same.sex.sib-PRP (I wonder) Why is Rod taking so long/so long mi-dha(-kidha) mùra away? what-SIM(-GLoc) all Rod-Ø mi-dha[-kidha] Rod+NOM what-INS.SIM[-GLoc] b) equality, sameness, similarity - comparison kœy kùtha-LAI-nga in collocation with kedha thus big end+PRP+ImpNom ma-i-Ø-ka Ostreya matha kedha mabaygalnga Olaniya give.move.be-ACT-SG-PrIMPF midha/midhakidh/midhuy na. Australia has the same population as Holland 4) Midha/Midhakidh, nuy kay yuthaka Ostreya-Ø matha ke-dha uzarika kay, aw? Australia-NOM only here-SIM Is he going to the hall (I wonder)? mabayga-LAI-nga-Ø mi-dha[-kidha] nuy-Ø person-PRP-ImpNom-NOM what+INS.SIM[-GLoc] him-NOM Olani-ya ka-i yœwtha-ka Holland-NSpLoc hereNSp-LOC hall-DAT mi-dha(-kidha]/ mi-dhu-y na uzára-i-Ø-ka what-SIM(-GLoc) / what-SIM-? REF go+ACT+Sg+PrImpf/NF ka-i aw Nuy kedha midh/midhakidh. hereNSp-LOC Q He is like that.

390 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Inuubi thuuthu, nuy kuykùthalnga inuubi Agreement is with the head noun, and in midhuy/midha/midhakidh. the case of the 1st person genitives (and their This waddy is longer than this one. derived forms), the referent is the speaker. i-nu-bi thuthu-Ø, nuy-Ø The main means of marking gender is in this-M-ART waddy-NOM, he-NOM keeping with other Australian languages, kœy-kùtha-lay-nga-Ø i-nu-bi nu he, it, masculine, CA *nyu, and na she, it, big-end-PRP-ImpNom-NOM this-M-ART feminine, CA *nya[n], though there is a third mi-dhu-y / mi-dha(-kidha). augmenting suffixni - used by masculine what-SIM-?/ what-SIM(-GLoc) proper nouns and dual-plural pronouns. War kùla kœynga wara midhuy/midhakidh/ These form a paradigm with the dual and midha. plural morphemes pal and tha, also of One stone is bigger than another. Australian origin, cf. palay they dual (CA war kùla-Ø kœy-nga-Ø *pul[ ]), thana they plural (CA *jana). other stone-NOM big-ImpNom-NOM wara mi-dhu-y / mi-dha(-kidha) Where a pronoun or demonstrative is used other what-SIM-? / what-SIM(-GLoc) in a gender-free sense, the feminine is used: Midhuy acts syntactically as a noun in being Nipen bathaynga kuniya tidaylzœpuya, ni directly governed by the demonstrative Amanaka muledhe kay ina ngay midhikidh umeka. [...] Ina nitha mùra Baban maythal. articles in some cases, unlike midhakidh (Solomon, 1959; Jeremy Becket ms.) or midha, thus ithaabi midhuy = itha midhakidh/midha like these When tomorrow the two of you take back the things you came to get, you tell your Mum this what I am saying. ... What the situation is is GENDER that you have all been made pregnant by your Dad. Like the neighbouring Papuan languages nipe-n bathaynga youDU-GEN morning Bine, Gidra and Gizrra (Wurm, 1975: 333-334) kuna-ya as well as Australian languages further afield back-NSp.LOC such as Pitta Pitta, Diyari, Yandruwandha, tida-’i-LAI-zapu-ya Ngamini and Yarluyandi (Austin, 1981: fetch-VN-PRP-thing-NSpLOC 60), Bandjalang (Crowley, 1978: 78) and ni-Ø Ama-na-ka Ngalakan (Merlan, 1983), there are two you-NOM Mum-F-DAT genders, masculine and feminine, that are mula-i-Ø-dhe ka-i only partially dependent on natural gender. speak-ACT-SG-RemF hereNSpLOC i-na ngay- Ø mi-dha-kidha Gender is marked on words that have a here-F I-NOM what-SIM-GLoc referential/deictic function, and only appears uma-i-Ø-ka in the singular. Except for the singular 3rd weave-ACT-SG-PR.IMPF person pronouns where gender is encoded by i-na ni-tha-Ø mùra the stem, gender is marked by affixes on proper here-F you-PL-NOM all nouns, demonstratives, 1st person singular Baba-n maytha-LAI. Dad-GEN belly-PRP genitive/genitive-based forms, and the two miscellaneous paradigms of ka-/ko- attention Here the feminine word ina, this feminine seeker and sikai maybe, perhaps. It is an integral object/person here, refers to a general situation part of the pronominal/deictic number system. or discourse topic.

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 391 Rod Mitchell

TABLE 10. The gender marked words of the language

masculine feminine dual plural this (one), these (ones), inu/iinu ina/iina ipal itha here this (demonstrative iinub(i), inab(i), ipalbi/ipalab ithab(i), article) GY inuubi GY inaabi GY ithaabi likewise for se-/si- that, those, there that/those ahead/up nupay/nupa napay/napa palpay/palpa thapay/thapa close there likewise for: -ka up there, kadaka upwards over there, -gu down there, muluka downwards over there, -ngapa beyond there, -pùn back there, pawupa off back that way, paypa (moving forwards) ahead there, up close to there he/she/it/they nuy na palay thana hey! (attention seeker) kame kake kole maybe, perhaps sinukai, senukai, sinakai, senakai, sikai sikai sikai my ngaw ngœzu (nguzu) me ablative ngawngu ngœzungu (nguzungu) me similative ngawdh ngœzudh (nguzudh) proper nominals nominative Athe Grandad Aka Grandma non-nominative Atheni- Akana-

The Semantics of Gender feminine: apuuwa/apu mother, mother’s sister, babath At first glance, gender assignment in the male’s sister, ipika woman, female, kaazi girl, language can appear as random as in any daughter, ngœybath father’s sister Indo-European or Semitic language, as the following words show: Culturally assigned gender occurs (a) where in cultural perception the word Masculine: refers to a being with a typical gender laaga inhabited island, thuuthu waddy, kisaayi regardless of real gender, e.g. biblical moon, puuyi tree, plant, magic, dhangal angels are masculine, or (b) is outside dugong, nath/nœyath platform. of gender reference. This can be a means Feminine: of ‘degenderising’, ‘defeminising’ or kaywa island, kœlaaka spear, kùùta afternoon, ‘demasculinising’ the natural gender of the evening, katham banana, waaru turtle. being; having said this, in all cases where overt gender reference needs to be made, Rules do exist, however. Where people and then the natural gender is used: human-like beings are concerned, gender is with very few exceptions natural; exceptions masculine: have a culturally defined basis: angela angel, mabayg person likely to be a male, awgadh totem, god masculine: thaathi/thath father, father’s brother, babath feminine: female’s brother, garka man, male, kaazi boy, mapeth baby, infant, mabayg female; human being, son, awadhe mother’s brother community, mari spirit of person recently dead

392 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

TABLE 11. The gender marked words of the language

feminine masculine Concept 1 concrete abstract pudhu, GY puudhu street, path, passage-way between clearness, cleanness, clearmindedness, houses soberness ya talking, words, speech; spoken/ message, teaching; pronouncement, produced/written words announcement; explanation yabugùùda way, road, path, street, etc. way of life/belief wakay, yanguwakay pronunciation (e.g. of letters, words) voice, thought, accent, tune wakaythœmam thinking, thought, opinion thinking, thought, opinion (without a sure basis) (with a sure basis) Concept 2 simple reference culturally defined extension gaamu body hull (also gulgaamu canoe hull); body as container of life (umagaamu corpse, dead body) arkath hole, pit, tunnel world, earth sama ball made of food paste (creation of God) In the traditional view of the universe, the world is a ‘hole’ at the bottom of an upside-down hemisphere, the sides and top of which is the sky. Arkath as masculine refers to this concept of the world, while as feminine refers to any hole or pit or tunnel. apawgœwa garden mound/ditch; world, earth world as a place or pathway (as a planet inhabited by people) guguwœbidhthœyayzinga coil, circular object kiibu tail bone, lower back, loins; slope horizon; Kibukùùtha (the ‘pagan’ heaven) laaga place place of cultural significance; inhabited island Concept 3 use reference natural/totemic/cultural/source reference gœyga day sun kisaayi month moon urab/wœrab coconut coconut palm maayi well, spring well/spring given by a being such as a totem, god or muruyg (the real or mythical ancestor of a buway clan, moiety)

An example of ‘defeminising’ is dhogay long malukuyup flying fish, mage monkey, mamuy eared witch-hag, a semi-comic/semi-malignant sheep, thaabu snake, saamu cassowary female sometimes referred to in stories by feminine: the pronoun nuy he. ùmay dog, bœga mallard, bùrùm pig, githalay Where non-human animates are concerned, mud crab, gœynaw Torres Strait pigeon, kobi is the norm with natural tortoise, kuwa crow, pùùsi cat, wœsar/usar gender only being used when overt reference kangaroo, wallaby is being made to the natural gender. The words uruy creature, bird and waapi masculine: fish are normally masculine when referring to dhangal dugong, dongki donkey, nani goat, the living animal, particularly when this has

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 393 Rod Mitchell a totemic or similar importance. However, as The variation in masculine and feminine animals destined for killing (for food, i.e. for gender marking as shown in Table 11 can use) they are feminine; they can also be feminine give the impression that masculine denotes when overtly referring to a female animal. some sort of significance, and therefore that feminine gender does not. However, Inanimates (plants, body parts, abstract nouns feminine words such as the following are and the like) have ‘assigned’ gender. Where counterexamples, as they cannot be shown to plants are concerned, the division is fairly clear; have any less cultural (or other) significance: most plants are masculine, while their ‘food parts’ are feminine; in those cases where the amen church service, prayer; gidha story, legend, word is the same, the gender changes according myth; adhawmulay announcing, pronouncing to the reference. Feminine plants are rare, and as in reporting, judging, etc; nel name; ngùlayg are normally not food sources. The food/non- knowledge, ability; sabi law, regulation; wœnab food division is a part of a series of distinctions; glory, received or bestowed blessing; buwáy that is to say, it fits in Concept 3 of Table 11. family, clan, moiety, organisation (group of people joined by a common bond); pawa masculine: custom, fashion, deed, action biyu white mangrove, ubar/wœbar Torres Strait plum (wongai) tree, urab/wœrab coconut The importance of such words is so much a part palm, daway banana palm, dhani Moreton Bay of the word in itself that masculinity marking fig tree, masœl muscle, ngaara leg, gœngaawu is not needed to highlight them. Masculine in the language is a marked category – something skin, hide, magadh body hair, fur, fleece to be attributed, and feminine is unmarked, feminine: being naturally and intrinsically significant. kawsar screw-pine pandanus, buruwa/ bœruwa young kawsar pandanus, bùùpa grass THE VERB plant, biyu white mangrove pod (a food), ubar/ wœbar Torres Strait plum (wongai), urab/ Like nominals, there are two classes of verbs wœrab ripe coconut, katham banana, gùùda based on the stem syllable number. The stem mouth, opening, gap, kakùr egg, kùlka blood, is the root of the verb. Most verb stems end suusu breast, kibu tail bone, lower back, loins, in -a, and a few in -i, -u or -ay. Affixes can slope, kuyk, GY kuwiiku head, maadhu meat, differ according to verb class. yalbùp, GY yalbùùpa hair Class 1: monosyllabic stem (four verbs only: Where close synonyms are concerned, gender ma- take, give, be, move, etc; ni- sit, stay; si- assignment reflects a difference in semantics: stand; ii-/yu-/yœw- lie, slant, lean) island Class 2A: two syllables in stem (roughly half kaywa: feminine - island as a geographical area of all verbs) laaga: masculine - inhabited island, home Class 2B/C: three or more syllables in stem island (a specialised use of laaga place, which (roughly half of all verbs): these verbs tend to is feminine) undergo stem reduction. The stems of Class authority, power 2C verbs end in -ma. parpar/pœrapar: feminine - authority based Class 1 verbs have monosyllabic stems in some on natural power; natural power singular forms (and for ma- also in the verbal bibir/biber: masculine - authority based on noun, may), otherwise the stem is bisyllabic. In developed strength/might; strength, might, power the case of ni- and si- the bisyllabic stems are nia-

394 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

(niya-) and sia- (siya-). The verb ma- is irregular karngemewma- DU, karngemi-/karngemay- in declining like ni- and si- in those forms PL, kœrngay VN; karemi- SG, karemewma- where nia- and sia- occur, thus mia- (miya-), DU, karemi-/karemay- PL, karemay PL. variant mea- (meya-). The verb ii-/yu-/yœw- is thama- move, shift; speed (idiomatic meaning); even more irregular, having yuwi-/yœwi- as adhaka thama- move, shift, speed out(wards); in an alternative to yu-/yœw-, and otherwise compounds and collocational combinations, having either ia- (iya-) or yuya-/yœwya- where the plural optionally acts as a Class 2C verb, nia-, sia- and mia-/mea- occur. It also has an i.e. the stem final syllable -ma elides through augmented perfective stem, yuna-/yœwna- and haplology: thama- SG, thamawma- DU, an augmented causative stem in Kalaw Lagaw thamamay-/thamami- PL; in close phrases Ya only, yutha-/yœutha-. The verb ni- also has – adhaka thama- SG, adhaka thamawma- the causative augmented stem nitha- seat in DU, adhaka thamamayi-, adhaka thamami-, Kalaw Lagaw Ya; there is also a related plural- adhaka thamayi-, adhaka thami- PL. reference only attainative verb nithama- sit, seat selves in all dialects. The treatment of stems for Perhaps the one truly irregular verb form the attainative-active contrast (for which The is nay[n(i)], found only in ngùkin nayn[i]/ Attainative-Active Contrast) is perhaps the ngùkinay[n(i)] be thirsty, thirst, cause thirst main differentiator of class. (ngùki fresh water, juice), and thartharnay[ni] boil (tharthar boiling, simmering). This word There are few truly irregular verbs. While is unique in the language in having only the ma- take, give, move, be, do, etc. and ii-/yu-/ following forms. It can be used as a verb or yœw- slant over, lean over, lie down are the verbal noun with appropriate syntax: most irregular verbs, a few verbs have other minor irregularities: Verb: ngùkin naynin, ngùkin nayn(i), ngùkinayn(i) karngemi-, colloquial form karemi-: two thirst, be thirsty attainative present perfective stems, verbal noun stem karnga-, finite stem karngemi-/karemi- hear, obey: karngemi- SG, ngùkinay be thirsty active present perfective

Examples of the verb classes: attainative present attainative present active present active present imperfective singular perfective singular imperfective singular perfective singular Class1 ma- mayka mani (irregular) meka, mika mizi ma-'i-ka ma-Ø-Ø-ni ma-i-Ø-ka ma-i-IZI Class 2a thama- thœmáyka thaman thameka, thamika thami move thama-'i-ka thama-Ø-Ø-n thama-i-Ø-ka thama-i-IZI Class 2b barpuda- barpudaka barpudan barpudika barpudi buy barpud-Ø-Ø-ka barpuda-Ø-Ø-n barpuda-i-Ø-ka barpuda-i-IZI Class 2c ubama- ubamka ubaman ubayka ubami dress up ubama-Ø-Ø-ka ubama-Ø-Ø-n ubama-i-Ø-ka ubama-i-IZI

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 395 Rod Mitchell ngùkinayka, ngukinaynka be thirsty VERB FORMATION attainative present imperfective The verb word has the following matrix: Ngœna ngùkin naynin ((prefix[es])-(compound[s]) I am thirsty, I have become thirsty stem ngœ-na ngùki-n nayni-n I-ACC water-INS thirst-ATT.PrPF (suffix A)-(active suffix)-(suffix B) (number suffix) Ngay ngùkinay ending-(ending) I am thirsty, I have become thirsty The stem is the core of the verb. Potentially ngay-Ø ngùki+nay-Ø any number of compounding stems and I-NOM water+thirst-ACT.PrPF prefixes can become before the verb stem, Ngay ngùkinayka/ngùkinaynka this being limited by semantics. The suffix I am thirsty slots A and B in the above can be filled ngay-Ø ngùki+nay[n]-ka by fossilised suffixes. Verbs do not mark I-NOM water+thirst-ATT.PR.IMPF voice or transitivity, these being syntactic Noun: ngùkinay, ngùkinayn(i), ngukin nay thirst properties, but rather telicity, for which see The Attainative-Active Contrast. Ngaw ngùkinayn kœyza My thirst is great, I am really thirsty. Virtually all verb forms must have an ending, nga-NGU ngùki+nayni-Ø the main exception being the active singular I-GEN water+thirst-NOM perfective imperative, which is Ø-marked. kœy+za-Ø Another partial exception involves the big+thing-NOM imperfective remote past ending -r, which Kedha mabayg lak ngùkinnayka lawnga elides when preceded by the glide -y: Such a person will never more thirst. -r > -r: wadha-Ø-Ø-r stop-ATT-SG-RemP.IMPF ke-dha mabayga-Ø laka > wadhar; uthu-Ø-Ø-r stab in.shoot large game. here-SIM person-NOM again plant-ATT-SG-RemP.IMPF > uthur; pœlangi-Ø- ngùki-n+nay-ka lawnga. water-INS+thirst-DAT not Ø-r flog-ATT-SG-RemP.IMPF > palngir. Privative: ngùkinaygi, ngùkinnaygi unthirsty, -r > -Ø: wadha-i-Ø-r stop-ACT-SG-RemP.IMPF > have no thirst, thirstless wadhay; wadha-Ø-MAYI-r stop-ATT-PL-RemP. IMPF > wadhamay, wadhamœy, wadhamir. Ngaw ngùkinnayginga I am not thirsty. nga-NGU The Verb Stem I-GEN The bare stem is the attainative (or aorist) ngùki-n+nay-gi-nga-Ø. water-INS+thirst-PRV-ImpNom-NOM. form, thus manga- take to, carry to, bring to, bear to (attainative present perfective singular mangan, dual mangawman, plural mangamayn/mangamin), while the active form is made by suffixing underlyingi - to the bare stem, thus manga-i- arrive, reach, come to, take global object to (active present perfective singular mangi, dual mangewman, plural mangemayn/mangemin (see further The Attainative-Active Contrast).

396 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

While most verbs have no apparent cognates in the language, some do have the same stem as a nominal, such as the following: Nominal Verb adha- outer area/part adha-, adha-i- move outwards, jut out, go out, exit, take out ayim(a) doing, making ayima-, ayima-i- make; do; happen; move; say; become, be kuykayim(a) start, beginning kuykayima-, kuykayima-i- start, begin (kuyk- head) maanga fork (in tree, road) manga- take to, carry to, bring to, bear to manga-i- arrive, reach, come to, take global object to rapa leg of crab, insect, etc. rapa-i- limp, be lame silam(a) fight silama-, silama-i- fight, argue, have a fist-fight, box, battle, have a row thaapa oar, paddle thapa-, thapa-i row, paddle, swim yawar(a) journey yawara- journey, travel, take a trip, voyage A very small number of verbs show some resemblance to other words; however sound change has hidden the exact relationship between them: Nominal Verb wamen(a) speed wamayay- be running, racing, fleeing, escaping; be sailing quickly yawa farewell; yawaya- watch and wait; watch, watch over (with care) (archaic meaning) carefulness

Other verbs, on the other hand, have been attainative stem: muula- > mulama-work out, derived from nominals or other verbs by one count, mulamay- retort, answer back rudely; of two suffixes, MA and MAI may(- /-mœy/- talk bad about mi), though these are no longer productive. active stem: muula-i- > mulema-, muleyma-, In some cases MAI (MA-I) is clearly the mulayma- tell, report to active form of the attainative MA, though there is evidence of a separate suffix MAI puuda- open, open out with a somewhat different meaning. Verbs attainative stem: puuda- > pudama- spread out (mat etc.); explain, mean; discuss; work out suffixed by MAI are the only diphthong-final verb stems, apart from pœpathay- till, hoe, thara- erect, stand up prepare ground for planting. The suffixes have active stem: thara-i- > tharema-, tharima-, an intensive or multiplicative force when tharayma-, thareyma- place so as to be in an suffixed to verbs; the multiplicative force is erect position (e.g. a mast) particularly true of MAI, which may have a relationship with the verb plural suffix MAYI naga-i- look, watch, shine (-mayi-/-may-/-mœy-/-mi-). The suffixes attainative stem: naga- > nagamay- reason, are normally suffixed to the bare stem, in think over, ponder the suffix A slot, though in some cases are thœydha- fetch, get (water, liquid); swallow, be suffixed to the active form, in the suffix B slot: swallowed (by darkness etc.); as active also bite paga- pierce, stick, stab; spear, shoot; dart down attainative stem: thœydha- > thœydhamay-cover, loom, spread all around (darkness, clouds etc.) attainative stem: paga- > pagama- sew; pagamay- head for iima- see, find, inspect, test, try active stem: paga-i- > pagemay- head for attainative stem: iima- > imamay-strive, try muula- take out, produce; speak, talk, say (i.e. pœydha- open out, spread out; lie/lay down/out, produce words) stretch out

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 397 Rod Mitchell attainative stem: pœydha- > pœydhamay- a relationship with the verb pala- (see spread, spread out all around (cloud, darkness, etc.) Compound and Collocational Verbs), whose underlying meaning is cause, but in surface Both MA and MAI also derive verbs from form can have various translations according nominals: to context, such as write, kick, flick, shoot aka fear > akama- dodge, ward off, flinch away (arrow, gun), and so on: from; keep aloof from, keep apart from guruguy, guurguy, gurguy circular motion, kaday upwards > kadama- move up/off; pull up/ gurgupa- go around (in circles) off, rip up/off, tear off suula- pour, leak, drop, drip, sùlpa- pour~spray ruway curve, ark, shape, form > ruwama- turn, liquid on, ngùkin sùlpa- water (e.g. seeds, veer, go around, curve, move in an curve plants), spray (with water) suupa wrapping, parcel > ya supama- (ya speech) *ngùr-: ngùlayg knower, knowledge, ability, make a mistake, muddle up, trick with speech know, ngùlaynga the place one knows (home), ùka- two > ùkama- double; add to, increase; ngùrpa-, ngùrápi- teach, learn, study, train; subsidize, calculate, reckon recognise, identify mina real, true, very > minama- measure, CA *yila ‘lead’: yœlpa-/ilpa-, yœlápi-/ilápi- estimate, judge; minamay- try out for the first lead, guide time, make maiden voyage One small group of active verbs which end in There are quite a few verbs ending in MA the stem syllable -ra has a common semantic and MAI which by form and meaning most domain which suggests original derivational likely derive from words which are no suffixation denoting a ‘total activity’ focus. longer found. Internal and external cognates That is to say, words that fit into this potential support this, as in the following: category refer to an activity that involves the subject or object completely. A suffixed origin yakama- show, cf. yakanura-i- forget (a is suggested by possible cognates in four cases: compound of the unknown nominal *yaka, and nura- wrap) pauthara-i- roll along puzara-i- pull, haul; strive for, push for, fight for, isama- load, transport (water, liquid), cf. CA battle for (cf. uzara-i- go, pa- telic prefix) *yiija- ‘get’ sizara-i- go/come down from/to/over; swoop gasama- get, catch; reach, attain, cf.CA *gaja- over/down on; wade ‘tie up’ uzara-i- go Examples are: thanura-i sit, sit down idima- break, ruin, break up, dismantle, spoil; wœnara-i- get stuck, get bogged (cf. wana- put, place) get rid of, dispose of pinira-i sink into (cf. pini- smear, paint) katama-i- get stuck, get bogged thapura-i- float up; swirl up; emerge out of water; mathama- hit, strike, beat; kill; exterminate; fight crawl out of water, get out of water (cf. thapa- sasima- squeeze, knead; strangle swim, row) thakama- fight (each other) Two Kalaw Lagaw Ya verbs have evidence of There is a small amount of evidence for a fossilised attainative causative suffixtha - : a third suffix PA, which might have had nitha- seat, cause to sit, cf. ni- be sitting, live, a causative force. As such it may have stay and yœutha- (yutha-) lay down, cause to

398 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland lie, put down, cf. yœu- (yu-) be lying down, be IMPF) sleep, be sleeping; sagul thara-/thara-i- slanting, be leaning. Other verbs that may also (game+stand) play, stand playing; sagul si-/ contain this suffix are: siya- (game+be standing IMPF) be playing; kùbak puydha- (cough+hang) cough; gaanu banitha-: pierce, penetrate, stick (in); spit out puyma-/pulma- (smell+take out) smell, sniff; chewed up remains; touch land, come into land ya muula-i- (word/speech+produce ACT) speak, nanitha- (alt. nantha-): put in, plant, stick say; ya uuma- (word/speech+weave) speak; upright in ground (post, skewer etc.); penetrate, dhœya thuuda- (small rubbish+clear away) stab, pierce, jab clear away small rubbish, strip off, pluck, weed; pabœitha-/pabayitha-: answer back, retort, give wal tiduma- (shout+? [only found in this a back answer, talk back (pa- telic prefix) combination)] shout, call (to one person); wal me- (shout+be.move.do) shout, call (to many engitha-: run, run at, attack people); yal pœyba-i- (clacking noise+give- kabùtha-: put, lay, lie (down), set (down), settle, ACT) call, squawk (birds, etc). place; reveal, show up, lay bare At times such combinations can also be pinitha-: peel, slip, slide; (idiom) rush along (cf. expressed by putting the nominal in the pini- smear, spread, paint, pinira-i- sink into) instrumental: sarkœtha-: add/weave in a new strand (when ya muula-i- speak, say; also: yadu muula-i-, another gets too short; cf. sarka stream) ya-du INS azagitha-: compel, force someone to do something ya uuma- speak; also: yadu uuma- against their will dhœya thuuda- clear away small rubbish, strip off, pluck, weed; also dhœyan thuuda-, COMPOUND AND COLLOCATIONAL VERBS dhœya-n INS Though the language has over 300 simple Such combinations are often written as one verbs (including those derived by MA, MAI word. Even so, the parts can be split by adverbs and PA), there are many compound and and the like, even when part of the combination collocational (i.e. ‘semi-compound’) verbs, has no independent meaning, i.e. appears to this being the main means of verb formation be fossilised in the combination. Such include in the language. The initials of compound yakanura-i- forget’ (an active reflexive verb, za verbs can be nominals, adjectives, adverbs ngawngu yakanuri I have just forgotten something, or even declined words. Verbs do not lit. za-Ø thing-NOM nga-NGU-ngu me-GEN- appear directly as the first members of verb ABL yaka+nuura-i-Ø-IZI ?+wrap.bind-ACT-SG- compounds, however their stem or nominal ACT.SgPF something from me has forgotten itself) forms can. Collocational verbs consist of in clauses such as yaka kay nurayg! don’t forget uninflected nominals that form part of a loose now!. *yaka does not have an independent life verbal complex. These differ from compounds of its own, though it may be the stem of the verb in that they can be split, e.g. by adverbs. yakama- show, demonstrate. Many appear to be fixed collocations, while Three verbs in particular are widely used as others are productive. Those that are fixed collocational verb formants, asi-, ma- and pala-: collocations blend into the category of true compounds. Examples are: asi-: attainative only, no active forms uthuy yœwna- (sleep+lie down PF) lie down independent meaning – be with, accompany, to sleep; uthuy i-/yœw-/yœwi- (sleep+be lying go with, agree with, etc.

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 399 Rod Mitchell collocational meaning – be in the state or attain The verbs asi- be/go with and ma-i- (me-/ mi-/ the state expressed by the first part of the collocation miyai-) go, move, be, do, etc. fulfill most of the functions of be, except for identity, for which azir shame, shyness, azirasi- be/become there is no verb. Often the state or activity ashamed, shy; dapargam sky-blue (noun), in the ma-i- (me-/mi-/miyai-) construction dapargamasi- be/become sky-blue; gabu cold, is marked as instrumental; the state is cool, calm, gabuasi-, gabasi- be/become cold, seen as causing the situation. Where asi- is calm; siga- far, distant, afar, sigaasi-, sigasi- be/ concerned, the state is an integral part of the go far off; imaygi unseen, unfound, imaygasi- situation; it is an attainment. The difference to be /get/become unseen, unfound; thepadh dry, a certain extent can be likened to the Spanish thepadhasi- be/get/become dry. and Irish distinctions of ser ~ estar and is ~ ma-: attainative stem, ma-i- (me-/miya-) tá, where me-/mi-/miyai- roughly equates active stem estar/tá as a marker of a temporary state, and independent meaning – do, move, take, bear, asi- roughly equates ser/is as a state where put, be, etc. temporariness is not implied; however, it collocational meaning – forms active and stative does not mark identity, unlike ser/is. compound verbs, including active be-clauses integral state: kerkathasi- be in/reach a state of balgeth harm (bal cross + geetha hand), wrath, kikirasi- be in/reach a sick or painful state balgethma- harm; thaawa praise, boast, thawma- situational state: kerkathan me- be/get angry, praise, boast; uuma death, uumme- die, dry out; act angrily, kikirin me- be/get sick or sore, act in kùpal empty, naked, barren, kùpalma- empty a sick or sore way out; dharadh strict, dharadhme- be/become strict; gumi secretive, in secret, hidden SLoc, As with Spanish and Irish, certain concepts gumime- be secretive, move in secret. are restricted in their use with asi- or me-. pala-: attainative stem, pala-i- active stem integral state: gabuasi-, gabasi- be cold/cool/ cool-headed, kùlkadhgamasi- be red, be blood- independent meaning – write, draw (modern coloured, kœmánasi- be hot, adirasi- be blinded unmarked meaning); shoot, fire, flick, tap, hit, by flash or glare, mapuasi- be heavy kick (context-dependent meanings) situational state: danan me- be alive, exist collocational meaning – cause (underlying (daana eye), gumime- be/go in secret/unknown meaning) to others, magaw me- be strong, give strength, aka fear, akapala- frighten, cause to fear/be matha me- be, exist, be present, be somewhere frightened; gùùda mouth, opening, gùdpala- still, zagethan me- be working open; kœman heat, kœmanpala- heat, heat up, There are other be-verbs or be-like verbs cook; beray loose, slack, weak, etc., beraypala- with specific meanings. All such verbs are loosen, slacken, weaken; giya ripe, cooked, imperfective, with no perfective forms, giyapala- ripen, cook except for thara-i-, the active form of thara- In many cases an idiomatic use is to be found place erect, erect, place in a standing position: in addition to the normal meaning, and in masi- (masika, KY-MY/KulY/KKY marsi-, some few cases the underlying meaning is mœrsika) be, stand, be situated (mainly buildings) no longer found. Such is minaasi-/minasi- finish, end, based on mina true, real, very, the sœrsi- (sœrsika) be in mud, live in mud literal meaning of which (be/become real or thara-i- (thareka) be standing upright~erect, be true) is no longer current. upright doing an activity (people, animals, etc.)

400 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

paga- (pœgayka, sazi- PL - sœzika) be standing miina sign, token, symbol + tida- return, upright~erect (plants, clouds, posts, etc.) fetch, understand: mintida- explain the wazi- (wœzika) be situated, be placed, be (for meaning of, stand for a purpose) mina true, real, wati bad, yaka speech DAT wazima- (wazimka) be situated (and clearly + thama- move: minayakathama- believe, seen) in the distance watiyakathama- disbelieve si- (sika) be standing, be standing doing an activity nel name + thara- call: nelthara- call, name, nominate ni- (nika) be living, be staying, be sitting, be aka fear + thaya- cast, throw, twist, push, sitting doing an activity choose: akathaya- be frightened yœw-/yœwi- [yu-/yuy] (yœwka/yuka, wakay voice + thaya- cast, throw, twist, push, yœwika/yuyka) be lying, leaning or slanting. choose: wakaythaya-i- recollect, remember, recall Other verbs also appear in compounds: wakay voice + thama-MAI- move-INT: buya light + adha- outwards movement: wakathamamay- think, ponder buyadha- shine giizu point + walga- whittle, plane, file: adhaz from outside + thœridha- carry away, gizuwalga- sharpen, hone lift: adhazthœridha- adopt geetha hand + wadha- stop, set, establish: gethwadha- forbid, hinder, stop from maadhu meat.thigh + pama- dig, scoop: madhupama-i- be surprised kuwiiku head + wakaya- chase: kuykwakaya- question, interrogate geetha hand + guura- bear on body: gethgura- bear in hands siiba liver + wana- put, leave: siibawana- give something important; pity uuma death + mathama- hit, strike: umamathama- kill; dry (leaves, etc.); cancel, annul gùùda mouth, opening + waya- send: gùdwaya- scatter, set free, undo, leave free ya speech, words, talking + mula- produce: ya mula-i- speak, say gaamu body + zilama-i- run: gamuzilama-i- escape milal(a) stare + naga-i- look, watch: milalnaga-i- stare, observe, look While most compounds are transparent, or muy fire + nithu- cast, throw: muynithu- are extensions of the underlying meaning singe, burn, scorch; roast, cook of the two (or more) parts, some are opaque, in that either the initial or the verb does not dhœœya cure, healing + nœydha-, nœydha-i- exist outside the compound, and therefore touch, hold: dhœynœydha- cure, heal in itself has no independent meaning: siba liver (SLoc), kat(a) frog, underpart of jaw + palgi-, pœlagi- fly, jump: sibakatpalgi-/ Unknown initial: pœlagi- be startled, frightened, afraid al + mathama- hit: almathama- smash, grind ngaara leg + yœwda-/yuuda- give, donate, al + wœrima-/urima- whip out, hit at, slap: ask: ngaryœwda-/ngaryuda- move quickly alwœrima-/alurima- knock down/over forcefully ngœna breath + puudha-, puudha-i- fall, drop: (cf. barwœrima- below) ngœnapudha-i- rest, spell; be short of breath arudaru + thœridha- lift, pick up: nœy tongue + puuya- blow, play an instrument: arudaruthœridha-i- keep silent, don’t speak up nœypuya-i- lick, lick up bar + wœrima-/urima- whip out, hit at, slap: iibu chin + puydha- hang: iibupuydha- help, barwœrima-/barurima- knock about, knock across aid, assist bar + puda- open: barpuda- buy

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 401 Rod Mitchell

guyth (BY guyuth) + waya- send: i.e. is an aorist, while the active form is guythwaya-, guythwaya-i- leave, set off, take marked by an underlying -i suffixed to the off, throw, have a go at, lose, “pass on”, etc. verb stem. It is otherwise morphologically pin (KKY pen) + wœnama-i-/unama-i- dive: distinct in the form of the endings in (a) the pinwœnama-i-/pinunama-i- dive, submerge present perfective singular, (b) the today- yaka + nuura- wrap, bind: yakanura-i- forget; past perfective singular, (c) the perfective cf. yakama- show, reveal imperative singular (Ø marked), and (d) in all numbers of the remote future/future Unknown verb: imperative perfective (see Verb Endings). gùùda mouth, opening + kasapa-i-: The categorization is telic in nature, though gùdkasapa-i- open mouth wide, yawn not prototypically so. daana pool; eye; life + [ng]alba-: danalba-, This differs from previous analyses. Ray danngalba- pierce, stab, prick, poke (e.g. sore (1907: 26-27) portrayed the distinction as with a blade of grass); pùrka danalba- poke between an active that is in essence transitive eye (pùrka eye) (= the attainative), and a ‘kind of middle or gaamu body + sisama-: gamusisama- gouge reflexive voice, or even a passive’ (= the active), (e.g. eye) while Ford and Ober (1987: 8) described it as gùùda mouth, opening + thadha-: gùdthadha- transitive and intransitive, using the term deny, deny having knowledge deponent to refer to verbs marked for either transitive or intransitive but used in the daana pool; eye; life, dhadha- mid, wakay opposite voice (i.e. an in a voice + thadhuma-: danthadhuma- make a transitive clause and vice versa). mistake, be mistaken, dhadhadanthadhuma- faint, wakaythadhuma- doubt When referring to verb morphology, gùuda mouth, opening + thapama-: however, the terms transitive and intransitive gùdthapama- kiss are inaccurate, as suggested by Hunter et al. (Footnote 18, 2011: 130). The present author, by examining around 3000 sentences, VERB MORPHOLOGY identified a verb distinction between Verb morphology consists of: unmarked/aorist attainment and suffixed active forms, while transitivity is expressed a) prefixes (see Non-Deictic Prefixation) at the level of the clause by the interplay of b) derivational suffixes: verbal derivation (in nominal and verb morphology (see further fossilised form); the active suffix; verbal noun Transitivity and Voice). c) augmenting suffixes: number (dual, plural) The attainative (which subsumes stative) d) portmanteau endings: tense, aspect, mood focuses on a relatively specific attainment and to a very limited extent the attainative- (goal-focus), such as a specific object, an active contrast and number. arrival, a resulting state, or a state in itself. The active (which subsumes reflexive) focuses on the action expressed by the verb, without The Attainative-Active Contrast focusing on a specific attainment (action- Attainative and active are semantic focus). Both are found in intransitive and properties of verbs realised in morphological transitive clauses. When the active clause is marking. Most verbs can be marked for transitive, the object is affected in a general, either. The attainative form is unmarked, non-specifiable, global or total way, while

402 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland the attainative transitive has reference to a K. saana-Ø paga-i-Ø-izi specific object. The attainative instransitive C. foot-ACC stab-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF overtly focuses on arrival, while the active 5.Kaazi ziyanu uthi. intransitive focuses on the activity. Both The child disappears into the cloud: active and attainative verbs can be perfective disappearing in itself has no overt goal. or imperfective; stative attainative verbs are K. ziya-nu utha-i-Ø-izi always imperfective. C. cloud-SLoc enter-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF Examples 1-6 below show the use of the 6.Kaazi buthuya zilami. active singular present perfective verbs The child runs along the beach/sand: the yœwthi/yuthi (yœwtha-i-) pull, drag, uthi running in itself has no overt goal. (stem utha-i-) enter into, disappear into, zilami K. buthu-ya zilama-i-Ø-izi (stem ziilama-i-) run (along), drive (along) and C. sand-NSpLoc run-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF pagi (stem paga-i-) do a pricking, stabbing or In contrast 7–15 below illustrate the spearing activity. When transitive, the focus attainative singular present perfective words is (a) on an action that the object does and pagan (stem paga-) spear, prick, stab, jab, go the subject causes (1, 2), or (b) an activity which down, dart down, uthun (stem uthu-) spear, affects a generalised or indefinitely total object shoot, plant in, thrust in, etc., wanan (stem that in effect the subject uses to do the activity wana-) put, leave, wangan (stem wanga-) (3). When reflexive, an action that the subject drive, sail and the attainative singular present does to itself or part of itself is expressed imperfective verbs nika (stem ni-) sit, live, (4), and when intransitive, the focus is on an stay, sit doing and pungáyka (stem puunga-) intransitive activity that does not overtly entail move along (slide, slither, snake, flow, sail, drive, the subject reaching a goal (5, 6): run, move, rush, dash, flee, suffer from, etc). The 1.Kazin uru yuthi. focus is either on the activity being the means The child pulls the rope: the rope does the moving. to an end, i.e the attainment of the action, or kaazi-n uru-Ø a state that can be said to be the logical result child-INS rope-ACC of a preceding action. Of the sample verbs yœwtha-i-Ø-IZI given, pagi ~ pagan and uthi ~ uthun (an pull-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF irregular verb) are the active and attainative 2.Kazin guul zilami. forms of each other, while wangan and The child runs the canoe along: the canoe does zilami exist as two complementary verbs the moving. with the same underlying concept of running, K. guul-Ø zilama-i-Ø-izi driving or sailing, wangan being causative C. canoe-ACC run-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF in nature, and zilami having an action- 3.Kaazi wapin pagi. focus. Ni- has no perfective forms, while The child spears all the fish, the child does fish- pungáyka is possibly a specialised use of spearing: the child does an action “using” the regular verb puunga- take off, remove(e.g. the fish. clothes from a clothesline). When transitive, kaazi-Ø waapi-n attainative verbs show that a specific object child-NOM fish-INS has been attained, i.e. that the action has a paga-i-Ø-izi specific result (7–11). This is also the function stab-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF in intransitive attainment clauses (12 and 4.Kaazi saana pagi. 13), while in stative and imperfective activity The child stabs his own foot: the child does an clauses (14 and 15), the focus is on the action that affects himself. resulting (= attained) state or activity.

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 403 Rod Mitchell

7.Kazin uru wanan. child-NOM M.-SLoc The child puts the rope (somewhere): the rope ni-Ø-Ø-ka ends up in a final position, which is the live.sit.stay-ATT-Sg-PrIMPF attained result. K. uru-Ø wana-Ø-Ø-n 15. Ziya nakaki pungáyka C. rope-ACC put-ATT-SG-PrPF A cloud is sailing along up there: the cloud is in a state ultimately caused by a push (wind). 8.Kazin guul wangan. ziya-Ø na-ka-ki The child sails the canoe: the child attains the cloud-NOM F-upthere-NSLoc result of controlling/driving the canoe. puunga-’i-ka K. guul-Ø wanga-Ø-Ø-n movealongIMPF-VN-PrIMPF C. canoe-ACC drive-ATT-SG-PrPF It could be said that the intransitive use of 9.Kazin waapi pagan. paga- spear, stab, prick, etc., that is to say, dart The child spears a fish: the child attains the down, in 12 above is idiomatic; however, result of having speared a fish (and one only). the category in most cases exists where an K. waapi-Ø paga-Ø-Ø-n idiomatic meaning is not the case, such as C. fish-ACC stab-ATT-SG-PrPF 13 above and 16–20 below, which carry a distinction not easy to get across in English. In 10.Kazin bùrùm uthun. the perfective clauses 16 and 17, 16 expresses The child shoots a pig: the child attains the result of having shot a pig. the attainment of the state of being sick, the K. bùrùma-Ø uthu-Ø-Ø-n word kikir sickness, pain being an integral C. pig-ACC spear-ATT-SG-PrPF part of the verbal phrase (see Compound and Collocational Verbs). When the activity 11.Kazin saana pagan. of getting sick is focused on, 17, kikirin is in The child stabs someone else’s foot: the child the instrumental form, and the active verb attains the result of having stabbed someone. shows that the process happened, rather than K. saana-Ø paga-Ø-Ø-n focusing on the resulting attained state. This C. foot-ACC stab-ATT-SG-PrPF contrast is also carried by the choice of verb, 12.Kaazi gathaka pagan. asi- be with, accompany, go with, be (attainative) The child darts down to the shallows: the and me-, mi-, miya- do, move, be (active), get/ child attains the result of getting down become (change position or state), go, etc., the onto the shallows. active form of the verb ma-, mani- take, give, K. gatha-ka paga-Ø-Ø- bring, do, get, etc. In the imperfective clauses C. shallows-DAT stab-ATT-SG-PrPF 18 and 19, the same contrast is found between 18 and 19, while 20, like 18, shows that the 13.Kaazi thòdhangu palgin. sickness (alt. pain) has been attained and at The child jumps off the roof: the child attains the result of leaving a departure point by jumping. the moment of speaking is/was ongoing. kaazi-Ø thòòdha-ngu 16. Nuy kikir asidhin child-NOM roof-ABL He got sick pœlagi-Ø-Ø-n nuy-Ø kikiri-Ø jump.take off.fly-ATT-SG-PrPF he-NOM sickness.pain-Ø asi-Ø-Ø-dhin 14. Kaazi Mabuyginu nika. accompany.be-ATT-SG-RemP.PF The child lives on Mabuyag: living is the state resulting form either being born in a place, 17. Nuy kikirin miyaydhin or taking up residence. He got sick kaazi-Ø Mabuyagi-nu nuy-Ø kikiri-n

404 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

he-NOM sickness.pain-INS Thubudhun gurul pathaumanu. miya-i-Ø-dhin --- patha-Ø-NGAUMA-nu do.move.be-ACT-SG-RemP.PF --- cut.chop-ATT-DU-TodP.PF

18. Nuy kikir asir Thubudhun gurul pathaminu. He was sick The/a friend cut/chopped some sticks of sugar cane. --- asi-Ø-Ø-r --- gœru-LAI patha-Ø-MAYI-nu --- accompany/be-ATT-SG-RemP.IMPF --- sugarcane-PRP cut.chop-ATT-PL-TodP.PF 19. Nuy kikirin miyar Subject cross marking He was getting sick Nuy ngùkin wanima. --- miya-i-Ø-r He drank all the water. --- do.move.be-ACT-SG-RemP.IMPF nuy-Ø ngùki-n 20. Nuy kikir miyar he-NOM water-INS He was sick wani-i-Ø-ma. nuy-Ø kikiri-Ø miya-i-Ø-r drink-ACT-SG-ACT.TodP.PF he-NOM sickness.pain-Ø do.move.be-ACT- SG-RemP.IMPF Palay ngùkin waniwmanu. They drank all the water. palay-Ø ngùki-n Verb Number theyDU-NOM water-INS Cross-reference suffixes encode information wani-i-NGAUMA-nu. about direct object (accusative) number in drink-ACT-DU-TodP.PF specific transitive clauses, and for subject number for active and attainative verbs in Thana ngùkin waniminu. They drank all the water. intransititive clauses and non-specific transitive thana-Ø ngùki-n clauses (see further Transitivity and Voice). theyPL-NOM water-INS Number in general distinguishes the unmarked wani-i-MAYI-nu. singular, and the marked dual and plural. In a drink-ACT-PL-TodP.PF few verbs, the plural is a separate, unmarked suppletive verb differing from the singular and Perfective imperative subject-object dual, while in others, only the inanimate plural cross marking is marked, the animate plural being the same in Nidh gabaw pathar. form as the singular. The perfective imperative (You) Cut up a yam. additionally cross-references subject number ni-dha gabawa-Ø marking (singular versus non-singular) by the you-INS cultivatedyam-ACC form of its endings: -r/-Ø singular subject, -w/- patha-Ø-Ø-r ziw/-riw dual-plural subject. cut.chop-ATT-SG-SG.S.IMP.PF

Examples of verb number marking: Nipel/Nitha gabaw pathaziw~pathaw. Object cross marking (You) Cut up a yam. Thubudhun guru pathanu. ni-pal-Ø/ni-tha-Ø The/a friend cut/chopped a stick of sugar cane. you-DU-INS/you-PL-INS thœbudhu-n gœru-Ø gabawa-Ø friend-INS sugarcane-ACC cultivatedyam-ACC patha-Ø-Ø-nu patha-Ø-Ø-ZIU cut.chop-ATT-SG-TodP.PF cut.chop-ATT-SG-NSg.S.IMP.PF

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 405 Rod Mitchell

Nidh gabaw pathawmar. --- zilama-i-MAYI-ZIU (You) Cut up two yams. --- run-ACT-PL-NSg.IMP.PF --- patha-Ø-NGAUMA-r --- cut.chop-ATT-DU-SG.S.IMP.PF The underlying form of the dual suffix is NGAUMÁ, and that of the plural suffix is Nipel/Nitha gabaw pathawmœriw. MAYI. However, they have varying surface (You) Cut up two yams. forms, in that the longer the word, the more --- patha-Ø-NGAUMA-ZIU likely there is to be reduction of the suffix --- cut.chop-ATT-DU-NSg.S.IMP.PF (and stem). Stems of three or more syllables Nidh gabawal pathamir~pathamay. ending in -ma elide this through haplology (You) Cut up yams. when the dual or plural suffix is affixed to --- gabawa-LAI the stem, as shown in Table 8. --- cultivatedyam-PL patha-Ø-MAYI-r The allomorphs of the verb dual and plural cut.chop-ATT-PL-SG.S.IMP.PF suffixes: Nipel/Nitha gabawal pathamiziw~pathamiw. NGAUMÁ: -ngawma-, -ngauma-, -ngewma-, (You) Cut up yams. -ngeuma-, -wma-, -uma-, -ma- --- patha-Ø-MAYI-ZIU MAYI: -mayi- (-mœyi-), -may- (-mœy-), -mi- --- cut.chop-ATT-PL-NSg.S.IMP.PF The interplay of stem form, suffix form and Ni gabawan paathi! (You) Cut up all the yams. in some cases variant stem forms at times ni-Ø gabawa-n gives a variety of alternatives. The verb you-INS cultivatedyam-INS ma- give, take, be, move, etc. in particular has patha-i-Ø-Ø an almost bewildering array of idiolect and cut.chop-ACT-SG-SG.S.IMP.PF dialect variation. Nipel gabawan pathewmœriw. Class 1 (monosyllabic stem) (You two) Cut up all the yams. ma- give, take, be, move, etc. (attainative: ma-; --- patha-i-NGAUMA-ZIU --- cut.chop-ACT-DU-NSg.S.IMP.PF active: ma-i-) Nitha gabawan pathemiziw~pathemay. (the variant stem forms are in free variation (You) Cut up all the yams. in some cases, and in others are restricted, as --- patha-i-MAYI-ZIU noted below) --- cut.chop-AC-PL-NSg.S.IMP.PF attainative singular: ma- (not in the present Pakùniya zilaami! perfective), mani- (present perfective, also Run back! (singular subject) alternatively in the remote future and today past) pa-kùna-ya active singular: m- (only in the present TEL-stern-NSpLoc zilama-i-Ø-Ø perfective), me-, mi- (present imperfective, run-ACT-SG-ACT.Sg.IMP.PF today past perfective, habitual), miyay-, meyay- (recent past, remote past; in the Pakùniya zilmewmariw! perfective of the recent past and remote past, Run back! (dual subject) me-/mi- also) --- zilama-i-NGAUMA-ZIU --- run-ACT-DU-NSg.IMP.PF attainative dual: mangawma- active dual: mengewma-, miyawma-, meyawma- Pakùniya zilmemiziw~zilmemiw)! Run back! (plural subject) attainative plural: mamayi-, mami-

406 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland active plural: memayi-, memi-, mimayi-, mimi-, active plural: yakamemay-, yakamemi- miyamay-, miyami-, meyamay-, meyami- Class 2b (-ra/-la internal trisyllabic stem) Class 2a (bisyllabic stem) ngùrapa- teach, learn, recognise, acknowledge, muuma- hug, squeeze tight, hush (attainative: etc. (attainative: ngùrpa-; active: ngùrapa-i-) muuma-; active: muuma-i-) attainative singular: muuma- (> muma-) attainative singular: ngùrpa- active singular: mumay- (recent past, remote active singular: ngùrpay- (recent past, past), mume- (imperfective present, perfective remote past), ngùrapi- (perfective present, remote future, today past, habitual), imperative [all speakers]; also remote future, mumi- (perfective present perfective, near future, imperfective present, today perfective imperative) past, habitual, imperfective imperative [old fashioned speech]), ngùrpe-~ngùrpi- (remote attainative dual: mumawma- future, near future, imperfective present, active dual: mumewma-, mumeuma today past, habitual, imperfective imperative attainative plural: mumamay-, mumami- [modern speech]) active plural: mumemay-, mumemi- attainative dual: ngùrpawma, ngùrpauma Class 2b (-ma final trisyllabic stem) active dual: ngùrpewma, ngùrpeuma yakama- show, reveal (attainative: yakama-; attainative plural: ngùrpamay-, ngùrpami- active: yakama-i-) active plural: ngùrpamemay-, ngùrpamemi- attainative singular: yakama- As in Meriam Mìr and neighbouring Papuan active singular: yakamay- (recent past, remote languages, a few verbs have suppletive past), yakami- (perfective remote future, stems (see the list below), one used for the perfective near future, perfective present, singular and dual, and another for the plural, perfective imperative, perfective imperative), though in one pair, go 2 below, the division is yakay- (imperfective present, habitual, today singular as opposed to dual-plural. In some past, imperfective imperative) cases the suppletive verb exists beside the regular form. In three cases, namely go 1, sit attainative dual: yakawma- and arrive, the suppletive plural differs in active dual: yakamewma, yakameuma that it is attainative, in contrast to the active attainative plural: yakamay-, yakami- plural verb.

singular dual plural go 1 uzaray-, uzari- uzarewma- ladhu- (attainative) uzarmay- (active; relatively rarely used) 2 uzaray-, uzari- uthewma- uthaymay-/uthemay- yuthewma- yuthaymay-/yuthemay- go, happen, continue ulay-, ulmay-/wœlmay- ulmewma-, tadi- (imperfective only) wœlmewma- stand (trees, clouds, etc.) paga- pagawma- sazi- (imperfective only) lay down, lie down, ii-, iya-, iyay-; yœwma-, yuwimay-/yœwimay-; lean, slant yu-/yœw-, yuwi-/yœwi-, yawma-, paleyma-/palema-/palima- (imperfective only)

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 407 Rod Mitchell

singular dual plural lay down, lie down, yuna-/yœwna- yunawma-, yunamay-/yœwnamay- lean, slant (perfective only) yœwnama- pœydha- sit, take a seat, etc. thanuray-, thanuri- thanurewma- thanurmay- (active) nithama- (attainative) arrive, come to mangay-, mange-, mangi- mangewma- mangemay- (active) ngabuna-, ngabu- (attainative) dive, swim urpaga- urpagawma- urpagamay- (attainative) (ur water, paga- spear) urpalay-, urpale-, urpali- (active) (ur water, pala- cause, strike) stand fishing arigan si-/siya-/siyay- arigan siyawma- arigan si-/siya-/siyay- (imperfective only) (ariga-n fishing line-INS) arigan thardhama- Verbs whose plural is only used for inanimates include the following; where the singular and the animate plural coincide; for some speakers there is a tendency to treat all active or instransitive animate in this way: Singular; Animate Plural Dual Inanimate Plural stand (imperfective) si-, siya-, siyay- siyawma- siyamay-, siyami- sit, stay, live ni-, niya-, niyay- niyawma- niyamay-, niyami- (imperfective) cry, weep maayi anga- maayi maayi angamay-, angami- (maayi tears; anga- bear, use) angawma- throw self down pathayay-, pathaye-, pathayewma- pathayemay-, pathayemi- pathayi- (pa- TEL, thaya-i- throw ACT) arrive mangay-, mange-, mangi mangewma- mangemay-, mangemi-

Some verbs cannot refer to a single actor or two moods: the declarative and the imperative. object, and so have no singular form, such Kalaw Lagaw Ya uses the remote future also as as manawma- DU, manamay- PL join, stick, a future imperative. For the endings and their fasten together, while still others are singular functions, see Tables 12 and 13. in form but can only refer to plural actors, Most of the endings are found in all dialects, such as pamarludha-i- (all) attend and with the following variants: garwœydhamay- gather together, meet. -ka today~near future: KKY -pa -kœruyg/-kuruyg habitual, imperfective future: Verb Endings KulY/MY-KY -kœrui/-kurui; KKY -paruy(g/ As stated earlier, the TAM load of verbs is dh)/-paru/-pu expressed by the endings. There are (a) six tenses: -adh/-dh imperfective today past and imperative: remote future, near future, present, today-past, KulY/MY-KY/KKY -dha recent past, remote past, and a developing Even though l and r are separate phonemes, seventh in Kalaw Lagaw Ya only, the ‘last night’ they are allophonic in the imperfective remote tense, (b) three aspects: perfective (distinguishes past and the perfective singular subject all tenses), imperfective (distinguishes the imperative; r becomes l when the preceding present and past tenses, and uses the habitual syllable contains r or l. The verb ma- take, bring, to express the near and remote future) and move, be, do, etc. in Kalaw Lagaw Ya is irregular habitual (does not distinguish tense), and (c) in “doubling” the ending in the singular:

408 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

TABLE 12. Declarative endings.

indicative perfective imperfective habitual complete action incomplete state/action repeated or habitual state/action in the past, present or future remote future -ne attainative after an indefinite (Class 1SG –[ni]ne) -kœruyg/-kuruyg while -dhe active (Class 1SG –[dhe]dhe) (KLY only: Class 1SG -ka kœruyg/kuruyg) near/today future -ka soon present -n -ka in the present, (Class 1SG -ni[n]) incomplete action in the present or or shifted present (Class 2B PL -nu) shifted present that continues after present active -i the present singular (Class 1 -izi[n]) today past -nu -adh, -dh happened earlier today ACT SG -ma incomplete earlier today, and may still be incomplete last night (KLY only) created by adding the clitic -bungil/-bongil/ happened last night -bungel (reduced form -bel) to either the present or today past forms recent past -[dhin]ngùl -rngùl/-lngùl happened recently state/action that started recently (in the last two to four and was incomplete, and may still days or so) be incomplete remote past -dhin -r/-l happened back in the (-Ø when preceded by -y) past state/action that was incomplete in the past, though it logically finished some time later in the past, i.e. no link to the present.

TABLE 13. Imperative endings.

imperative perfective imperfective imperative, at times a subjunctive future attainative -ne -kœruyg/-kuruyg (KLY only) (Class 1SG -[ni]ne) (KLY only: Class 1 -ka kœruyg/kuruyg) future active -dhe (KLY only) (Class 1SG -dhedhe) attainative singular subject -r/-l -adh/-dh (Class 1SG -rar/-ral) do an incomplete action; active singular subject -i, -Ø be in a state; (Class 1 -r) continue an activity/state that was non-singular subject -w, -zu, -ziw, -riw temporarily halted polite imperative same as the present indicative

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 409 Rod Mitchell

Singular Dual Plural ma- take, bring, move, be, do, etc. maral, marar mangawmar mamayir, mamir (other dialects: maar) nuuda- squash with foot nudar nudawmar nudamir wana- put, leave wanar wanawmar wanamir adhamuula- take out, produce adhamulal adhamulawmar adhamulamir ara- put in, enter aral arawmar aramir

According to John Ngailu Whop (pers. thayan throw, change, push: kidhthayan comm., 1992), for some speakers both -r and change into -l are potentially possible with all verbs, but mùk- (verbs only) just touching, on the differ in semantics; r- can have a more abstract surface, mis-, wrongly feel, and - is more concrete, thus a word such l bœlthayka float: mùkbœlthayka float on as pala- cause, flick, draw, design, write, etc. the surface has two imperatives, palar and palal. Palar conjures up the idea of pictures and art, while karngemin hear: mùkkarngemin mishear palal has the more concrete semantics of write, thayan throw, push, change: mùkthayan cause, flick, etc. Similarly, for thara- call, name, misthrow, misturn, change wrongly erect, stand up, tharar has more to do with pa- (telic prefix; mainly on verbs only, speech, while tharal with erecting or standing otherwise on nominals with active upright. In other cases, the contrast is to do semantics) onwards, intensiveness, with emphasis, thus arar put in, insert feels to suddenness, attenuation, completive be more emphatic than aral. verbs: NON-DEICTIC PREFIXATION danaman appear, unload, disembark: padanaman burst, bust, explode The non-deictic prefixes add aspectual, modal kabùthan put, place: pakabùthan lay down, and locational meaning to verbs, nominals place down, put down away from referent and adjectives. They derive new words which have various degrees of closeness to nagi look, watch: panagi surprise someone with the base word, from an extension of meaning a look to a new meaning. Examples of their use gasaman catch, grab, get: pagasaman hold, grasp are as follows, where the verb forms are in the active present singular perfective -i, the uzari go: pauzari go on, go ahead attainative present singular perfective -n and nominals: present singular imperfective -ka: kùniya back: pakùniya get back The Aspectual and Modal Prefixes: kadaka upward: pakadaka get on upwards kidh-, kidha- (verbs only) reverse movement; muluka downward: pamuluka get downwards crosswise movement; stirring movement, turn; other (way, side), opposite, change Pa! is used as an imperative with various meanings, depending on the underlying nagi look, watch: kidhnagi look over, inspect verb or nominal, such as pa! stop!, from by turning to look at the different angles pawaadhi! stop (yourself)!, pa! keep going!, nuran wrap, bind: kidhnuran turn, spin, from pauzariyadh!, pauzaridh! keep going! revolve, circle, move in a circle and pa! go back!, from pakùniya tiidi! go back!

410 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland gar- (mainly on verbs only) collective ayiman make, do: tatayiman misdo, do wrongly, make wrongly verbs: pathan squash, stick in (glue etc.), put/place in nagi look, watch: tatnagi missee, not look clearly something: garpathan gather, collect together adjectives: wœydhan place, lay on, apply: garwœydhan gabu cold, cool, calm: tatagabu coolish, coldish wash ashore; gather, collect giya ripe, cooked, ready: tatagiya partly ripe, yathari tie, bind, wind self around: garyathari partly cooked, underdone, rare (meat) twist/tangle/turn together; rip, tear (of wind, thawpay short: tatathawpay shortish, waves) somewhat short nominals: only in the following The prefixes have either definite or possible baadha long, flat edge: garbadh, GY relationships with other words. Pa- may be related garbaadha gunwale, side (boat) to the demonstrative deictic -pay/-pa ahead or the -sar(a) small number: garsar(a) number, dative ending -pa, while kidh[a]- is a prefix use population, crowd, group (of people); few, of the particle kidh/kidha opposite direction, turn, quite a few, many, numerous back, on the other hand (also in the reduplicated form kidhakidh(a) back and forth, to and fro, each kapu seed, fruit, body part, etc.: garkap, GY other, up and own), and the adverbial non-specific garkaapu itchiness, iritation locative ending -ki[dh]. Geth(a) is otherwise getha-, geth- (verbs and nominals) own, found as a reflexive with or without genitive personal, private, self, self-, auto- antecedents meaning self, while tat[a]- is related verbs: to tœtaktœtak misdone, not well done, shoddy, papudhi fall forwards [on face]): slipshod, imperfect. Gar- exists independently only gethapapudhi humble self in the reduplicated adjective gargar selfish, miserly (have something and not want to share it), while ayiman make, do: gethayiman make (up) mùùka is a nominal meaning surface that for oneself, tell off the cuff many speakers is obsolete. danalpathan look after, govern: The Locative Prefixes: gethdanalpathan look after self; be adha-, adh- out, outer independent, self governing verbs: nominals: mulan produce: adhamulan pick out, take out, panikin cup: gethpanikin personal cup, own remove; divide cup wayan send: adhawayan send out laaga place, home, home island: gethlaaga mintidan represent, stand for: adhamintidan homeland, hometown, home, ancestoral home explain yuutha long house, hall, church: gethyuutha nominals: home church baadha long, flat edge: adhabadh, GY adhabaadha seawater, salt water, brine; sea; salt tata-, tat- (verbs and adjectives) mis-, somewhat, imperfect, partly, not completely, not quite tha crocodile tail: adhatha tip of crocodile tail apa-, ap- lower, below, under, down verbs: puyi play music: tatapuyi stutter, stammer, verbs: speak imperfectly/with an impediment asin accompany, be with, be: apaasin be at a

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 411 Rod Mitchell

lower level; be respectful, be humble verbs: nika sit, sit doing, live: apanika sit down puydhi, puydhan hang: gimapuydhi, gimapuydhan hang up banithan pierce, penetrate, stick (in); spit out chewed up remains; touch land, come into land, thayan throw, toss, push, turn, change: land (boat): apabanithan miss (in throwing, etc.) gimathayan throw up, turn up; pass overhead (sun etc.) nominals: thœridhan raise, lift: gimathœridhan lift up, kuyk, GY kuwiiku head: apakuyk bole; sing up source, origin, progenitor, procreator pawna skin of palm, foot: apapawna sole (of foot) nominals: gùdiya mouth, opening NSpLoc: gimagùdiya bal- cross, across, crossways (cf. balbal crooked; at the top of one’s voice, loudly, aloud balbalgi straight, OK, allright) zazi grass skirt: gimazazi short grass skirt, verbs: mini skirt ladhan cut, chop: balladhan cut across, -/ - upwards, up chop across kaday kada nagi look, watch: balnagi look across, turn verbs: and look pudan open: kadaypudan, kadapudan comb (with an Island comb) pudan open: balpudan stretch out across, open out across (e.g. string, rope, etc.) sika stand, stand doing: kadaysika, kadasika be standing up nominals: baadha long, flat edge: balbadh, GY thari, tharan stand, place upright: kadaythari/ balbaadha edge of deep water kadathari, kadaytharan/kadatharan stand geetha hand: balgeetha harm up, place upright, erect, stand up straight gùùba wind: balgùùba crosswind nominals: dœgam side, part, direction: kadadœgam, dhadha-, dhadh- mid, middle, centre kadaydœgam upper side, upper part verbs: kaym-/kaymi- accompanying, along, along asin accompany, be with, be: dhadhasin be with, together, together with, with (verbs only; halfway, be midway, be during cf. kaymel together with, kaaymi companion, gasaman get, catch, obtain: dhadhagasaman company (a largely obsolete noun), meet halfway kœymeg(a) friend honorific) palgan report, inform, tell, offer:dhadhpalgan asin accompany, be with, be: kaymiasin interrupt accompany, go with, be along with, be together with nominals: yœlpan/ilpan lead, guide: kaymiyœlpan lead bùùtha room, space: dhadhabùùtha gap, (as a companion), guide (as a companion) unbuilt-up area, countryside, environment lugi-, GY luugi- straight, direct, close up, no gar, GY gaaru trunk, body, girth: dhadhagar deviation (verbs only; the privative of lu waist, abdomen; inland, central area hump, mound, rounded back) gœyga day, sun, kubil night: dhadhagœyga thaman move; speed (idiom): lugithaman, midday, noon, dhadhakubil midnight luugthaman approach, move closer (without giima- over, above, upper deviating)

412 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

tharan stand, place upright: lugitharan, NON-DECLINING PARTS OF SPEECH luugtharan stand upright/erect/straight up

uzari go: lugiuzari, luuguzari go straight WORD AND CLAUSE MODIFIERS without deviating Word and clause modifiers do not decline, and muyi-, muy- in, inner, inside (< muuyi hollow, have the function of modifying the meaning depression, hole) of the segment they govern. They include verbs: adjectives, modifying adverbs, demonstrative pudhi, pudhan drop, fall: muyipudhi, articles, numbers, particles, clitics, and so on. muyipudhan drop in, arrive in, come/go into thayan throw, toss, push, turn, change: Adjectives muyithayan throw/push in; invite in; choose Adjectives precede the head noun, which takes yuthi pull, drag: muyiyuthi pull in, draw in; the declensional load. There are four types: come on in, enter (a) true (underived) adjectives, e.g. wati nominals: bad, kain (kayin) new, young, kasa ordinary, laaga place: muyilaaga internal place, inner normal, non-important, not special, just, only, mina true, real, very, proper, important, adhi place huge, great, mighty (this word is often used rùg, GY rùùga rag, cloth, gear: muyirùg, GY as an honorific: Adhi Kuyam Great Kuiam, muyirùùga underclothes, gear for inside Adhi Buya Great Light; cf. adhi story, legend; siga-, siig- in the distance sacred story rock, adhiadh, GY adhiaadhi legendary giant). Relatively few words are verbs: exclusively true adjectives and these form a palan cause: siigpalan cause to flash in the closed class. distance (lightening etc.) (b) derived adjectives: aril rainy, arigi rainless, zilami run, run along: (pœnipan) siigzilami aridh rain-like, arizi resulting from rain (ari rain). (lightening) flashes in the distance Derivation is the major means of adjective wayan send: sigawayan, sigawayi send afar; creation. pine away (c) adjectives derived by : nominals: kùbikùbi black, dark (kùùbi charcoal, soot), gùd, GY gùùda mouth, opening: sigagùd mœrimaari skinny, lean (people; mari ghost), large opening/mouth; width, breadth (of tœtaktœtak misdone, not well done, shoddy, opening) slipshod, imperfect (tata- mis-, somewhat, imperfect, partly, not completely, not quite). ngaara leg, geth, GY geetha hand: siga-ngar- geth arms and legs spread wide (d) nouns that have become adjectives but retain some noun characteristics: mœrimar yabu, GY yaabu way, path, road: sigayabu, GY skinny, bœtœm lean (animals), adhapudhay sigayaabu way that leads far away fine, excellent, wondrous (in origin a verbal noun that literally means out-falling) Note that reduplication of nominals also exists in the expression of ‘dispersion’, i.e. wara one of a group, other, warawara one by

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 413 Rod Mitchell one, each one, kaazi child, kazikazi child by Inaabi kaazi kapungœdhal kaazi. child, children here and there in a defined area, This girl is goodlooking. etc.: kazikazi siki sagulthareka kids around --- kapu+ngœdha-LAI kaazi-Ø. there individually playing/dancing here and there. --- good+appearance-PRP child-NOM Nouns marked by oblique case forms can also A few abstracts have the same form as the appear in the adjective slot, such as gimiya adjective (except for nonemotive vowel wœriza airplane, where gimiya is the non- lengthening in Gœmulgaw Ya), while others specific locative of giima- above (wœri fly are formed by the nominalising suffixes. Still verbal noun, za thing). other adjectives are derived from nouns. Adjectives do not modify for number, adjective and abstract have the same form: except for those of category (d), which gabu cold, cool, cool-headed, etc., gabu, GY optionally agree as predicates with a plural gaabu cold, cool, coolheadedness referent: kaazi mœrimaari the child is skinny, kazil mœrimœril/mœrimaari the children mapu heavy, pregnant, mapu, GY maapu weight are skinny), being nouns in origin. nominal derivation: When not preceding the noun, adjectives, gùbagi windless, breathless, airless, gùbaginga with few exceptions, must be nominalised, windlessness, breathlessness, airlessness ie. they become nouns, either by one of the gabu cold, cool, cool-headed, etc., gabunga nominalising suffixesnga - /-may- impersonal coldness, coolness, cool-headedness, cool/cold or -ig(a) personal, thus gabu ngùùki cold wind, breeze water > ngùùki gabunga the water is cold, or by cooccuring what a ‘dummy’ nominal adjective derivation: such as za thing, thus ngùùki gabu za the kikir sickness, pain, kikiril sick, sore water is cold. Those few adjectives that are ngurum wrath, ngurumal wrathful not so marked, e.g. mœrimaari, bœtœm, are syntactic nouns. Neither a morphological comparitive nor a superlative exist. The adjective enters Iina kapungœdhal kaazi. into various syntactic constructions to This is a goodlooking girl. express these, the core morphology of the i-na kapu+ngadha-LAI kazi-Ø constructions being the use of the ablative this-F good+appearance-PRP child-NOM or non-specific locative or global locative, Inaabi kaazi kapungœdhalayg. as these examples adapted from Simpson This girl is a goodlooking person; This girl is (1971-1974) show: goodlooking. a) Ablative i-na-bi kaazi-Ø this-F-ART child-NOM Palamùnungu inuubi thuuthu kuykùthalnga kapu+ngœdha-LAI-IGA-Ø. Of the two this waddy is longer/longest. good+appearance-PRP-PNom-NOM palay-mù-ni-ngu they-DUAL-AUG-AUG-ABL Inaabi kaazi kapungœdhalnga. i-nu-bi thuthu-Ø This girl is goodlooking. this-M-ART waddy-NOM --- kapu+ngœdha-LAI-nga-Ø. kœy+kùtha-LAI-nga-Ø --- good+appearance-PRP-ImpNom-NOM big+end-PRP-ImpNom-NOM

414 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland b) Non-specific locative waddy-NOM he-NOM big kœy+kùtha-LAI-nga-Ø Inuubi thuuthu laka kuykùthalnga war big+end-PRP-ImpNom-NOM thuthuya nanga mùra-may-yab This waddy is longer than the other one all-ImpNom-GLoc i-nu-bi thuthu-Ø laka this-M-ART waddy-NOM again kœy+kùtha-LAI-nga-Ø wara big+end-PRP-ImpNom-NOM other Adjective Derivation thuthu-ya nanga waddy-NSpLoc REF There are four derivational suffixes that form adjectives from nominals (including c) Global Locative verbal nouns), the proprietive, privative, Inubnga, thuuthu, nuy kœy kuykùthalnga resultative and similative. The proprietive mùramayab/muramiyab also forms the nominal nominative-accusative This one here, the waddy, is longest of all plural, and optionally for human actors, the i-nu-bi-nga-Ø ergative plural. Not all nominals can take this-M-ART-ImpNom-NOM all derivation suffixes; this depends on the thuthu-Ø nuy-Ø kœy semantic properties of the nominal.

Proprietive Privative Resultative Similative LAI GI (GEN-)ZI (GEN-)DHA ba banana leaf balay bagi banguzi badh(a) bœy palm frond/leaf bœythay bœygi bœynguzi bœydh(a) ya speech, word(s) yaday yagi yanguzi yadh(a) ur water ulay urgi urnguzi urdh(a)

za, zapu- thing zapul (zapulay-) zagi, zapugi zanguzi zadh(a), zapudh(a) (irregular) naawu song (irregular) nawul, nathay nawugi nawuzi nawudh aga axe agal (agalay-) agagi agazi agadh(a) imay seeing, finding, imayl (imaylay-) imaygi imayzi imaydh(a) trying paara snore, snort parar (pararay-) paragi parazi paradh(a)

Baba Dad babal (babalay-) babagi babazi babadh(a) Ama Mum amal (amalay-) amagi amazi amadh(a) ngœba you and I n/a n/a n/a ngœbadh(a) ngay I n/a n/a n/a ngawdh(a) M ngœzudh(a), nguzudh(a) F ni you n/a n/a n/a ninudh(a) nuy he n/a n/a n/a nungudh(a) na she n/a n/a n/a nanudh(a) nga who n/a n/a n/a ngœnudh(a), ngunudh(a)

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 415 Rod Mitchell

The adjective kœy big, great has another either a child who has eaten shark, or a child that modified form, namelykœyma big, great, much, has been eaten by a shark, or the shark’s eaten many, lots (e.g. kœyma eso thanks very much). young. The resultative suffixzi - resembles This -ma suffix may also be found in barama the ablative ending -zi, and the similarity enormous, most (cf. PSEPA *bada ‘big, most’). of meaning between the resultative (result of action, after, resulting from, etc.) and the The proprietive LAI in all dialects except ablative -zi (from, away from, because of, Kalaw Kawaw Ya tends to assimilate to -r- in etc.) suggests a common origin. the preceding syllable of the stem, as shown by paara snore, snort above. Other examples are: While these suffixes are added to the stem/ base, in a few cases, in the Kalaw Lagaw zaara/zara dry branch and leaves > zaral, Ya dialect particularly, the resultative is zarar having dry branches and leaves optionally added to the genitive. In the case thonar time, period, season > thonaral, of ya speech, this is always so in all dialects: thonarar having a time gethazinga, gethawzinga handiwork mùra all, total, totality, wholeness > mùraray, muray all, everybody, the whole kabazinga, kabawzinga dancing ground group (KLY only; muray derives from mayzinga, maynguzinga taken or brought mùraray through haplology) object, object that is present This rule is almost mandatory in Kaiwalgau yanguzi mabayg accuser (ya speech, -ngu Ya, and is the origin of the word Kowrareg GEN, -zi RES, mabayg person) – kauřařaiga islander: kauřa island + LAI The similative of the singular pronouns is proprietive + -IGA PerNom, kaiwalaig in likewise formed using the genitive form, Kalaw Lagaw Ya/Kùlkalgau Ya/Mualgau thus nanudh like her, nan-NGU-dha her- Ya-Kaiwalgau Ya and kawalaig in Kalaw GEN-SIM. Kalaw Kawaw Ya has privative Kawaw Ya. forms of the singular pronouns also based The proprietive ‘having/possessing’, on the genitive, generally found in the privative ‘not having/without’ and similative nominalised forms ngawginga/ngœzuginga ‘like’ have the semantics expressed by the without me, etc. The other dialects express terms. The resultative refers to the period this using the privative form of the verbal or state after and normally resulting from noun may take, give, do, move, be, exist, go (etc.) the nominal (normally in an ergative and the genitive of the personal pronoun, system). Thus, a nominalisation such as thus ngaw mayginga without my presence, mœtharuzinga (mœthaaru fine weather) etc. For the dual and plural pronouns, this refers to the period of windiness or storm is the structure in all dialects, thus ngœban after a period of fine weather and for mayginga without you and me. which the fine weather was a precursor and therefore the cause thereof, while The Proprietive and the Specific Locative wapiw pùrthayzi kaazi (fish-GEN eat-VN- RES child-NOM) is a child who has eaten a The proprietive suffix in the Western and fish rather than a fish that has eaten a . child Central Language, LAI, is homophonous However, this is primarily a matter of with the specific locative LAI. They have semantics; it is not normal for a fish to eat a essentially the same surface variants, as child. Baydhamaw pùrthayzi kaazi (shark- does the nominative-accusative plural, a GEN eat-VN-RES child-NOM) can mean specialised use of the proprietive.

416 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

The similarity to a certain extent is concealed gethal anga- (anga- bear, carry, use; gethal angan by the declensional difference that exists SG.PrPF) wield, use, do, undertake (by hand) between nouns of monosyllabic stem and those of two or more syllables. In the latter Numbers, Demonstrative Articles and there are three forms of the specific locative, other Modifiers -nu, -l and -Ø, where -Ø results from elision of -l (retained in archaic or set phrases as Other head noun modifiers are the well as in a few adverbials). Older forms demonstrative articles (formed by suffixing of -nu were recorded in Kùlkalgau Ya and the demonstrative article formant suffix to Mualgau Ya-Kaiwalgau Ya particularly from the gender/number forms of i- this/these and the mid-1800s to after 1900, these being -nul, se/si- that/those) and genitives. Adjectives, -nuli, -nule and -nulai – as well as -nu. They articles and genitives are part of the class of seem to have been moribund not too long modifiers that always precede their referent, after WW2. These suggest that in origin -nu be this a nominal, a verb phrase or a clause. is the instrumental (-n, mid1800s form -nu) These include: suffixed by LAI. Monosyllabic stem nouns kobegadh each, every, matha have only the one specific locative, this being individualisation/emphasis on a single/ -(l)ay, and are rarely found with -nu. individual object, process, state or action; very Monosyllabic stems (idiom), ngadhe like, just like, ùrapùn one, NOM-ACC SLOC PRP NOM- ùkasar/kosar two (and all numbers), kedha ACC PL such, thus, like this, like that, etc. pa pen, fence palay palay palay The Numbers. Counting nowadays is in ya words, yaday yaday yaday, speech, etc. yadayl general done using the English~Broken nœy tongue nœythay nœythay nœythay, numbers and system (with pronunciation nœythayl varying according to familiarity with English Multisyllabic stems or Broken), using the traditional numbers for NOM-ACC SLOC PRP NOM- one and two: ACC PL ziro, ùrpùn/wan, ùkasar/kosar/kœsar/tu, paada hill, padanu padal padal height, top, pada thœri, pò, paib, sikis, seben, eyt, nayn, ten, size, crest padal leben, twelop/twœylop, thatin/thœtin, pòtin, (archaic, set piptin, sikistin, sebentin, eytin/etin, nayntin phrases) geetha hand gethanu gethal gethal tuwénte/tuwénti/tuwœ́ynte/tuwœ́ynti, getha thate/thœte/thati/thœti, pòte/pòti, pipte/ gethal pipti, sikiste/sikisti, sebente/sebenti, eyte/ (archaic, set ete/eyti/eti, naynte/naynti phrases) andrad/andrœd/andred, thauzan, miliyan Examples of archaic, set phrases are: Before colonisation, as is the case with many padal niithu- (niithu- cast, throw; padal Papuan and most Australian languages, nithun SG.PrPF) make fast headway, sail there was not a full system of numbers; the quickly, speed along Austronesian content of the language did padal giyama-i- (giyama-i- climb up on; padal not extend this far. The numbers are based giyami SG.PrPf) move/climb up over a hill on the following morphemes:

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 417 Rod Mitchell wara, war: one, other, another, one of a group 5 = aukosar a ùrpùn; geth hand -pùn(i), -pon(i): the meaning of this is not 6 = geth a ùrpùn known - it may mean only, though Papuan and 7 = geth a kosar Australian cognates suggest the meaning of one 8 = geth a auùrpùn (see Appendix 1) 9 = geth a aukosar kapu, GY kaapu: one (of something) (< kapu, 10 = kosar geth GY kaapu seed, fruit, body part, prong, etc.) Etc. ùka-: two -sar(a): small number Wara one of a group, other also enters into a compound with kapu, GY kaapu one (of mòdhabaig(a)/madhabaig(a)/mœdhabaig(a): something) to form warakap/wœrakap/ (the) one left over (Kalaw Kawaw Ya only) ùrakap, GY warakaapu/wœrakaapu/ au: big (Kùlkalgau Ya only – a Meriam Mìr loan) ùrakaapu one of a group, an individual of a geth(a): hand (Kùlkalgau Ya only) group, one, once, once more, one more time. The compound ùkasar has two metathetic forms These combine in the following ways: (kuwásar and kosar), as well as the initial- KLY, MY-KY dropped form kœsar (via ùkœsar). Ùka- is also found in ùkama- add to, double, increase, 1 = ùrapùn, ùrpùn, ùrpon (warapùn, augment, while -sar(a) small number is also wœrapùn, warapon, wœrapon) found in the following: 2 = ùkasar, kœsar, kosar, MY-KY kuwásar kœysar(a), kœysarkœysar(a) double, multiple 3 = kosar ùrpùn, ùrpùn kosar (kœy big) 4 = kosar kosar garsar(a) number, population; (a) few, quite a 5 = kosar kosar ùrpùn, ùrpùn kosar kosar few (gar- collection prefix) etc. kœygarsar(a) big number, big population; many KKY (kœy+garsar) 1 = warapùn, wœrapùn, ùrapùn (Bœigu – garsarasi- increase, become more, multiply (asi- waripùn, wœripùn, ùripùn) go/be with, become, get ATT) 2 = ùkasar Counting used to be done in two ways. One was with a tally system, used such as 3 = ùkamòdhabayg, ùkamœdhabayg, when two people made an agreement to ùkamadhabayg do something after a certain number of 4 = ùkaùka days. They both kept a bundle of small 5 = ùkaùkamòdhabaig, sticks with the same number in each, and ùkaùkamœdhabayg, ùkaùkamadhabayg took out one for every day. The other was etc. to use the fingers and so on, particularly in enumerating (for example in trading). KulY The word for count is gethtiida-i- (gethtidi 1 = warapùn, wœrapùn, ùrapùn, ùrpùn present perfective), an instransitive active compound verb made of geetha hand, finger 2 = ùkasar, kœsar, kosar and tiida- bend, originating in the traditional 3 = auùrpùn, kosar ùrpùn means of counting with the fingers, done by 4 = aukosar, kosar kosar bending the little finger of the left hand to the

418 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland palm with the forefinger or forefinger and This system was further developed on middle finger of the right hand (one), then Mabuyag in the late 1800s to make the the ring finger of the left hand (two), and so following full number system; most people on to the thumb of the left hand (five). After nowadays do not know it. This was created this, the forefinger or forefinger and middle by abbreviating the words for one and two as finger of the right hand move to the wrist of well as the names for the appropriate body the left arm, the elbow of the left arm, and parts from the above traditional system: so on to ten, on the breast bone. Then the 0 = dhadh/dhadha (dhadhariidha breastbone, hands change, and the counting is continued lit. mid-bone) with the forefinger, or forefinger and middle finger of the left hand down the other arm 1 = pùn (ùrapùn) (older form: pon < wœrapon) and by bending the thumb of the right hand 2 = sar (ùkasar) over for 15, and so on to the little finger of 3 = il (ilgeth middlefinger, lit. gall-finger) the right hand (19). Gethtidi also means read, 4 = lak (kœláknithuygeth forefinger, lit. spear- the imagery being that the finger likewise throwing-finger) goes back and forth of the writing. Geetha is 5 = kab (kabageth thumb, lit. paddle-finger) also used in its non-specific locative form to express just a few: gœygœyil matha gethiya 6 = per (pertha wrist) just a few days, wiyethal matha gethiya just a 7 = kuud (kuudu elbow) few years. 8 = zuug (zuugu upper arm) The full system is: 9 = suus (suusu breast) 1 = little finger of left hand Higher numbers are made by combining the 2 = ring finger of left hand above in a simple decimal system: 3 = middle finger of left hand 10 = pùndhadh/pùndhadha 4 = forefinger of left hand 11 = dhadh(a)-pùn, pùndhadh(a)-pùn, pùn-pùn 5 = thumb of left hand 15 = dhadh(a)-kab, pùndhadh(a)-kab, pùn-kab 6 = wrist of left arm 20 = sardhadh/sardhadha 7 = elbow of left arm 25 = sardhadh(a)-kab, sar-kab 8 = upper arm/shoulder of left arm 30 = ildhadh/ildhadha 9 = left breast 40 = lakdhadh/lakdhadha 10 = breastbone (middle of chest) 50 = kabdhadh/kabdhadha 11 = right breast 60 = perdhadh/perdhadha 12 = right shoulder/upper arm 70 = kuuddhadh/kuuddhadha 13 = elbow of right arm 100 = pùndhadh(a)dhadh(a) 14 = wrist of right arm 172 = pùndhadh(a)dhadh(a) kuuddhadh(a)- sar, pùn-kuud-sar 15 = thumb of right hand 16 = forefinger of right hand When a number as a total is given, mùra all, in total is normally used in conjunction with it, as 17 = middle finger of right hand in mathematics, ùkamayzageth calculation work 18 = ring finger of right hand (ùkamay calculation-VN), and talking about 19 = little finger of right hand ‘how many’: midh mùra, midhakidh mùra:

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 419 Rod Mitchell

23 + 30 = 53 sardhadh-il a ildhadh, fully declinable nominals to particles that do kabdhadh-il mùra not vary morphologically and which at times Thusil midh/midhakidh mùra setha are phonologically bound as clitics to the lawlawnu? Kab mùra. segment they modify. How many books are on the table there? Five. Modifying particles vary in status from free- Ninu wiyethal midh/midhakidh mùra? standing words to bound clitics. They are Sardhadh-kab mùra/Sardhadha-kab mùra invariable, though in some cases derived, and How old are you? Twenty-five. have no fixed position in the clause as a class, though individual sub-categories can. Some As modifers, the numbers are invariable, are declined nominals or conjugated verbs or though ùrapun(i) has the optional variants the like which have a special use as adjuncts. ùrapùl and ùrapù when preceding a nouns, These differ from delined nominals such as where the final -l is an example of a rare gumi in secret, secretly, unawares, unknowing denasalisation of -n, also found in thalmù-, (first example below), the Ø-marked specific a colloquial form of thanamù- them oblique locative of guumi secret, secrecy, unawareness stem, as well as in the Kalaw Kawaw Ya proper (the specific locative innu - , guminu, can nominal dative and ablative, where the augment also be used with exactly the same meaning), suffixni - becomes -l, thus KLY Babanika, which are found with the same force as KKY Babalpa Dad-DAT, KLY Babanungu/ prepositional phrases in English; that is to Babaningu, KKY Babalngu Dad-ABL. say, are additional adjuncts to the clause. As nouns, however, numbers can be declined Gumi rangadh tharanu – and otherwise modified, such as: Ngay matha tharema Yawathurayginga, e, yagar. wœrapùninu/ùrapùninu, wœrapùnnu/ Nipen rangadh lak kùniya wœrapnu/ùrapnu as one, united, the specific Waybenika, e. locative of wœrapùn/ùrapùn; A journey happened without me being made wœrapùnimayn/wœrapùnmayn/ aware of it – wœrapùmayn/ùrapùnmayn/ùrapùmayn in I just stood one piece, whole, at once, straight away, immediately Without a farewell, eh, dear me. - the instrumental of wœrapùninga, the Your journey back nominalised form of wœrapùn one; To Thursday Island, eh. Boston Bagai, Badu wœrapùndhadh/ùrapùndhadh (dhadh mid, middle) one by one; guumi-LAI rangadha-Ø ùkaùkalayg (ùka+ùka-LAI-IGA two+two-PRP- secret-SLoc mast.journey-ACC PNom) four people, quartet KKY thara-Ø-Ø-nu erect-ATT-SG-TodPPf ngayi-Ø matha Modifying Particles me-NOM only While quite a few nominals such as time thara-i-Ø-ma erect-ACT-SG-ACT.TodPPf and place adjunct adverbs generally have yawa+thuura-’i-gi-nga-Ø e moderate to virtually no declension, they are farewell+call-VN-PRV-ImpNom-NOM (song included in the declined group of nominals yaa+gaar sound) because potentially they can be modified, speech+SYM particularly by the genitive. Such represent ni-pel-n rangadha-Ø one part of the continuum that varies from you-DU-GEN mast.journey-NOM

420 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

laka kùna-ya Sa, wara gœygi nubiya ya mangaydhin again.more stern-NSLoc Bawungu kedha mabaygal Bawungu Waybeni-ka e ngapa nubeka imayka. ThursdayIsland-DAT (song sound) So, one day word came to him from Bau saying that people from Bau were coming to see him. Clause modifiers have variable position, sa, wara gœygayi-LAI in some cases inter-phrasal, i.e. between introducer other day-SLoc the subject and verb (post-subject NP pre- nu-bi-ya ya-Ø VP), such as ngapa approaching deictic, he-AUG-LOC word-NOM post-phrasal/post-clause, e.g. nge then, pre- manga-i-Ø-dhin Bawu-ngu phrasal/pre-clause, e.g. matha only, and arrive-ACT-SG-RemP.PF Bau-ABL multiple positioning, i.e. pre-phrasal/pre- ke-dha mabayga-LAI clause, inter-phrase and post-phrase/post- this-SIM person-PRP clause, such as kay soon after (< kay here NSp), Bawu-ngu ngapa Bau-ABL come na/nanga referencing relative, if, when and nay nu-be-ka iima-’i-ka if, should. Their order and positioning depend he-AUG-DAT see-VN-DAT on discourse features, which in turn depend on their relative importance to the subject, Multiple-Position Clause Modifying Particles: object, adjuncts or the verb. Multiple-position clause-modifying particles Post-Subject Pre-Verb Phrase Particles: can appear in various parts of the clause, and in certain cases can also appear more than once Certain particles normally come between the in the clause (as in the below example). The subject and the verb phrase: mamuy for a short normal positions are post-subject, and/or pre- while, first before a following action, ingaru for VP, and/or post-VP: kay soon after (< kay here ever, always, ngùlayg can, know how to, able, NSp); naay hypothesis, should, ought, supposed to, karawayg can’t, don’t know how to, unable, should have, if only, etc.; na, nanga clause reference, minasin finish, already; laka/lak again, more, in reference to, if, when; sikay maybe, perhaps, bœy/ngapa movement towards the speaker, possibly; yenanob/yananab each, separate, one by come, imayka try, ngaru must, have to, etc. one, in turn, in different places, grouped, in groups In this list, minasin, imayka, ngùlayg and here and there, here and there, etc. karawayg are in fossilised uses respectively Nabeka na senaabi zageth na mina kœy of the regular verb minaasin finish, end ubigi zageth, wati zageth, nadh na nuyn (attainative singular present perfective), yathapathan na. the dative form of the regular verbal noun She found that work to be really detestable, a bad imáy see, find, try, and the two personalised task, when she shaved him. nominals ngùlayg one who knows/is able and na-be-ka na karawayg one who doesn’t know/is unable. she-AUG-DAT REF They are idiomatic uses in a) being invariable se-na-bi zagetha-Ø na adverbs in status, and b), in the case of that-F-ART work-NOM REF imáyka, the language has the specific verb mina kœy ubi-gi zagetha-Ø, true big liking-PRV work-NOM nuutha- (verbal noun nutháy) try, attempt, wati zagetha-Ø, while ngùlayg and karawayg are otherwise bad work-NOM, regular nouns with full declensional and na-dha na nuy-NA derivational properties. Ngapa in the below she-INS REF he-ACC example illustrates the typical position of yatha+patha-Ø-Ø-n na such particles. beard+cut-ATT-SG-PrPF REF

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 421 Rod Mitchell

In this example, the referencing particle Dad is looking outwards from there on the na is repeated four times to show both the turtle lookout. referencing of the topic (a destable piece of Baba-Ø si-zi agu-ngu work in her opinion), and the reference of the dad-NOM there-ABL turtlelookout-ABL time frame, i.e. whenever she had to do it adha-ka naga-i-Ø-ka out-DAT look-ACT-SG-PR.IMPF Post-Referent: aw-question: Other particles always follow their referent, Baba sizi agungu adhaka nageka aw? and in some cases are postclitics: nge (alt. Wa/Lawnga. ngedh) then (sequential); waadha existential/ Is Dad looking outwards from there on the reality emphasis; lawnga non-reality, non- turtle lookout? existance, not, or, nor; gaar sympathy/empathy; Yes/No dhe soft imperative; kay soft imperative; ay/oy vocative; wal both, and (joins two as a pair); Declarative: kidh(a) reverse, crosswise, stirring, turn, other Baba sizi ziyaka nageka. way, opposite, change; aw yes/no question, (ziya-ka cloud-DAT) confirmation seeking particle; kaykay/kayke/ Dad is looking at the clouds from there. kayne soon after, a bit later, etc. mi-question: Kùniya nagaydhin nœ, nuy matha siyar Baba sizi mika/mizapuka nageka? nge thanamùniya wagel. (mi[-zapu]-ka what, which-DAT) When she looked back, he was just then standing What is Dad looking at from there. there (left) behind them. kùna-ya naga-i-Ø-dhin na, back-NSpLoc look-ACT-SG-RemP.PF REF, Conjunctions nuy-Ø matha Apart from the dual conjunctive clitic wal he-NOM only siya-Ø-Ø-r nge (Kalaw Kawaw Ya -w/-aw), which is attached stand-ATT-SG-RemP.IMPF then to both of the words it joins, conjunctions go thana-mù-ni-ya wage-LAI between the words or clauses they join: theyPL-AUG-AUG-LOC behind-SLoc a/aw and, or – specific~restricting conjunction Yes-no questions are marked by the sentence ya and others – non-specific conjunction clitic aw (aaw), and sometimes a (aa). The lawnga~law~lo or (< lawnga~law~lo no, not) construction contrasts with mi-questions (wh-questions), for which see Interrogative ò or (English loan) Nominals. In Kalaw Kawaw Ya a is the Ama-wal Baba-wal (KKY Amaw-Babaw) standard question clitic while aw is used (both) Mum and Dad, neither Mum or Dad (as is the confirmation clitic, that is to say, the a couple) equivalent to English tag questions of the Ama a Baba, Ama aw Baba Mum and Dad, type He came late, didn’t he? In less polite Mum or Dad (together but not as a pair) speech the question clitic can be dropped, with a slight rising intonation showing Ama ya Baba ya kazil ya ngœybath ya Mœgi the question, particularly in somewhat Baba Mum, Dad, the kids, Aunty, Uncle, and the aggressive speech styles. Aw (a) is rarely others/so on used with mi-questions. Ama lawnga Baba, Ama law Baba, Ama lo Declarative: Baba Mum or Dad Baba sizi agungu adhaka nageka. Ama ò Baba Mum or Dad

422 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Lawnga or has a pause before it in careful nge ke-dha Athe-ya speech, thus Ama, lawnga Baba, and in then hereNSp-SIM Grandad-group or-questions (Mum or Dad?) is used in kuuthina-NGU zagetha-Ø conjunction with the interrogative clitic: art-GEN work-ACC Ama aw, lawnga Baba aw ~ Ama, lawnga matha anga-’i-ka. Baba aw? Mum or Dad? still wield-VN-PrPF The dual conjunction is essentially a conjunction that shows a pair or a couple that go together. CLAUSE EXTERNAL WORDS When the referents habitually go together, Words that are external to the clause include: the ‘set’ Ø-conjunction construction is found: wa yes, lawnga no, la!/law! no!, la-lawnga! apu-thaathi ‘mother and father, parents’; gagay- oh no!, sii I don’t know, wo-o/o-o greeting thayak ‘bow-and-arrow, bow-and-arrows’; alay- call, agreement call, aa/mm hesitation, kùlay! iipi ‘husband and wife, married couple’, ap-thath- lookout, beware!, pa! go on!, stop!, go on back! kaazi (< apu-thaathi-kaazi ‘mother-father-child’) (etc.), òy! hoy!, saa right, now, let’s see now, ‘nuclear family’), and so on. let’s start, etc., œ! that’s a lie!, etc. The conjunction ya may be the same Despite the translation just given, wa and morpheme as the clitic -ya, full form -yabi, lawnga do not have the same value as yes used in Kalaw Lagaw Ya, but seemingly and no in English. These latter say ‘yes’ or not in the other dialects, on kin-terms and ‘no’ to the underlying truth of the sentence: culturally important common nouns to show that the reference is to the whole group who Do you speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya? fit into the category specified byya , thus Athe Yes = Yes, I do speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya. Granddad, Granduncle > Atheyabi, Atheya all No = No, I don’t speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya. my~our Grandfathers. Don’t you speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya? Ngay lak apasin ngaw Atheyabi a Akayabi Yes = Yes, I do speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya. kaypaypa kùlay thonarnu. I acknowledge my grandfathers and No = No, I don’t speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya. grandmothers from before. (Alick Tipoti, Wa and lawnga say ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to the words personal communication) of the sentence; for example wa in answers to ngayi-Ø laka-Ø negative statements or questions translates me-NOM again.more-Ø apa+asi-Ø-Ø-n nga-NGU as no in English, and lawnga as yes: below+bewith-ATT-SG-PrPF me-GEN Ni Gœmulgaw Yangu ngulayg aw? Athe-yabi a Aka-yabi Wa = Yes, I do speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya. Granddad-group and Grandma-group Lawnga = No, I don’t speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya. kay-paypa-Ø kùl-LAI ni-Ø Gœmu-LAI-IGA-NGU NSp-aheadthere-SLoc first-Sloc you-NOM Gœmu-PRP-PNom-GEN thonara-nu time-SLoc ya-NGU ngùr-LAI-IGA-Ø aaw speech-ABL knowledge-PRP-PNom-NOM.Q Ngay kayib iinu nge kedha Atheya kuthinaw zageth matha angayka. Ni Gœmulgaw Yangu kœrawayg aw? Today I still continue to practice my forefathers’ Wa = No, I don’t speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya. art. (Alick Tipoti, personal communication) Lawnga = Yes, I do speak Kalaw Lagaw Ya. ngayi-Ø kayiba-Ø ii-nu --- karaway-IGA-Ø --- me-NOM today-Ø this-M --- ignorance-PNom-NOM ---

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 423 Rod Mitchell

EXCEPTIONS TO NON-MORPHOLOGICAL There are no di-transitive verbs as there are in VARIATION English or Meriam Mìr, and there are no valency changing operations except for the active suffix Word modifiers, clause modifiers and words -i. Periphrastic constructions express meanings external to the clause are invariable, except such as inchoative and causative. for the following three paradigms: a) sikay perhaps, maybe: a compound of Core Clauses Types sii I don’t know and kay however. Through association with se-/si- that, there the word As stated earlier, the language is S-O-V in has developed masculine and feminine typology (specific object transitive A-X- forms, respectively sinukay and sinakay O-V, intransitive S-X-V, reflexive S-X(-O)-V, generalised/total object transitive S-X- Raasa sikay/sinakay lagaka pungáyka. A(=O)-V). However, as is the case with all Maybe that storm is heading for my home island. highly inflected languages, word order is raasa-Ø sii-[na]+kay storm-NOM don’t.know-[F]+however essentially free. laaga-ka puunga-’i-ka. Nadh gabudhan nungu yatha pathanu. home-DAT sail-VN-DAT She shaved him slowly and carefully (literally She cut his beard slowly and carefully) Gùùba sikay/sinukay lagiya sizarima. naa-dha gabu-dha-n nu-NGU Maybe the wind came down over my home island she-INS cold-SIM-INS he-GEN gùba-Ø sii-[nu]+kay yatha-Ø patha-Ø-Ø-nu wind-NOM don’t.know-[M]+however beard-ACC cut-ATT-SG-TodP.PF laga-ya sizara-i-Ø-ma home-NSpLoc swoopdown-ACT-SG-TodP.PF Na adhaka nagema. She looked out(wards). b) kame, kake, kole hey! excuse me!: these naa-Ø adha-ka naga-i-Ø-ma three words are respectively masculine, she-NOM out-DAT feminine and non-singular naga-i-Ø-ma c) yawa goodbye, see you, have a safe journey, look.watch-ACT-SG-ACT.TodP.PF farewell: this word is used when saying Na aman kabageth mathayma. farewell to one person (place, etc.); when She hit her thumb with the hammer. addressing two or more people, the non- naa-Ø ama-n singular form is yawal. she-NOM hammerINS kaba+getha-Ø mathama-i-Ø-ma paddle+hand-ACC hit-ACT-SG-ACT.TodP.PF CLAUSE SYNTAX Na therarmaythan wœydhema. All clauses have a verb as the basis, She boiled (all) the intestines. except in identity clauses (X = Y), which naa-Ø thera-LAI-maytha-n are verbless. Other verbless clauses have she-NOM bitterness-PRP-belly-INS underlying verbs. Many events or states wœydha-i-Ø-ma are expressed by nominal-verb compounds put.place.boil-ACT-SG-ACT.TodP.PF or semi-compounds (collocations) with Negative and Emphatic Clauses the nominal forming an essential part of the verbal meaning. In such instances, the Clause negation has two types, (a) the whole verb phrase must be regarded as a negation of the statement or part thereof, complex head. marked by the clause particle lawnga

424 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

(in Kùlkalgau Ya lœinga) not, and (b) Lawnga is the opposite of waadha/waadh privative negation, i.e. the negation of (Kalaw Kawaw Ya waza [wa:za]), which the state or action of the verb, marked shows emphasis of the reality or truth of by the nominalised privative form of the the assertion. Wa yes in origin may be an verbal noun coupled with the marking the abbreviation of waadha. The positioning of subject and object by the genitive, or the waadha depends on which part of the clause privative form of a nominal with regular falls in its scope. As with lawnga, this can be subject marking. Kalaw Kawaw Ya differs on the whole clause or on a phrase/word. by retaining the positive clause nominal Sena waadha nabeka mina ubigi zageth. marking. Lawnga is variable in position, it That really was for her a very hateful task. can come after the clause/sentence (clause se-na-Ø waadha na-be-ka negation) or the specific phrase or word that that-F-NOM emphatic she-AUG-DAT is to be negated (phrase negation). Negative mina ubi-gi zagetha-Ø clauses can only have one negator. true desire-PRV work-NOM Positive Sena lawnga nabeka mina ubigi zageth. Senuubi puuyi kapu puuyi gulka aymayka. Mina ubil zageth waadha! That tree is a good tree for making a canoe. That is not a task that is very hateful to her. She se-nu-bi puuyi-Ø kapu actually loves it! that-M-ART tree-NOM good se-na-Ø lawnga puuyi-Ø guul-ka ayima-’i-ka that-F-NOM not tree-NOM canoe-DAT make-VN-DAT na-be-ka mina ubi-gi she-AUG-DAT true desire-PRV Negative zagetha-Ø. mina ubi-LAI work-NOM. true desire-PRP Senuubi puuyi kapu puuyi gulka aymayka zagetha-Ø waadha lawnga. word-NOM emphatic Senuubi puuyi kapu puuyi lawnga gulka aymayka. The emphatic versions of the two positive That is not a good tree for making canoes. examples given above under (a) statement negation and (b) privative negation are: (a) privative negation Senuubi puuyi kapu puuyi gulka aymayka Positive waadha. Baydhaman nungu ngaara pathadhin. That tree really is a good tree for making a canoe. A shark bit his leg. Baydhaman waadha nungu ngaara baydhama-n nu-NGU ngaara-Ø pathadhin. shark-INS he-GEN leg-ACC It really was a/the shark that bit his leg. patha-Ø-Ø-dhin. bite(fish)-ATT-SG-RemP.PF The use of lawnga to negate clauses includes Negative the negation of negatives: Baydhamaw nungu ngaraw pœtháyginga Ngay lawnga kœmathalzagig. (KKY Baydhaman nungu ngaar Ngay kœmathalzagig lawnga. pœtháyginga) I am not someone who has no money; I am not A shark didn’t bite his leg. the~a person who has no money. baydhama-NGU nu-NGU ngayi-Ø lawnga shark-GEN he-GEN my+NOM not ngaara-NGU patha-’i-gi-nga-Ø kœmatha-LAI+za-gi-IGA leg-GEN bite-VN-PRV-NOM shine-PRP+thing-PRV-PNom

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 425 Rod Mitchell

Lawnga can also negate the verb of a clause, wœiwi-LAI para-Ø-MAYI-nu however this is an emphatic focusing on mango-PL harvest-ATT-PL-TodP.PF negation, having semantics similar to 3. Wœiwil pareminu. actually not: Some mangoes fell/dropped. (active syntax) Nuy pùrthema lawnga. wœiwi-LAI para-i-MAYI-nu He didn’t actually eat earlier today. mango-PL harvest-ACT-PL-TodP.PF nuy-Ø pùrátha-i-Ø-ma The specific transitive focuses on a specific he+NOM eat-ACT-SG-ACT.Sg.TodP patient or patients, while the non-specific lawnga transitive shows that the action is on a non- not specifiable, global, generalised or total patient This contrasts with the ordinary negative, or patients (marked by the instrumental), or which simply states that the action/state on a non-specifiable one-or-more patient or expressed by the verb did/does not exist: patients (marked by the non-specific locative). Nungu (kayib) pùrtháyginga. The verb in the specific transitive can be either He didn’t~doesn’t eat (today); attainative (4) or active (5), depending on the i.e. his eating did~does not exist (today). affect on the object, while the active form of the nu-NGU (kayiba-Ø) pùrátha-’i-gi-nga verb is part of the syntax of the intransitive (6) him-GEN (today-Ø) eat-VN-PRV-ImpNom and the non-specific transitive (7). 4. Umayn maadhu lumadh. Transitivity and Voice The dog was looking for a/the (specific) piece of meat. Transitivity and voice in the language are ùmay-n maadhu-Ø marked by the interplay between verb and dog-INS meat-ACC nominal morphology, and are syntactic luuma-Ø-Ø-adh categories. The interaction of case and verb seek-ATT-SG-TodP.IMPF form operates as displayed in Table 14. 5. Ngath bòòla palema. There are three categories, specific transitive I kicked a/the ball (subsumes passive), nonspecific transitive (the whole ball underwent the action). (i.e. antipassive; subsumes non-specific nga-tha bòòla-Ø passive) and intransitive (subsumes reflexive me-INS ball-ACC and stative). Where voice is concerned, pala-i-Ø-ma cause-ACT-SG-ACT.TodP.PF the distinction between active and passive depends mainly on word order and the 6. Umay madhuya lumeyadh. presence or absence of the subject. Example The dog was looking for (some/any) meat. 1 below is an active transitive, 2 is a passive, ùmay-Ø maadhu-ya and 3 is an intransitive dog-NOM meat-NSpLoc luuma-i-Ø-adh. 1. Bala wœiwil paraminu. seek-ACT-SG-TodP.IMPF Brother picked some mangoes. (active syntax) bala-Ø wœiwi-LAI 7. Zagethaw kœzil bùpan pathema. brother-NOM mango-PL The workers cut all the grass. para-Ø-MAYI-nu harvest-ATT-PL-TodP.PF The actor can also be marked by the ablative, which puts emphasis on the actor as an adjunct 2. Wœiwil paraminu. to the clause (8, 9), or the genitive, which shows Some mangoes were picked. (passive syntax) habitual action by the actor (10, 11).

426 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

8. Nungungu guul zilami 10. Nungu Badhuka zagethka patheka The canoe is run/sped along by HIM. He has the habit of travelling to Badu for work. HE runs the canoe along. nu-NGU Badhu-ka zagetha-ka nu-NGU-ngu guula-Ø he-GEN B.-DAT work-DAT he-GEN-ABL sailingcanoe-ACC zilama-i-Ø-IZI patha-i-Ø-ka run-ACT-SG-ACT-SG-PrPF embark-ACT-SG-PrIMPF 9. Malil Babanungu nithun 11. Baban gaydhiw sœgul pœlaykœruyg The iron-tipped spear is cast by DAD. Dad is in the habit of practicing archery. DAD casts the iron-tipped spear. Baba-NI gaydhi-NGU sagula-Ø maalila-Ø Baba-NI-ngu metal-ACC Dad-GEN-ABL Dad-GEN archery-GEN game-ACC niithu-Ø-Ø-n pala-’i-kœruyg cast-ATT-SG-PrPF cause-VN-HAB TABLE 14. Transitive-intransitive and active-passive structures.

(perfective singular examples) Actor object verb active intransitive non-reflexive NOM n/a active Ùmay zilami. ùmay-Ø ziilama-i-Ø-IZI The dog runs. run-ACT-SG-ACT.SG.PrPF active intransitive reflexive NOM ACC active Ùmay kawra thami. ùmay-Ø kawra-Ø thama-i-Ø-IZI The dog moves its ear. move-ACT-SG-ACT.SG.PrPF attainative intransitive NOM n/a attainative Ùmay thaman. ùmay-Ø thama-Ø-Ø-n The dog speeds away. move-ACT-SG-PrPF attainative stative NOM n/a attainative Ùmay ina yuka. yœw-Ø-Ø-ka The dog is lying here. lie.lean-ATT-SG-PrIMPF active specific transitive INS ACC active Ùmayn katube pali. ùmay-n katube-Ø pala-i-Ø-IZI The dog hits/flicks the frog. cause.hit-ACT-SG-ACT.SG.PrPF Katube pali The frog is hit/flicked. attainative specific transitive INS ACC attainative Ùmayn sòòdha idhan. ùmay-n sòòdha-Ø iidha-Ø-Ø-n The dog chews up the shirt. chewup-ATT-SG-PrPF Sòòdha idhan. The shirt gets chewed up. active non-specific transitive (global) NOM INS active Ùmay katuben pali. ùmay-Ø katube-n pala-i-Ø-IZI The dog hits/flicks all the frogs. cause.hit-ACT-SG-ACT.SG.PrPF Katuben pali. All the frogs are hit/flicked. active non-specific transitive (indefinite) NOM NSpLoc active Ùmay uruyya lumi. ùmay-Ø uruy-ya luuma-i-Ø-IZI The dog looks for prey. search-ACT-SG-ACT.SG.PrPF Uruyya lumi. Prey is looked for.

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 427 Rod Mitchell

Clause Modality and Aspect avoidance, the purposive, ‘supposed to’, affective modality, and so on. The finite verb is marked only for the positive declarative and imperative moods and the a) Clause negative - verbal noun perfective, imperfective and habitual aspects. nominalised privative a) declarative Gùbaw maluw kidhathœyáyginga. The wind doesn’t/didn’t/won’t stir up the water Gùban maalu kidhathayanu. (perfective) gùba+NGU maalu+NGU The wind stirred up the water earlier today. wind+GEN sea+GEN gùba-n maalu-Ø kidha-thaya-’i-gi-nga wind-INS sea-ACC back&forth-throw-VN-PRV-ImpNom kidha-thaya-Ø-Ø-nu. back&forth-throw-ATT-SG-TodP.PF b) Negative imperative - verbal noun unmarked privative Gùban maalu kidhathayadh. (imperfective) The wind was stirring up the water earlier today. Gùùba, maluw kidhathœyáyg! --- kidha-thaya-Ø-Ø-adh. Wind, do not stir up the water! --- back&forth-throw-ATT-SG-TodP.IMPF gùba+Ø maalu+NGU wind+NOM sea+GEN Gùban maalu kidhathœyáykuruyg. (habitual) kidha-thaya-’i-gi The wind used to stir/usually stirs/will be back&forth-throw-VN-PRV stirring up the water. c) Resultative/Causative - verbal noun --- kidha-thaya-’i-kœruig. nominalised resultative --- back&forth-throw-VN-HAB. Maalu gùbaw kidhathœyáyzinga. b) imperative The sea was/is/has been stirred up by the wind. Gùùba! Maalu kidhathayar! (perfective) maalu+Ø gùba+NGU Wind! Stir up the water! sea+NOM wind+GEN --- kidha-thaya-Ø-Ø-r! kidha-thaya-’i-zi-nga --- back&forth-throw-ATT-SG-SgS.IMP.PF back&forth-throw-VN-RES-ImpNom Gùùba! Maalu kidhathayadh! (imperfective) d) Avoidance – the verbal noun and the core Wind! Be stirring up the water! arguments (subject, object) are marked by --- kidha-thaya-Ø-Ø-adh! the ablative --- back&forth-throw-ATT-SG-IMP.IMPF Maydhalgan maaydha aymadhin, gùbangu Gùùba! Maalu kidhathayane! (perfective) malungu kidhathœyáylay. Wind! Stir up the water later on! The magic-man made magic so that the wind --- kidha-thaya-Ø-Ø-ne! would not stir up the sea. --- back&forth-throw-ATT-SG-ATT.RemF maidha-LAI-IGA-n maidha-Ø magic-PRP-PNom-INS magic-ACC Gùùba! Maalu kidhathœyáykuruyg! ayima-Ø-Ø-dhin (imperfective~habitual) make-ATT-SG-RemP.PF Wind! Be stirring up the water later on! gùba-ngu malu-ngu --- kidha-thaya-’i-kœruig. wind-ABL sea-ABL --- back&forth-throw-VN-HAB kidha-thaya-’i-lay back&forth-throw-VN-ABL Other moods and aspects are expressed by the cases or derived forms of the verbal e) Purposive – the verbal noun and the core noun, such as the clause negative and arguments (subject, object) are marked by negative imperative, the resultative-causative, the dative

428 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Kuki mangema, maluka kidhathœyáyka. The use of the cases and derivational forms The north-west wind arrived, to stir up the sea for modality and aspect is true for all nouns, kukiya-Ø manga-i-Ø-ma, given the appropriate semantics. Some Northwest-NOM arrive-ACT-SG-SG.TdP.PF nouns with a strong activity meaning, such maalu-ka kidha-thaya-’i-ka. as maaba walk, can also take the verbal noun sea-DAT back&forth-throw-VN-DAT ablative, thus mabalay avoid walking as well f) ‘supposed to’~‘is to’ modality: verbal as mabangu from walking, avoid walking. noun genitive plus a referencing noun Similarly, the Ø-marked privative of activity Maalu Kuki-gùbaw kidhathœyáy za, kasa or stative nouns gives a negative imperative kay kayib mœthar ulayka. mood to the noun: The north-west wind is supposed to stir up the aka fear akagi fearless akag! don't be sea, but today the sea is calm. afraid! maalu-Ø kukiya+gùba-NGU maaba walk mabagi mabag! don't sea-NOM northwest+wind-GEN without walking walk! kidha-thaya-’i-NGU za-Ø ngurum wrath ngurumagi ngurumag! back&forth-throw-VN-GEN thing-NOM unangry don't be angry! kasa kay kayiba-Ø yaa speech, talk, yagi speechless, yaagi! don't only however today words wordless speak! mœtharu-Ø wœlama-i-Ø-ka uubi want, ubigi lack of ubig! don’t calmweather-NOM goIMPF-ACT-SG-DAT desire, liking desire, unliked desire (it)!

Ngay TI-ka uzaray kaazi ngaw kuthinaka Verbal Deixis. Two words are used to show yakamayka (yakamaka/yakamka). approaching movement, bœy (alt. buy) I am to go to TI to display my art work. and ngapa. They are synonomous on ngayi-Ø TI-ka uuzara-’i-NGU the whole, the only difference being that I-NOM TI-DAT go-VN-GEN Kaazi-Ø nga-NGU bœy is only used in intransitive clauses person-NOM I-GEN (coming), while ngapa can be intransitive kuuthina-ka yakama-’i-ka. and transitive (coming, bringing). Bœy and art-DAT show-VN-DAT. ngapa are part of the non-declining parts of speech. g) ‘Affective’ modality: the person (or …) is affected by the action of the verb in some Baydham siki bœy/ngapa tœdáyka. way, this being shown by the instrumental There is a shark swimming this way. marking on the verbal noun baydhama-Ø si-ki shark-NOM there-NSpLoc Ngœy maluw bawal imaminu, gùbaw bœy/ngapa tada-’i-ka. kidhathœyáyn. coming meander-VN-PR.IMPF We saw the waves of the sea, stirred up by the wind. ngœyi-Ø maalu-NGU baawa-LAI Mœgi thiyaman ngapa dagul anganu. weEXC.PL-NOM sea-GEN wave-PL The little lad brought a fishing spear. iima-Ø-MAYI-nu gùba-NGU moegi thiyama-n ngapa see.find-ATT-PL-TodP.PF wind-GEN small lad-INS coming kidha-thaya-’i-n dagula-Ø anga-Ø-Ø-nu back&forth-throw-VN-INS fishingspear-ACC bear-ATT-SG-TodP.PF

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 429 Rod Mitchell

Subordination, Relative and Interrogative As with all adjectival clauses, when not part of Clause Marking the , they must be nominalised, The marking of subordinate, relative and normally by one of the two nominalising suffixes, or with a dummy nominal such as interrogative clauses is of two main types. za thing, often accompanied by the neutral Descriptive relative clauses can be both clause marker na/nanga and alternatively adjectival clauses or the like or clauses marked an interrogative pronoun, particularly when by a relative clause marker, while subordinate +human (see further below): and interrogative clauses are marked by appropriate clause markers. In clauses that uruy gimiya wœrílnga (na/nanga) the bird have been transformed into complex adjectival that flew~flies overhead phrases, the verb is nominalised, and marked uruy madhuw pùrthaylnga (na/nanga) the either by the genitive or the proprietive; animal that eats meat, the meat-eating animal gimiya wœríl uruy the bird that flew~flies overhead uruy madhuw pùrthay za (na/nanga) giima-ya wari-’i-LAI uruy-Ø the animal that eats meat, the animal that is above-NSLoc fly-VN-PRP creature-NOM eating meat madhuw pùrthayl uruy the animal that eats kaazi zagethaw ayimay kaazi (na/nanga) meat, the meat-eating animal the child~youth~bloke who does the work madhu-NGU pùratha-’i-LAI uruy-Ø meat-GEN eat-VN-PRP creature-NOM ipika mamiyapaw patháyzig (na/nanga) the woman who (has) cut the pawpaw madhuw pùrthay uruy the animal that eats meat, the animal that is eating meat zagethaw garkazil mòdhabiw gasamaygigal madhu-NGU pùratha-’i-NGU uruy-Ø (na/nanga) the workmen who have not been meat-GEN eat-VN-GEN creature-NOM paid, the unpaid workmen zagethaw ayimay kaazi the child~youth~bloke puuyi pœnipœniw zazamayzinga~zazamzinga who does the work (na/nanga) the tree that was/has been set alight by zagetha-NGU ayima-’i-NGU kaazi-Ø the lightening work-GUN make.do-VN-GEN child-NOM The core clause markers are kay, na/ mamiyapaw patháyzi ipika the woman who nanga, nay/naay, midha(kidh) and kedha. (has) cut the pawpaw These mark five clause types, concessive, mamiyapa-NGU patha-’i-zi neutral~referencing, conditional~hypothetical, pawpaw-GEN cut.chop-VN-RES interrogative and similative. ipikazi-Ø female.woman-NOM Kay: concessive subordination - but, however, although, etc. mòdhabiw gasamaygi~gasamgi zagethaw garkazil the workmen who have not been paid, Thana matha ugay, kasa kay gùbaw payáyginga. the unpaid workmen They were waiting, however no wind blew. Thana-Ø matha mòòdhabi-NGU gasama-’i-gi they.PL-NOM still payment-GEN get.catch-VN-PRV uuga-i-Ø-Ø, zagetha-NGU garakazi-LAI wait-ACT-AnimPL-RemP.IMPF work-GEN male.man-PRP kasa kay gùba-NGU pœnipœniw zazamayzi~zazamzi puuyi the just however tree that was/has been set alight by the lightening wind-GEN pœnipani-NGU zazama-’i-zi puuyi-Ø paya-’i-gi-nga lightening-GEN kindle-VN-RES plant-NOM blow-VN-PRV-ImpNom

430 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Na/nanga: neutral subordination, referencing para-i-Ø-ma na, clauses - with reference to, referring to, as for, harvest-ACT-SG-ACT.RecP.PF REF, with regards to, if, when, etc. This contrasts kazi-Ø kusuma-’i-ka with the conditional clause marker nay/naay child-NOM collect-VN-DAT (see below). Na/nanga can appear more zilama-i-Ø-ma. than once in its clause, and rarely appears run-ACT-SG-ACT.RecP.PF first in the clause. The form nanga in KLY is Ni na kùlay mangi, pasa pudar dhe. relatively rare, and normally comes only at If you arrive first, open the door. the end of the clause. ni-Ø na kùl-lai Awgadhaw wœnab na, minakœy adhapudhay you-NOM REF first-SLoc za ngalpùnika mariwdanalgaka. manga-i-Ø-IZI, pasa-Ø As for/In reference to God’s blessing, it is an arrive-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF, door-NOM outstanding thing for us and for our spiritual life. puuda-Ø-Ø-r dhe Awgadha-NGU wœnaba-Ø na, open-ATT-SG-SG.S.IMP IMP God-GEN blessing-NOM REF, mina+kœy adha+puudha-’i za-Ø Nuy matha kedha paada nabiya midhuy very+big out+fall-VN thing-NOM na/nanga. ngalpù-ni-ka mari-NGU He is the same height as she is. we.INC.PL-AUG-DAT spirit-GEN nuy-Ø matha ke-dha paada-Ø dana-lai-IGA-ka. He-NOM only this-INS/SIM top-NOM life-PRP-PNom-DAT na-be-ya mi-dhu-y na(nga) Ni na nubia niatha gimawali na, ni nika, she-LOC-LOC what-INS-? REF dhangal ugayka … Na/nanga is also found in main clauses in When you climb up on the platform, you sit, certain structures with its referencing use: waiting for a dugong … ni-Ø na nu-be-ya Thana kedha mabayg na/nanga. you-NOM REF he-AUG-LOC They are that kind of community. niatha-LAI gima+wala-i-Ø-IZI na thana-Ø ke-dha mabayga-Ø platform-SLoc above+climb-ACT-SG-ACT.PrP theyPL-NOM this-INS/SIM person-NOM ni-Ø ni-Ø-Ø-ka, na(nga) you-NOM sit-ATT-SG-PrIMPF REF dhangala-Ø uuga-’i-ka … dugong-ACC wait-VN-PrIMPF Na nanu Akania midha na/nanga. She is like her Grandma Ina waruw maadhu na, mina kapu na-Ø nan-NGU Aka-ni-ya mithalnga waadha! she-NOM she-GEN Grandma-AUG-LOC As for this turtle meat here, it’s really delicious! mi-dha na(nga) ii-na waru-NGU maadhu-Ø na, what-INS/SIM REF this-F turtle-GEN meat-NOM REF, mina kapu mitha-LAI-nga-Ø Garwidhamay kuykayimka kay siks waadha! aklok na/nanga. very good taste-PRP-ImpNom-NOM The meeting is going to start at 6. emphatic existential gar-wœidha-ma-’i-NGU Ubar na parema na, kazi kusumka zilayma. COL-place-INT-VN-GEN When the Torres Strait plum dropped, kuyku+ayima-Ø-Ø-ka ka-y the kid rang to collect it. head+make-ATT-SG-DAT soon –Sloc ubara-Ø na siks+akloka-Ø na(nga) plum-NOM REF six+o’clock-NOM REF

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 431 Rod Mitchell

Nay/naay: conditional and hypothetical Both na/nanga and nay/naay enter into collocation clauses – if, if X should, would~should. As with with lawnga to express if not, in the case of no: na/nanga, nay/naay can appear more than Ngœy ngulaygal kedha ni mina mœbayg. once in the clause, and can appear in main Lawnga nay ninu kedha adhapudhay clauses as well as. zagethaw ayimginga. Lawnga, tukuypaw watharaw tidayginga nay, We know that you are a true and honest person. If it nubeka kœyzageth watharan muyka zazamka. were not so you would not do such excellent work. No, if my brother didn’t fetch any firewood, it ngœyi-Ø ngulayga-LAI would be impossible for him to kindle the fire. wePLEXC-NOM knower-PRP lawnga, tœkuyapa-NGU ke-dha ni-Ø mina no samesexsib-GEN here-INS.SIM you-NOM true.real wathara-NGU mabayga-Ø. lawnga nay nin-NGU firewood-GEN person-NOM. no if.should you-GEN tiida-’i-gi-nga-Ø nay ke-dha adha+puudha-’i fetch-VN-PRV-ImpNom-NOM if.should here-INS.SIM out+fall-VN nu-be-ka kœy+zagetha-Ø zagetha-NGU him-AUG-DAT big+work-NOM work-GEN wathara-n muy-ka ayima-’i-gi-nga-Ø firewood-INS fire-DAT make.do-VN-PRV-ImpNom-NOM zazama-’i-ka Nidh seenu ngaw kaazi imanu aw? Lawnga kindle-VN-DAT na, ni ngùlayg ngadh imanu aw? Did you see my son? If not, do you know who did? Nungu nay wati wakaythamam, nungu Did you see my son? If not, do you know kedha mina yangu mulayginga nay. who did? If he were to have bad thoughts, he would not ni-dha se-nu nga-NGU tell the truth. you-INS there-M me-GEN.M nu-NGU nay wati kaazi-Ø iima-Ø-Ø-nu aw him-GEN if.should bad child-ACC see-ATT-SG-TodP.Pf Q wakaya+thama-ma-Ø lawnga na ni-Ø ngùlayga-Ø voice+move-INT-NOM no REF you-NOM knower-NOM nu-NGU ke-dha mina nga-dha iima-Ø-Ø-nu aw him-GEN here-INS.SIM real who-INS see-ATT-SG-TodP.Pf Q ya-NGU speech-GEN Midha(kidh) how, like what has a wide- muula-’i-gi-nga-Ø nay spread use as a general interrogative clause produce-VN-PRV-ImpNom-NOM marker, as in the following two examples: Dokta, ni nay kay, nguzu babathaw Nidh midha/midhakidh gagay ayiman. uummayginga nay. How you make a bow. Doctor, if you had been here, my brother would ni-dha mi-dha[-kidha] not be dead. youSG-INS what-INS[-GLoc] Dokta-Ø, ni-Ø nay gagayi-Ø ayima-Ø-Ø-n Doctor-NOM you-NOM if.should bow-ACC make.do-ATT-SG-PrPF kay nga-zu hereNSp me-GEN.F Na apuuwa kadaytharaydhin adhaka babatha-NGU maaba uzarima imáyka, midha mabayg oppositesexsib-GEN ngapa ulmay. uuma+ma-’i-gi-nga nay The mother stood up and walked outside to see death+take.move.be-VN-PRV-ImpNom-NOM if//whether someone was coming.

432 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

na-Ø apuuwa-Ø kunuma-’i-NGU mabayga-n nuy-na her-NOM mother-NOM tie-VN-GEN person-INS he-ACC kaday+thara-i-Ø-dhin dhœrdhima-Ø-Ø-ka ka-i upward+standerect-ACT-SG-RemPPf arrest-ATT-SG+NFut.PF hereNSp-LOC adha-ka out-DAT Ngaya mabaygan kulay dhadhabuth maaba+uuzara-i-Ø-ma gasaman, thana gœyga ugan, wagel kusul walk+go+ACT-SG-ACT.TodP.Pf ngùkin malamin. iima-’i-ka mi-dha Whoever of the people first reach the area, see-VN-DAT what-INS.SIM they wait for the sun, then fill the coconut mabayga-Ø ngapa water flasks. person-NOM come Whoever of the people first reach the area, wœlama-i-Ø-r they wait for the sun, then fill the coconut goIMPF-ACT-SG-RemP.IMPF water flasks. nga-ya mabayga-n kùl-lay A related use of midha(kidh) is in idioms who-andothers person-INS first-SLoc for suggestions, along the lines of English dhadha+bùtha-Ø gasama-Ø-Ø-n, ‘how about...’, ‘what about...’, and so on. mid+room-ACC get-ATT-SG-PrPF The uses of midha(kidh) in sentences such thana-Ø gœyga-Ø below are abbreviations of clauses such as theyPL-NOM day-ACC ninu wakaythœmam midhakidh How is uuga-Ø-Ø-n, wage-LAI your thinking, i.e. What is your opinion, What wait-ATT-SG-PrPF behind-SLoc do you think kusu-LAI ngùki-n coconutwaterflask-PRP water-INS (Ninu wakaythœmam) Midhikidh? Ngœba mala-Ø-MAYI-n tika uzareuman, aw? fill-ATT-PL- PrPF How about we go to tea?; What do you think? We go to tea now? Ni ngùlayg iinu ngay nga ngùkika umika (nin+NGU wakay-thama-ma-Ø) waníka. Iina umalnga lawnga. (youSg+GEN voice-move-INT-NOM) You know who I am who is telling you to drink. mi-dha ngœba-Ø This isn’t poison. what-INS.SIM weDUInc-NOM ni-Ø ngùlayga-Ø i-nu ti-ka uzára-i-NGAUMA-n aw you-NOM knower-NOM here-M tea-DAT goSgDu-ACT-DU-PrPf Q ngayi-Ø nga-Ø ngùki-ka me-NOM who-NOM water.drink-DAT Other interrogative pronouns are also found uuma-i-Ø-ka wani-’i-ka as interrogative clause markers, often in weave-ACT-SG-DAT drink-VN-DAT conjunction with na/nanga: i-na uuma-LAI-nga lawnga Mabaygan ngadha na kipa lagaka ngapa here-F death-PRP-ImpNom NEG guruk angan na, kunumaymœbaygan nuyn Ngay karawayg mithimith milaga (na) dhœrdhimaka kay. bùpawœrdhayzinga (na). Any person who brings alcohol here to the I don’t know where the painter~tow-rope has island will be arrested by the police. been stowed away. mabayga-n nga-dha na ki-pa ngayi-Ø karawayga-Ø person-INS who-INS REF here-DAT me-NOM lackknowledge-NOM laga-ka ngapa gœruka-Ø mithimithi-Ø mi+laaga-LAI (na) place-DAT come alcohol-ACC painter-NOM what+place-SLoc (REF) anga-Ø-Ø-n na bùpa-LAI+waradha-’i-zi-nga-Ø (na) bear-ATT-SG-PrPF REF grass-SLoc+stow-VN-RES-ImpNom-Ø (REF)

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 433 Rod Mitchell

Kedha thus, in this~that way, like this~that, such, nan-NGU ke-dha na galpisa-Ø so also has use as a marker of subordinates her-GEN here-SIM REF anger-NOM clauses to verbs of speech, thinking, etc., as in nge miya-i-Ø-dhin the first example on page 421 and the following: then move.be.do-ACT-SG-RemPPf ke-dha nuy-dha na-na . … nan yapœybarngul kedha nadh ayman here-SIM him-INS her-ACC senaabi zageth … laka ya+pœyba-Ø-Ø-dhin nanga … used to ask her to do that task … lit. used to again.more speech+give-ATT-SG-RemPPf REF ask her thus she does that task… na-na ya+pœyba-Ø-Ø-r-ngul Ni nœ kedha thonara mangi nœ, nidh iman her-ACC speech+give-ATT-SG-RemP.IMPF kedha, Kawmayn kay zey dagamunu sika, ke-dha na-dha ayima-Ø-Ø-n adhaka kidh nageka nabeka Kœmuthnabnaka. here-SIM her-INS make.do-ATT-SG-PrPF When you arrive there now, you see that se-na-bi zagetha-Ø Kawmayn is standing on the southern side, there-F-ART work-ACC looking outwards up there towards Koemuthnab. ni-Ø na ke-dha . … nan adhaka wiyadhin - sizi Pulungu, you-NOM REF here-SIM kedha: ‘Ni pa-adhaka! Nidh ngayka wati thonara-LAI manga-i-Ø-IZI na za ayimnu.’ time-SLoc arrive-ACT-SG-ACT.PrPF REF … sent her out – away from Pulu, saying: ‘Go ni-dha iima-Ø-Ø-n ke-dha, away! You have done a bad thing to me.’ you-INS see-ATT-SG-PrPF here-SIM na-na adha-ka wiya-Ø-Ø-dhin Kawmayni-Ø kay zeya+dœgamu-nu her-ACC out-DAT send-ATT-SG-RemPPf K-NOM hereNSp southwest+side-SLoc si-zi Pulu-ngu ke-dha si-Ø-Ø-ka adha-ka there-ABL P.-ABL here-SIM standIMPF-ATT-SG-PrIMPF out-DAT ni-Ø pa-adha-ka ni-dha kidha naga-i-Ø-ka you-NOM TEL-out-DAT you-INS crosswise look-ACT-SG-PrIMPF ngayi-ka wati za-Ø na-be-ka Kœmuthnaba-na-ka me-DAT bad thing-ACC her-AUG-DAT K.-F-DAT ayima-Ø-Ø-nu make.do-ATT-SG-TodPPf LANGUAGE AND SOCIETY: SPEECH STYLES Sena gœyga nœ gasamdhin kedha thana mangay kazil, a, nuy nabeka mulaydhin … There are various speech styles, colloquial/ When the day came (thus) for the visitors to informal, formal, rhetoric and the language of arrive, he said to her … public speaking, poetry and song language, se-na gœigayi-Ø na ‘baby’ language, differences between there-F day-NOM REF communities, families, men, women, young gasama-Ø-Ø-dhin ke-dha people, old people, children, and so on, as is get.catch-ATT-SG-RemPPf here-SIM true for any society. However, there is no ‘in- thana-Ø manga-’i-NGU kaazi-LAI law’ speech, apart from the need to be polite theyPL-NOM arrive-VN-GEN person-PRP in speaking to them, which includes not using a nuy-Ø na-be-ka one’s in-law’s name when speaking to him HES him-NOM her-AUG-DAT or her – or even in general about them. The muula-i-Ø-dhin style is formal and respectful, as is the case produce-ACT-SG-RemPPf in all formal contexts, which includes using Nanu kedha nœ galpis nge miyaydhin kedha the appropriate kin term or some such polite nuydh nan lak yapœybadhin nanga … reference. Nor is there a style of speech specific So she got really angry when he asked her again …. for expressing affection or tenderness similar

434 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland to the nasnas mìr of Meriam Mìr, apart from show respect to, one puts oneself relatively the use of the sympathetic clitic gaar. Like the speaking at a physically lower level – in language of many sea people, however, there essence a type of bowing. are nautical words and phrases. Over-correction can also occur in endeavouring for a more formal style. One Male versus Female common case is the genitive. As most nouns The main characteristic of the male-female in the genitive end in -aw, e.g gùùba wind, divide is accent and intonation, women tending GEN gùbaw, and in colloquial speech most to have softer, gentler and more musical nouns are consonant final, thus gùùb~gùb, intonation, with a tendency to rise at the end of this -aw is then reanalysed as a genitive sentences, while men have more “direct” voices, ending in its own right. As a result, it is at with a tendency to drop at the end of sentences. times added to nouns where the genitive has the same form as the nominative, such as ùmay dog, correct speech ùmay thœra dog’s Colloquial Speech, Formal Speech and back, overcorrected speech ùmayaw thœra Public Speaking dog’s back. In essence, so-called Gœmulgaw Ya is a more formal level of speech, and so-called Simplified Language Badhulgau Ya is more informal; as such, they are used on both Mabuyag and Badu. There is a simplified, or ‘cut-it-short’, version Colloquial speech tends to have ‘shortened’ of the language. It is often used in speaking words and more assimilation: to people who have a limited command of the language, and as a significant group Formal speech: Thaathi urabaka uzarima, of foreign men settled and married on thœbudhuka urab paranu. Badu in the early colonisation period, the Informal speech: Thath urabka uzurima, simplified speech gained a certain amount thubudhka urab parunu/parnu. of community validity, though never The father went to the coconut palm and picked a coconut for his friend. acceptance as ‘true’ language; in this case thathi-Ø wœrába-ka it is mistakenly called by some Badhulgaw father-NOM coconut-DAT Ya. In extreme form it is characterised by uzara-i-Ø-ma the use of the verbal noun as a tenseless go-ACT-SG-ACT.TodP.PF and numberless verb form, or at most the thœbudhu-ka wœraba-Ø present perfective and imperfective forms as friend-DAT coconut-ACC tenseless/numberless forms, and by oblique para-Ø-Ø-nu noun endings becoming postpositions. harvest-ATT-SG-TodP.PF Na bathaynga mùdhangu yuthaka uzarima. Formal public speaking not only uses more (full form) formal language, but also simile, picturesque She went from the house to the hall this morning. speech, and “big words” for impression. The na-Ø bathaynga-Ø mùdha-ngu most important essence of formal speech is she-NOM morning-SLoc house-ABL apaasi being humble, humbleness, from apa- yutha-ka uzara-i-Ø-ma hall-DAT go-ACT-SG-TodP.PF below and the verbal noun así accompanying, going with, being with, being (stem asi-). This Na bathaynga mùdh ngu yuth ka uzaray/ can also relate to physical posture, in that uzari. (simplified form) when passing in front of a person one must She went from the house to the hall this morning.

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 435 Rod Mitchell

na-Ø bathaynga-Ø mùdh and performance, the ideal song form is not she-NOM morning-SLoc house always used. A poetic form will not be used ngu yuth ka uzara-’i/uzara-i if the general effect needs the normal form of from hall to go-VN /go-ACT.PF the word, or even a phonetic variant. Ama wagel kùnaya mùdhaka uzarika kay. 1) œ to a (full form) Afterwards Mum is going to go back to the house. Wœœwra > Waawr/Wawra South-East Ama-Ø wage-LAI thœra > thara ridge, ridge of reef Mum-NOM behind-SLoc pœœy, GY pœœya > paay, paaya, paya dust, kùna-ya mùdha-ka spray, misty spray, fine mist back-NSpLoc home-DAT ngœy > ngayi we plural exclusive uzara-i-Ø-ka ka-i. go-ACT-SG-NFut hereNSp-LOC Words in which œ has become u or i in some lects can still undergo this change, as Ama wagel kùnia mùdh ka uzaray/uzari with wœsul~wusul~usul dirty water, ideal kay. (simplified form) song form wasula, and wœrab~wurub~urab Afterwards Mum is going to go back to the house. Ama-Ø wagel kùnia mùdh ka coconut, ideal song form waraba. Mum-NOM behind back home to 2) Vowel Restoration/Insertion: vowels that uzara-’i/uzara-i ka-i. elide in ordinary speech can be restored in go-VN /go-ACT.PF hereNSp-LOC songs.

Song/Poetic Language siik > siika, sika foam zarzar > zarazara temporary shelter There is a style of song language reflected pùrthan > pùrathan eat in syntax, vocabulary, simile, imagery, thaaw > thaawu~thawu praise, boasting versification and rhyme scheme. As in all languages, some words and phrases are Conversely, where music dictates, vowels that more typical of songs, such as: are normally pronounced can elide in songs, as in maal’ya dhadh’ya, a song form of maluya ngùlaynga the place that one is intimately dhadhiya through the midst of the deep sea. familiar with, home, home-base; for: laaga place, home Such ‘restoration’ has spread by analogy, in kazi, ngaw za child of mine; for: ngaw kazi that to break a cluster for metrical purposes my child. a vowel that is a repetition of a preceding urngu padal baltháyka floating on the crest of or following vowel is inserted; the vowel the water; for: bawiya baltháyka floating in/ e is inserted in restricted cases where l is on the waves followed by a consonant: Changes in the pronunciation of words also kùlka > kùlùka blood; red, scarlet mark songs. Even though these are normally pùrthan > pùrùthan eat retentions of older forms, in the speakers’ malguy > malaguy, maleguy shoot, sprout perceptions of the process, the spoken forms ngœlmùn > ngalemùn we PL EXC GEN are changed to be suitable for songs. In ngalmù- us PL EXC, ngalpa we PL INC and The typical phonological variants found ngalbay we DU EXC, the song form ngale- of in songs are as follows. The different the first syllable is most likely a retention of processes can give variant possibilities of an older form; ngal- in all three derive from pronunciation, in that in actual composition PP *ŋali ‘we INC’.

436 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

3) Syllabification of Glides: glides can become Awa; natham, KKY nasem namesake, EMO full vowels Nath, KKY Nas dhawdhay mainland > dhaudhai, dhaudhay, Vowel-shortening and/or final-vowel voicing dhawdhai emotive forms: puydhan hang > puidhan maalu sea, deep, EMO malu ‘the deep’; buubu yœwthi, yuthi draw, pull > iuthi, iawthi, iauthi current/stream of water, heat, EMO bubu, bœbu, thayan throw, turn > thaian babu; sar white tern, EMO sara; iipi wife, EMO 4) The consonants r, s and z in singing ipi (dear) wife; kaazi child, kazi kid, kiddy differ somewhat from their ordinary spoken Words such as waapa harpoon, thaathi pronunciation. The rhotic is normally father and kayadh grandmother belong only pronounced [ɹ] in singing, while s and z are in the non-emotive group because of their always found as silibants, never as ch or j. culturally defined use. Some words can only be emotive, again through culturally defined Emotive Language use, such as the following: The term emotive refers to words that carry bùli house fly, ziya cloud, puri baby shark, small emotion such as affection, diminutive, shark, iwi mosquito, Kuki north-west wind (a politeness, and poetic feeling. Emotive forms totem), Badhu Badu, gururu peaceful dove of words are very common in songs, for In Kalaw Lagaw Ya, a similar phonological example. Non-emotive words are used when contrast exists in verbs between the perfective the speaker has neutral feelings towards the active singular imperative and the perfective referent. There are a few ‘synonyms’ that active singular indicative present. The contrast in being a non-emotive/emotive imperative form is used when the speaker pair. Some are kin terms, in which case the does not feel constrained to use soft or polite emotive word is a proper noun (as shown language, while the indicative form is used by the use of the capitals in the list below), as an emotive, i.e. soft, imperative, where while the non-emotive member is a common softness and gentleness combine to create a noun; this also occurs in three terms where non-threatening command. the emotive is a shortened form of the non- emotive word. In most other words, the imperative indicative emotive form shortens the main vowel of present the word (if this is long), and restores the look, watch naagi nagi stem-final vowel; both forms are declined as enter, hide (self) uuthi uthi common nouns. eat pùraathi, pùráthi, pùráth pùrathi Emotive~non-emotive synonyms: hit, strike, kill matham mathami waapa harpoon, EMO ara harpoon (poetic/ The phonology of the nominal and verbal totemic word; a specialised use of the word characteristics compare as follows: vortex father, uncle ara ); thaathi, thath , EMO (1) long stressed vowel + devoiced final Baba Dad, Daddy; kayadh grandmother, EMO vowel or no final vowel: neutral feelings, Aka Grandma directness, bluntness Abbreviated emotive forms: (2) short stressed vowel + voiced final vowel thawiyan brother-in-law, EMO Thawi; : diminutive, poetic, close (etc.) feelings, awadhe mother’s brother; sister’s child, EMO gentleness, politeness

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 437 Rod Mitchell

This phonological contrast is largely Some words also differ in meaning unique to Kalaw Lagaw Ya, and is of depending on whether the reference is to relatively recent development. The use of sea-life or general life. the perfective active singular present as a rangadh: seaman’s use mast, upright (the real polite/soft imperative exists in all dialects; meaning of the word); general use journey however, the form ends in -iz in Kalaw gamu, GY gaamu: seaman’s use hull; general Lagaw Ya: nagiz [na:giz], uthiz [u:tiz], use body (the core meaning) pùráthiz, mathamiz, and the imperative waaku: seaman’s use sail; general use mat ends in i with bisyllabic roots, and Ø when (the core meaning) the stem is of three or more syllables, with elision of the final stem syllable, thus nagi Speakers with little sea experience can also [na:gi], uthi [u:ti], pùrath [pùrat] and misuse terms to do with the sea, such as matham [matam]. Guthath/Guthathbœbu, which for sailors is any upwind current (a difficult current to sail in), while others often use this to refer to the Sea Language eastwards flowing current.Kulis/Kulisbœbu , Sea language for an island people is difficult down-wind current (a good current to sail in), is to distinguish from ‘land-lubber’s’ speech. likewise understood by the same speakers to However, there are a few specifically refer to the westward flowing current. seaman’s words/phrases which deal with life ‘Baby Language’. One characteristic of the and work at sea, and which often appear in pronunciation used when speaking to babies songs to do with the sea: and toddlers (as well as exaggerated ‘diminutive travel speech’) is that certain sounds change their seaman’s terms – rangadh puydhan hang pronunciation, such as the following: the mast, rab puydhan hang the mast, wœrpu normal form ‘baby’ form puydhan hang in water, puydhan hang s > t pùùsi cat, puss pùti pussy, general terms – yawaran travel, yawan uzari go pussy-cat sisi sister, titi by travel, yawan ulayka be going by travel, yawar female friend, manin give/do travel, mizi/mizin move, go ‘sis’ back, stern z > j za thing ja zazi grass skirt jaji seaman’s term – kùn, GY kùùna r > d ari rain; louse adi general term – kal gaar sympathy gaad id.; also front, bow(s), prow particle/please ‘pretty please’ seaman’s term – buway ng > Ø, w, m ngapa come, apa, mapa bring (particle) general term – paaru ngùrsi mucus, ùrti, wùrti, heap up, swell (waves) snot mùrti seaman’s term – lu gimamanin ‘hump up’ general term – kœyza/kœynga mizi ‘get big’ make tight, tauten, tighten (e.g. rope) seaman’s term – tekotpalan (tekot large puffer fish, palan cause) general term – mœgimadhpalan (mœgi small, mœdh strap, palan cause)

438 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

APPENDIX 1: HOLMAN ET AL. (2008) 40- Trans-Fly; PP PamaNyungan; POC Proto WORD LIST Oceanic; PSEPA Proto South East Papuan Austronesian; PPN Proto-Polynesian CA Common Australian; MM Meriam Mìr; PAN Proto Austronesian; PCD Proto Central Meriam data from: Lilian Passi, Karen Loban, District Austronesian; PETrF Proto Eastern Brian Bero and Nikki Piper.

item origin (where known) louse ari unknown origin MM nem (PETrF *ŋamo) two ùka-(in compounds, etc.) PP *gujarra ùkasar/kosar two in number (ùka- two + -sar(a) small number) MM neis (PETrF *ni- one, two) water uur/wur/wœr, archaic KKY wœyr PSEPA *wair (ngùki drink, drinking water, juice, etc.) (PP *ŋugu/ŋugi) MM gur (PETrF *gurV water) (MM ni ‘fresh water, drink, juice’; PETrF *niya) ear kawra PP *gaalu (kùrusay- in certain compounds PETrF *kulu/*kuru hear, listen) MM laip, girip (unknown origin) death uuma (also unconsciousness) unknown origin cf. awum(a) keening, wailing, mourning (for a death) MM eumi Sg, baum PL ‘die’ I ngay/ngayi PP *ŋay(i) MM ka (PETrF *ka[nV]) liver siiba (also centre) PP *jiba MM o (PETrF *owo) eye 1. pùrka 1. unknown orgin 2. daana (also life; lagoon, pool) 2. PSEPA *dano lake, pool MM ponì (unknown origin), erkep (PETrF *irV see, *kapu body part) hand geth, GY geetha unknown origin (in compounds also finger) MM tag ‘hand, arm’ (PETrF *taaŋV hand, arm) hear karnge[mi]-; karnga- unknown origin MM asor VN (unknown origin) (cf. ear; cf. PSEPA *roŋor) tree puuy(i) magic; plant, tree (older *puuři) PSEPA *puli magic, etc MM lu(g) ‘magic; plant, tree’ (PETrF *(w)uli[ ], *lugV tree, wood, cf. PP *lugu tree, wood) fish waapi unknown origin MM lar (unknown origin) name nel (rare Saibai variant: ney) PETrF *nyily[ao] MM nei stone kùla 1. PP *gul(g)an MM bakìr 2. PETrF *kula tooth dhang, GY dhaanga (also edge) PP *jaaŋa tooth, edge, etc. MM tìrìg ‘tooth’ (cf. ereg ‘eat’) PETrF *daŋa tooth, edge, etc. MM deg edge

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 439 Rod Mitchell

item origin (where known) breasts susu (also white sap; loaf) 1. PP *juju breast, milk MM náno ‘breast’ 2. PETrF *su(n)su breast, milk MM sus ‘white sap’ 3. PSEPA *susu breast, milk M nánosus ‘milk’ path yabu, GY yaabu 1. PETrF *gaabo MM gab 2. POC *tyapu you ni KLY/KulY (MY-KY) PP *ŋin ngi KKY,OKY MM ma (PETrF *ma(nV)) fire muy (B,KY mœy) unknown origin MM ur (PETrFG *uur[ ]) tongue nœy unknown origin MM werut (PETrF *wilutV) skin gœngáw, GY gœngaawu PP *[ ]agurr MM gegur night kubil derived?, cf. kùbi charcoal (bùngil, bongil, KKY bongel last night) (PSEPA *mpoŋi night) MM ki (PETrF *kiya) leaf niisa unknown origin MM lam, lulam (lu ‘plant’) (*laama: PETrF leaf) blood kùlka unknown origin MM mam (unknown origin) horn n/a n/a person mabayg derived, lit. walker MM le (PETrF *lilo/lilu) (maaba walk + iga personal nominal) knee kulu; cf. kudu elbow, kœru corner PETrF *kolo/kulu knee, elbow, MM kolo, kokni (cf. KLY kokan(i) knee cap) corner (PETrF *koko leg joint, *ni[ ] ?; cf KLY kuku inside part of cf. PSEPA *turu knee, elbow knee, knee joint, danakuk(u) ankle [daana pool, eye, life], pokuk(u) heel) one wara/war one of a group, other unknown origin MM nerut ‘other’, wader ‘some, others’ PETrF *ni+[rl]utV one, other warapùn(i)/wœrapùn/ùrapùn/ùrpùn one PP *ɲupun one MM netat ‘one, one of a group’ PETrF *[yi/dVr]ponV one PETrF *ni+ta[tr]V one, one of a group proto-Urradhi-Gudang *nipiyamana one nose piti, GY piiti unknown origin MM pit ‘nose, beak, point (land)’

440 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

item origin (where known) full 1. pùsakar 1. unknown origin, derived?, 2. gùdapœlam (mainly KKY) cf. sakar space, room MM (e)osmer (specialised use of ‘protrude, show self’) 2. derived (gùda mouth, opening SLoc, pala-ma- cause-verb formant) come 1. ngapa transitive/intransitive 1. cf. nga- 1st person, cf. pa- telic 2. bœy, buy intransitive prefix, -pa dative, -pa(y) ahead 3. aye, KKY aya imperative there MM ta- (verb prefix) (PETrF *ta come) 2. cf. pœypay, KKY bœy near- side, this side, front side 3. Malay (or other) loan ? ayo, ayu star thithúy, GY thithuuyi, OKY thithúři PSEPA*pituqon star, *waRi sun PCD *pitui, *pitiu, *pitiriu star, MM wer ‘star’; cf. WCL Wœy, GY Wœœyi *wari sun cf. PETrF *mpinto[m], *ware (OKY Wœři) Venus (the Morning Star) star hill paada (also tip, top, height, size; 1. PP *baanda top cf. bawdhar mountain) 2. PETrF *pantárV, *podo hill, MM paser mountain 3. PSEPA *pantar hill, mountain bone riidh(a) (also leaf rib) PETrF *rii[rd]a/*raa[rd]i bone, MM lid ‘bone, leaf rib’ leaf rib we 1. ngœy, stem ngœlmù- (KKY ngœymù-) PL EXC 1. PP *ŋali we PL INC ngal[e]-: ngalbay, KKY ngalbe, archaic KulY ngœibai DU EXC MM ki, keri- ‘we EXC’ (PETrF *ki(ni))

2. ngœba DU INC 2. PP *ŋanapula we DU EXC ngalpa, stem ngalpù, KKY ngalpa- PL INC MM mi, meri- ‘we INC’ (PETrF *mi(ni)) drink wani- unknown origin (perhaps derived from the active form MM iri (PETrF *ini/ani/ina) wana-i- of wana put see iima- see, find PP *kiima see (cf. naga-i- look, watch) MM erdar (stem er-), dasmer (PETrF *ira eye) (PP *nya-ga-) new kayin(a) PETrF *kari[kari]/*kira[kira] MM kerkar dog ùmáy PETrF *omai MM omai sun gœyga (gœygœyi-) sun, day, OKY gœřigař (i) PP *gari MM gerger ‘day, daylight’ (lìm ‘sun’, PETrF *lomi/*limo)

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 441 Rod Mitchell

APPENDIX 2: THE HIÁMO umai and samu augadh [crocodile, dog, cassowary totem]) Lawrie (1971) recorded the following on The song refers to the Kiwai colonisation the 11th of September, 1971, at Dauan from that drove the Hiámu away. Yabugùd, GY Sawia Wosomo of Mabudauan, a Kiwai yabugùùda is a compound of yabu path, colony opposite Saibai. (Many thanks to way and gùd, GY gùùda mouth, opening. Anna Shnukal, personal communication 28 The ending -yab gives a totality feeling – Feb 2004, for finding this entry and passing there were lots of Kiwai (canoes) filling up it on to me. The items in square brackets are the passage way coming to Daru. The last my additions): sentence refers to the forced movement of Daru people stayed at Waiben [Thursday the Kauraraiga to Mua in 1922/1923. Island], where there is a wharf and where the District Office is today. They moved from Examples of song lines said by the Daru there [Daru] because of fighting between Kiwai to be in the language of the Hiámo them and the people of Kiwai islands. They (found in song cycles and so on) include the came to the big reef between Wapa and Tudu following; these vary in understandability which, in their language, they call Tabaiari from close to modern forms to “obscure”: [WCL Thabay Ari Shoulder Rain]; from 1st example: Tabaiari they went to Tudu. As they went Daudai kibuia Daudai kuruka kuruka mataiba they sang this song: kuruka gamu rupuradara. Böiaba gud (aiaba) Reconstructed form: Kiwaiiza Dhaudhai kibuya, dhaudhai kùlùka, kùlùka Ngita ngabepa o ngabepa o nathaipa, Ina böingapa o o o. kùlùka[dh]gam urudha paledha. Free translation: Lit.: Comes passage/People of Kiwai/You (many) Along the western horizon on the mainland is a for whom you are coming?/Here comes blood red sunset, the redness spread out in rope- [Bœy yabugùdayab, a // Kiwai za // Ngitha like streams. ngabepa, o, ngabepa, o, // Ina bœy ngapa, o, o, Composed after a heavy fight at Masingara o; full translation: Coming spread out all along the in Papua, where ‘the Hiamu were once passage way, ah/Kiwai thing/Who are you (plural) defeated by the bush-men [East Trans-Fly coming for (alt. Who did you come for)?] Papuans], and when paddling back to Daru From Tudu they went to Muri [just north they associated the red sunset with the blood of Cape York]. There were no people living of their slain friends’ (Landtman,1927: 261). at Tudu at that time. From Muri they went Note that it is not clear if mataiba was either to Thursday Island, landing at the place a misprint or mispronunciation of *nataiba. where the Customs House is today. They 2nd example: called it Waiben after the place from which Adiabuia Sidaiabuia, eh, Muri taiana they had come. From Hammond Island, Muri ngaulago Muri taiana. where they stayed for a long time (their home was near the wharf), they came to Reconstructed form: Mua, to Tutalai; then they went to Adam, Adhin yabuya, Sidhan yabuya, e, Muri thayan, a, then to Kubin. (These people were kadal, Muri ngaw laag, o, Muri thayan, a.

442 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Lantdman’s informant’s translation: Oh, altogether my good brother, altogether poor ‘You me go along road belong Adi, road belong people, he dead. Sido, you me go Murilago’ (Landtman, 1927: 337) That time me come, me plenty people; this time comes short, no much people. (Landtman, 1927: 424) Exact meaning: Along the Great One’s way, along Sidha’s way, Composed after a heavy fight in Papua. Of eh, Muri is chosen, ah, Muri is my home, oh, the samples given, this is the one the one that Muri is chosen, ah. (Muri, alt. Murilag, is Mt has been most affected by its Kiwai singers. Adolphus, off the tip of Cape York). The first line appears to be: Sidha/Sœidha was a ‘god’ figure credited with E, Iwiri kùthaig, o, e, saradh, i, kùthaig, o, allowing death to be created, as well as bringing [djódji] wœrai, a, e, [djódji] kùthaig, o. fertility and plants to various places in South- Oh, Iwiri, younger brother, oh, eh, tern-like, ee, West Papua and Torres Strait (Landtman, 1927: younger brother, oh, [djódji] on the water, ah, eh, 280-297; Haddon, 1908: 19-23). [djódji] younger brother, oh. 3rd example: The second line is much more conjectural: Múiere djugúri kádji ngatómi ímaidina Iwiri, mawári mœgi wú daká wœriman, múiere ngátomína. sapu sapu sayapa (alt. saiyab, a). Múiere ngátomína ímadína o-wáwa nga Iwiri, [mawári] small~little [wu] struck on the ngátomína. face-side, spray, spray everywhere on the mud. Reconstructed form: There is little in the words themselves that Múyere, zuguli kazi, ngathu mina imadhina, suggest the meaning given by Landtman’s Múyere, ngathu mina. informants, apparently after great difficulty. Múyere, ngathu mina imadhina, o, wa, wa, The reference to a battle given by the singers nga-ngathu mina. to Landtman is probably correct. Being a song, Very uncertain meaning: Múiere and a there will be imagery, simile, and similar “boy lucky for everything” are mentioned. devices with extra-textual meanings. Iwiri (Landtman, 1927: 402). (small, smooth leafed, small fruited fig) may have been a specific person who was killed then, and Free translation: likened to a tern that disappeared in sea spray. Muiere, skilled/lucky youth, I truly saw him, Spray and mist are common similes for sorrow Muiere, I truly did. at departure and loss in Torres Strait poetry. Muiere, I truly saw, oh, yes, yes, I, I truly did. The untranslated words could be: This song contains the archaic forms zuguli mawári: maway (Kauřařaigau Ya mawaři) (modern dialects zogol, Kalaw Lagaw Ya initiation attendant/instructor; or: mawal zugul skilled at hunting) and ngathu I (modern (archaic form mawalai) masks, heads – a word forms ngatha/ngath I instrumental); zuguli with has a strong reference to sorcery, and (as well as zugulai, zugule and zuguli) and can also be used to mean sorcerer; ngathu were the forms of the Kauraraigau Ya of the mid-to-late 1800s. djódji: zaazi grass skirt, or kœzi from here, or seizi from there 4th example: Eh, ivíri kutáigo, eh, sarádi kutáigo djódji The Kauřařaiga dialect of the mid-1800s, vuráya, eh, djódji kutáigo. personal names and cultural characteristics such Ivíri mawári mógiwúda káworíma sábu as clan/moiety structure, funeral ceremonies, sábu saéba. material culture, magic culture and so on

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 443 Rod Mitchell show that Kauřařaiga considered themselves LITERATURE CITED Islanders, not Aboriginal, as is evident in the Brierly 1848-1850 records (Moore, 1979). It also ALPHER, B. 1991. Yir-Yoront (Mouton de Gruyter: Berlin). shows closer similarities to the Kalaw Kawaw Ya dialect of the far north than it does now; ALPHER, B., O’GRADY, G. & BOWERN, C. 2008. Western Torres Strait language classification the Hiámo records show the same similarity, and development. In C. Bowern, B. Evans and L. as do very archaic songs in Kùlkalgau Ya. Miceli (eds), Morphology and language history: in The traditionally close relationship of the honour of Harold Koch, pp. 15-30. (John Benjamins: Amsterdam). Kauřařaiga to the Kulkalgal is also significant, suggesting a common “tribal” origin (Mitchell, AUSTIN, P. 1981. A grammar of Diyari, South Australia. (Cambridge University Press: 1995, Introduction: 7-8). Cambridge). Whether or not there were resident Australians BANI, E. 1971. A proposal for a new spelling on the Mùralag group when the Hiámo system for the Western Island Language of Torres Stait. In E. Bani and T.J. Klokeid (eds), Papers on arrived, or, as Badu folk history suggests, the Western Island language of Torres Strait. Final settlers originally from Badu, is not mentioned Report to the Australian Institute of Aboriginal in the Hiamo stories; in any case the Kauřařaiga Studies, Canberra. came to dominate while maintaining close BANI, M. & BANI, D. 2011. Koemathnab. http:// relationships with the Gudang and related www.slq.qld.gov.au/whats-on/exhibit/online/ retold/koemuthnab. (John Oxley Library: Brisbane) mainlanders as well as the Central Islanders. BARHAM, A.J. 1999. The local environmental The name itself is telling; kauřařaiga means impact of prehistoric populations on Saibai Islander, being Kauřařaigau Ya kauřa island Island, northern Torres Strait, Australia: enigmatic suffixed by the proprietive suffix -lai (> -řai in an evidence from Holocene swamp lithostratigraphic assimilation rule common to all dialects except records. Quaternary International 59: 71-105. Kalaw Kawaw Ya) and the personalising suffix CAPELL, A. 1956. A new approach to Australian -IGA. The Hiámo would not have referred to linguistics. (University of Sydney: Sydney). themselves as ‘Hiámo’, but rather used a term CARTER,M. & LILLEY, I. 2008. Between the Australian and Melanesian realms: the archaeology that was something like kauřařaiga islander. of the Murray Islands and consideration of a Sawia Wosomo’s account also suggests that settlement model for Torres Strait. In J. Connelly the Hiámo name for Daru (Dhaaru in the and M. Campbell (eds), Comparative Island Archaeologies, pp. 121-134. (British Archaeological Western and Central Language) was Waiben Reports: Oxford). (older Waibeni), or at least part there-of, the COMRIE, B. 1981. Ergativity and grammatical the Western and Central Language name for relations in Kalaw Lagaw Ya. Australian Journal of Thursday Island. Linguistics 1: 1-42. One very important fact about both Brierly’s CROWLEY, T. 1978. The middle Clarence dialects of Bandjalang. (Australian Institute of Aboriginal records (Moore, 1979) and the information Studies: Canberra). given by Painauda of Mùralag to Haddon CROWLEY, T. 1983. Uradhi. In R.M.W. Dixon and (Haddon, 1904) is that the main marriage B.J. Blake (eds), Handbook of Australian languages, partners of the Kauraraiga people were Vol. 3, pp. 306-428. (The Australian National the Italgal (Mua) and the Kùlkalgal (Nagi- University Press: Canberra). Waraber), and to a lesser extent the Gudang. DAVID, B., MCNIVEN, I.J., MITCHELL, R., ORR, Marriages with other Islanders appear M., HABERLE, S., BRADY, L. & CROUCH, J. 2004. Badu 15 and the Papuan-Austronesian settlement to have been rare, while marriages with of Torres Strait. Archeology in Oceania 39(2): 65-78. other mainland people appears to have DAVID, B. MCNIVEN, I.J., RICHARDS, T., only occurred through raids, that is to say, CONNAUGHTON, S., LEAVESLEY, M., stealing women. BARKER, B., ROWE, C. 2011. Lapita sites in the

444 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015 Ngalmun Lagaw Yangukudu: the Language of our homeland

Central Province of mainland . collected papers. Pp. 81-103. (Summer Institute of World Archaeology 43(4): 580-597. Linguistics: Darwin). DIXON, R.M.W. 2002. Australian languages. KIRK, R.L. 1972. Torres Strait - channel or barrier (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge). to human gene flow? In D. Walker (ed) Bridge and barrier: the natural and cultural history of Torres Strait, DONOHUE, M., and TERRILL, A. 1996. Getting pp. 367-374. (Research School of Pacific Studies, it straight across the Strait: a link between New Australian National University: Canberra). Guinea and Cape York languages. Seminar, Dept of Linguistics, Research School of Asian and Pacific LAADE, W. 1968. The Torres Strait Islanders’ own Linguistics, (Australian National University: traditions about their origin. Ethnos 33: 141-158. Canberra). LANDTMAN, G. 1927. The Kiwai Papuans of ELIA (Lifu), 1884. Ina Evangelico Mareko British New Guinea. (MacMillan and Company, Minarpalan. (F. Cunningham & Co: Sydney); Ltd: London). excerpts in Ray and Haddon (1897: 165-171). LAWRENCE, D. 1989. From the Other Side. FOLEY, W.A. 1986. The Papuan langauges of New Recently collected oral evidence of contacts Guinea. (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge). between the Torres Strait Islanders and the Papuan peoples of the southwestern coast. FORD, K. & OBER, D. 1991. A sketch of Kalaw Aboriginal History 13: 95-123. Kawaw Ya. In S. Romaine (ed.), Language in Australia, pp. 118-142. (Cambridge University LAWRIE, M. 1970. Myths and legends of Torres Press, Cambridge). Strait. (University of Queensland Press: St. Lucia). GAULAI/PAIDAN (Jimmy Mobyag), 191?. LAWRIE, M. 1971. Margaret Lawrie Collection 1791, Gaulai’s notebook, ms. (Fryer Library, University of John Oxley Library, Brisbane. Queensland: Brisbane). LYNCH, J. 1994. Melanesian sailors on a HADDON, A.C. (ed.) 1904. Reports of the Cambridge Polynesian sea: maritime vocabulary in southern Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits. Vol. V. Vanuatu. In A.K. Pawley and M.D. Ross (eds), sociology, magic and religion of the Western Islanders. Austronesian Terminologies: Continuity and Change, (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge). pp. 289-300. (Australian National University Press: Canberra). HADDON, A.C. (ed.) 1908. Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits. Vol. VI: MARCK, J. 1994. Proto-Micronesian terms for the sociology, magic and religion of the Eastern Islanders. physical environment. In A.K. Pawley and M.D. (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge). Ross (eds), Austronesian terminologies: continuity and change, pp. 301-328. (Australian National HADDON, A.C. 1935. Reports of the Cambridge University Press: Canberra): Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, Vol. 1: General Ethnography. (Cambridge University MACGILLIVRAY, J. 1852. Narrative of the voyage of Press: Cambridge). HMS Rattlesnake. (T.W. Boone: London). HOLMAN, E.W., WICHMANN, S., BROWN, MCNIVEN, I.J. 2006. Dauan 4 and the emergence C.H., VELUPILLAI, V., MÜLLER, A. & BAKKER, of ethnographically-known social arrangements D. 2008. Explorations in automated language across Torres Strait 600-800 years ago. Australian classification.Folia Linguistica 42(2): 331–354. Archaeology 62: 1-12. HUNTER, J., BOWERN, C. & ROUND, E. 2011. MCNIVEN, I.J., DAVID, B., RICHARDS, T., Reappraising the Effects of Language Contact in the APLIN, K., ASMUSSEN, B., MIALANES, J., Torres Strait. Journal of Language Contact 4: 106-140. LEAVESLEY, M., FAULKNER, P., ULM, S. 2011. New directions in human colonisation of the KENNEDY, R. 1981. Phonology of Kala Lagaw Pacific: Lapita settlement of south coast New Ya in Saibai dialect. In B. Waters (ed.), Australian Guinea. Australian Archaeology 72:1-6. phonologies: collected papers, pp. 103-137. Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, MCNIVEN, I.J., DICKINSON, W.R., DAVID, B., Australian Aborigines Branch A, 5. WEISLER, M., VON GNIELINSKI, F., CARTER, M., & ZOPPI, U. 2006. Mask Cave: red-slipped KENNEDY, R. 1985a. Clauses in Kala Lagaw Ya. pottery and the Australian-Papuan settlement of In S. Ray (ed.), Aboriginal and Islander grammars: Zenadh Kes (Torres Strait). Archaeology in Oceania collected papers, pp. 59-77. (Summer Institute of 41(2): 49-81. Linguistics: Darwin). MERLAN, F. 1983. Ngalakan grammar, texts and KENNEDY, R. 1985b. Kalaw Kawaw Verbs. In vocabulary. Pacific Linguistics Series B - No. 89. S. Ray (ed.), Aboriginal and Islander grammars: (Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The

Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8 (1)  2015 | 445 Rod Mitchell

Australian National University: Canberra). Ya into English. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies Unit Research Report Series Vol. MITCHELL, R. 1995. Linguistic Archeology in 3. (University of Queensland Press: St Lucia). Torres Strait. Unpublished MA thesis (James Cook University: Townsville). SIMPSON, B. 1971-1974. Mabuiag field notes, ms. (in the keeping of Rod Mitchell) MOOKE, T. and SIMPSON, B. 1972. Mabuiag Lag. Unpublished stories, Mabuyag Island Council, SOLOMON, W. 1959. Stories by Weipa Solomon Mabuyag. (daughter of Waria), told to Jeremy Beckett, Badu 1959. English translations by Joe Mairu. Ms. MOORE, D.R. 1979. Islanders and Aborigines at Cape York: an ethnographic reconstruction based on SOMMER, B.A. 1969. Kunjen phonology: synchronic the 1848-1850 ‘Rattlesnake’ Journals of O.W. Brierly and diachronic. Pacific Linguistics Series B, and information he obtained from Barbara Thompson. Monographs No. 11. (Research School of Pacific (Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies: and Asian Studies, The Australian National Canberra). University: Canberra). NGAJEDAN, M. 1987, Kamus etimologi Bahasa THOMASON, S.G. & Kauffmann, T. 1988.Language Indonesia. (Dahara Prize: Semarang). Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. (University of California Press: Los Angeles). O’GRADY, G.N. 1979. Preliminaries to a Proto Pama-Nyungan stem list. In Wurm, S. (ed.) WURM, S.A. 1972. Torres Strait - a linguistic barrier? Australian linguistic studies, pp. 103-139. Pacific In D. Walker (ed.), Bridge and barrier: the natural Linguistics, Series C, no.54. (Research School of and cultural history of Torres Strait, pp. 345-366. Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National (Australian National University Press: Canberra). University: Canberra). WURM, S.A. 1975. The Trans-Fly (Sub-Phylum RAY, S.H. 1907. Reports of the Cambridge Level) Stock. In S.A. Wurm (ed.), Papuan languages Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, Vol. and the New Guinea linguistic scene, pp. 323- 3: Linguistics. (Cambridge University Press: 348. Vol. 1, Pacific Linguistics Series C, no. 38. Cambridge). (Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University: Canberra). RAY, S.H. & HADDON, A.C. 1897. A study of the languages of Torres Straits, Part 2. (Dublin University Press: Dublin). REESINK, G.P., L. FLEISCHMANN, S. TURPEINEN, & P.C. LINCOLN, 1976. A dialect survey of eastern Trans-Fly languages. Pacific Linguistics, Series A, no.45. (Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University: Canberra). ROSS, M.D. 1994. Central Papuan cultural history: some lexical evidence. In A.K. Pawley and M.D. Ross (eds), Austronesian terminologies: continuity and change, pp. 389-480. Pacific Linguistics Series C, Vol. 127. (Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University: Canberra). ROSS, M, PAWLEY, A, and OSMOND, M. (eds) 1998. The Lexicon of Proto-Oceanic. 1 Material culture. Pacific Linguistics Series C, vol. 152. (Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University: Canberra). SHNUKAL, A. 1988. Broken: an introduction to the of Torres Strait. Pacific Linguistics Series C, no.107. (Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University: Canberra). SHNUKAL, A. & MITCHELL, R. with NAGATA, Y. 1998. Eseli’s notebook: translated from Kala Lagaw

446 | Memoirs of the Queensland Museum | Culture  8(1)  2015