The Status and Vitality of Moroccan Tamazight and Darija

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Authors Graybill, Aaron James

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THE STATUS AND VITALITY OF MOROCCAN TAMAZIGHT AND DARIJA

by

Aaron James Graybill

______Copyright © Aaron James Graybill 2019

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the

SCHOOL OF MIDDLE EASTERN AND NORTH AFRICAN STUDIES

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

2019

Acknowledgements

This thesis would not have been possible if it were not for the numerous people who helped me along the way. I want to thank my committee Drs. Samira Farwaneh, Julia Clancy-Smith, and

Mahmoud Azaz for their invaluable insights and mentorship through this process. I am grateful to my friend Fatima Anaam, who was kind enough to help me with the Tifinagh transcription and translation of El-Othmani’s Tamazight statement shown in Appendices B.1 and B.3 respectively. I also want to thank my family for their unwavering support during the writing process. Additionally, I credit and thank my Judo mentor, the late James H. Takemori, who always encouraged me to prioritize my academic work. Thank you all.

3 Table of Contents

Acknowledgements 3

Abstract 7

Chapter 1: Introduction 8

Tamazight 8

Moroccan Arabic (Darija) 10

Diglossia in Morocco 11

Table 1: H and L diglossic categories of use 12

Figure 1: Moroccan Diglossia with Bilingualism 13

Figure 2: Moroccan Diglossia without Bilingualism 13

The Moroccan Sociolinguistic Landscape 14

Figure 3: National Library of the Kingdom of Morocco text 15

Figure 4: Neo-Tifinagh 15

Research Questions 16

Chapter 2: Literature and Historical Review 18

Language Planning and Policy 18

Language Vitality 20

Figure 5: Ethnolinguistic Vitality 21

Pre-Colonial History and Language Practices 23

Colonial History and Language Policies 24

Post-Independence Policies 26

Figure 6: Number of hours of instruction by discipline 29

Figure 7: The Banner for the Ministry of Education 30

4 Chapter 3: Methodology 31

Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS) 31

Table 2: EGIDS Classifications 32

Table 3: Specialized EGIDS designations: 33

UNESCO Language Vitality Factors 34

Factor 1: Intergenerational Language Transmission 34

Factor 2: Number of Speakers 35

Factor 3: Proportion of Speakers within the Total Population 36

Factor 4: Trends in Existing Language Domains 37

Factor 5: Response to New Domains and Media 37

Factor 6: Materials for Language Education and Literacy 38

Factor 7: Official Attitudes toward Language 39

Factor 8: Community Members’ Attitudes toward Language 40

Factor 9: Language Documentation 41

Chapter 4: Results and Analysis 42

Tarifit’s Vitality 42

Table 4: Linguistic vitality of Tarifit 45

Central Atlas Tamazight’s Vitality 46

Table 5: Linguistic vitality of Central Atlas Tamazight 49

Tashelhit’s Vitality 49

Table 6: Linguistic vitality of Tashelhit 52

Darija’s Vitality: 52

Table 7: Linguistic vitality of Darija 56

Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion 58

5 Table 8: Linguistic vitality of Moroccan Tamazight 59

Revisiting the Research Questions 61

Critiquing the Vitality Factors 62

The Future of Tamazight 64

Appendices 66

Appendix A.1: Article 5 of the Moroccan Constitution 66

Appendix A.2: Article 5 of the Moroccan Constitution in English 67

Appendix B.1: El-Othmani’s Statement (Neo-Tifinagh Text) 68

Appendix B.2: El-Othmani’s Statement (Phonetic Transcription) 68

Appendix B.3: El-Othmani’s Statement (English translation) 68

Appendix C.1: Speech Community Sizes: Based on Population Growth 69

Appendix C.2: Speech Community Sizes from the Moroccan Census 69

References 70

6

Abstract

Various social and political factors determine language status and vitality. These factors are fluid and change over time, making status harder to measure. However, through an overview of the recent political and educational history, and current events in Morocco, I chart the status changes of Darija (Moroccan Arabic) and Tamazight (Berber) using the UNESCO language vitality framework. The results show that Tamazight is shifting in its respective status and vitality. In contrast, Darija, while maintaining linguistic vitality demographically and historically, lacks institutional support. This lack of institutional support has implications for key vitality factors and stems from its subordinate place in relation to Standard Arabic. Tamazight, after the recent history of marginalization, is beginning to enjoy increased institutional support. The result is an increase in Tamazight broadcasting and textbooks as well as the appointment of an Amazigh Prime Minister. However, despite this support, Tamazight is still in a demographic decline, and it remains to be seen whether government interventions will slow or reverse this language shift.

Keywords: Language vitality, language policy, Morocco, Tamazight, Darija, and status shift

7 Chapter 1: Introduction

Situated in the northwest corner of Africa, Morocco is at a linguistic crossroads. Its geography and history created a highly multilingual space. As of 2011, it is officially a bilingual country with Arabic and Tamazight as co-official languages. Though, in reality, Spanish,

French,1 Tamazight,2 and Arabic help comprise a multilingual milieu. Sadiqi divides these languages into two categories: written (French, Spanish, and Standard Arabic) and spoken

(Moroccan Arabic and Tamazight) (2003, p. 45). However, Tamazight and Arabic need further examination. Broadly, Tamazight refers to numerous related language varieties spoken throughout North Africa. To limit the scope of this thesis, I address the three varieties with the highest number of speakers: Tarifit, Central Atlas Tamazight, and Tashelhit. The next two sub- sections address the primarily oral languages spoken in Morocco.

Tamazight:

As mentioned in the previous paragraph Tamazight is more of an umbrella term for a series of related language varieties spoken in North Africa. The three main varieties spoken in

Morocco are Tarifit, Central Atlas Tamazight, and Tashelhit. According calculations based on the Moroccan census, these varieties are spoken by approximately 1.3 million, 2.6 million, and

4.7 million speakers respectively. However, various researchers have given estimates that

Tamazight is the mother tongue for almost half of Morocco (Sadiqi 2003, p. 46). Historically,

1 Moroccan French falls under the category of Maghrebi French, which in turn shares aspects with other African varieties of French. 2 Tamazight is also known as Berber. Though I use the former due to the latter's association with the Latin term for a barbarian. There is also a recent trend in recent work to refer the varieties as Amazigh (cf. Soulimani 2015; Alalou 2018).

8 Tamazight was even used by the various Amazigh dynasties up through the Marinids as a language of the royal court (Shatzmiller 2000, p. 92).

Tarifit takes its name from the Rif region in the north where a majority of its speakers reside. Speakers of Central Atlas Tamazight reside in the center of the country and the High

Atlas Mountains, thus the variety’s namesake. Tashelhit is found in the Southern portion of

Morocco near the cities of Agadir and Marrakesh as well as the Anti-Atlas and Sous regions.

Indigenous to North Africa, Tamazight varieties have been influenced by centuries of contact with various languages. These languages include but are not limited to Late-Latin, French3,

Spanish, and Arabic4. Over a millennium of language contact with both Classical and dialectal varieties of Arabic have resulted in numerous lexical borrowings into Tamazight (Krossmann

2013, p. 1). However, the influence was not unilateral, and Tamazight has influenced dialectal

Arabic both lexically5 and phonologically (Chtatou 1997).

Used primarily orally, speakers of Tamazight varieties have in the past written them in

Latin and Arabic derived scripts. Written documents in Tamazight in Morocco date back to the

Middle Ages where writers employed what appears to be a highly standardized form for writing

(van der Boogert 2000, p. 357). In neighboring Algeria, Tamazight speakers wrote with a modified Latin alphabet starting in the with French occupation (Tilmatine & Suleiman 1996, p.

167). Following, the establishment of the Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture (IRCAM), researchers chose neo-Tifinagh as the official script for writing Tamazight in Morocco

(Soulimani 2015).

3 The word “tomobil” /ʈɔmɔbil/ (car), represents a borrowing from French 4 Lmaktaba (library), represents a borrowing directly from Arabic. Additionally, lfirma (farm) represents a term that was borrowed into Moroccan Arabic and then borrowed into Tamazight. The evidence for this is the /l/ prefix which marks definiteness and is not used in words of Tamazight origin. 5 Examples of lexical borrowing from Tamazight into Moroccan Arabic include specialized vocabulary terms and titles such as Lalla (Lady/Madam) and Nagafa (An assistant to the bride).

9

Moroccan Arabic (Darija):

Moroccan Arabic or Darija functions as the lingua franca in Morocco with limited inter- dialect differences (Sadiqi 2003, p. 48). Sadiqi divides Darija into five varieties: Shamali6, Fassi,

Rabat/Casablanca variety, Marrakshi/Agadiri, and Hassaniya, corresponding to different regions and urban centers, noting that they are mainly mutually intelligible (2003, p. 48). These varieties are the product of language contact beginning with the arrival of Arabic in the 8th century CE.

The introduction of Arabic resulted in language contact where Tamazight borrowed various terms. The early linguistic shift, or Arabization, while taking hold in major urban centers, was still slow and somewhat limited in the countryside.

These early varieties can be classified as Pre-Hilalian and Hilalian dialects (Kossmann

2013). Arab and Amazigh soldiers in the Muslim army brought the Pre-Hilalian variety of

Arabic with influence from the Amazigh troops recruited in Tunisia who spoke Arabic as an L2

(Heath 2015:2). Hilalian Arabic however, is marked by the 11th-century migration of the Bani

Hilal from the Middle East into North Africa. Over time these two varieties mixed to form the modern Arabic dialects spoken in the Maghreb. As mentioned in the section on Tamazight, language contact also impacted the dialectal Arabic varieties spoken in Morocco. Like with

Tamazight, Darija came into contact with Latin7, French, and Spanish.

Like Tamazight, Darija remains a largely oral variety. That being said, with the growing use of new language domains such as texting and the internet, some Moroccans employ a written variety to communicate with their peers. Termed, Arabizi8 this system of writing uses Latin letters to write Arabic (Yaghan 2008, p. 41). For sounds Latin cannot represent numbers can be

6 Northern 7 One example of Latin borrowing into Moroccan Arabic is the possessive del (Heath 2015, p. 2). 8 Arabizi is written as “3rabizi” in the script.

10 a voiced pharyngeal ”ع“ substituted instead. For example, “3” can substitute for the Arabic letter

Because of the ability to .”ح“ fricative while “7” represents the voiceless pharyngeal fricative inflect and emphasize different aspects of a word, each Arabic dialect has a different form of

Arabizi (Yaghan 2008, p. 42). This form of writing presents a potential work around for those who associate the Arabic script with Classical and Modern Standard varieties of Arabic and do not want to use it to write Darija.

Diglossia in Morocco:

For the Arabic speech community, diglossia adds yet more nuance to the varieties of

Arabic that they speak. Marçais conducted early work on applying the term diglossia to describe the linguistic practices of the Arabic speech communities in North Africa (1930). Ferguson furthered the discussion of diglossia by establishing two categories for the varieties H (high) and

L (low) with each corresponding to different social functions (1959, p. 327)9. Ferguson noted that speakers use the high variety for official and formal purposes while they employ the low variety for socializing with friends and family (1959, p. 330).

Applying this to the Moroccan situation, a speaker would use a variety of Moroccan

Arabic or Darija for most daily interactions while using Standard or Classical Arabic for religious and administrative functions. These differences are socially enforced. Ferguson notes:

“A member of the speech community who uses H in a purely conversational situation or in an informal activity like shopping is equally and object of ridicule” (1959, p. 329). The following table from Ferguson’s article helps illustrate the different social uses of H and L:

9 The use of H and L carries the implication that one of the varieties is superior, this is reflective of the judgements speakers themselves (Ferguson 1959, p. 330). However, this does not indicate that there is an objective, inherent superiority of one variety.

11 Table 1: H and L diglossic categories of use

(Ferguson 1959, p. 329).

It is important to note that some of these categories are malleable, meaning that poetry, or a personal letter can be written in the L variety. Additionally, a political speech could contain instances of code-switching for stylistic purposes.

However, using Fishman’s definition of diglossia with bilingualism expands this further.

Fishman notes that diglossia serves more as a social role and argues that any speech community who uses two different varieties or two different languages for different social functions can be classified as diglossia (1967). Thus, in Paraguay certain speech communities use Guarani for the functions Ferguson had described as L and Spanish for the functions described as H (1959;

Fishman 1967). Applying this to the Moroccan context: it is possible for a Moroccan who is bilingual in French and Darija to use Darija as a low variety and French as the high variety for social functions. The various combinations of these possibilities are shown below:

12

(Figure 1: Moroccan Diglossia with bilingualism)

Figure one showcases two bilingual scenarios. The first is a bilingual Moroccan Arabic and French speaker. Here, the speaker uses Darija as the low variety while using Modern

Standard Arabic (MSA) as the high variety. By applying Fishman’s (1967) model of diglossia with bilingualism, it is also possible for that same speaker to use French as the high variety as well. This definition also accounts for bilingual speakers of Tamazight and Arabic.

Depending on the location and the audience present a Tamazight-Arabic bilingual can choose to use either Tamazight or Darija as the low variety while using MSA as the high variety.

However, this situation becomes more complex with a third language in the scenario. A trilingual

Tamazight-French-Arabic speaker would face the most choices. Having the option to choose to use either Darija or Tamazight for the low variety and either French or MSA for the high variety.

Subsequently, Figure 2 provides a classic example that meets the parameters for diglossia.

(Figure 2: Moroccan Diglossia without bilingualism)

Figure 2 helps illustrate the sociolinguistic situation in which Moroccan Arabic speakers operate even monolingually. In the monolingual instance, a speaker would use Darija to socialize

13 with family and friends but utilize Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) to read a newspaper, government documents, or listen to the news. That speaker would then, in turn, use Classical

Arabic to read the Qur’an and pray.

The Moroccan Sociolinguistic Landscape:

With this multilingual environment Moroccans will have judgements based on which languages should be used in which settings. Such views constitute linguistic attitudes. Some work has been conducted on Moroccan language attitudes, such as one Marley conducted, focused on language attitudes towards French and Arabic following a shift away from the previous decades of Arabization. Unfortunately, in this study, Tamazight was not named in the survey and is assumed to be listed under the category of “other languages” (Marley 2004).

Additionally, Hoffman addresses the language attitudes and practices in a Tashelhit in her ethnographic work (2008). One of the latest studies conducted on language attitudes centered around the Moroccan script debate on the adoption of Tifinagh instead of Arabic or Latin to write the varieties (Soulaimani 2015).

While there is some preliminary work on language attitudes in Morocco, an even more understudied aspect of the Tamazight varieties in Morocco is that of language vitality. Language vitality is essentially measuring the long-term language projections of what will happen in the coming decades as a result of changes in language policy. Language vitality then offers a method with which to view language shift and maintenance. Apart from the database Ethnologue, limited work exists focused on language vitality in Morocco. This thesis aims to address this lack of literature through a preliminary examination of the impact of constitutional recognition as well as government policies from the last twenty years on the varieties of Tamazight as well as its relation to Darija. The timing of this study is relevant since this is a newly emergent

14 sociolinguistic situation with the Moroccan government providing support and recognition to

Tamazight for the first time since achieving independence.

As part of constitutional recognition, government buildings in Rabat now have signs written in Arabic, Tamazight, and French as shown in figure three, with the text from the

National Library of Morocco:

(Figure 3: National Library of the Kingdom of Morocco text).

These signs more accurately reflect the multilingual reality of the country. One government entity was instrumental in the standardization of and the creation of the Tamazight portions of the government placards: The Royal Institute of Amazigh Culture (IRCAM). IRCAM was created in by a Royal Dahir to advise the King on Amazigh language-related issues. It was this organization that developed neo-Tifinagh which became the official writing system of

Moroccan Standard Tamazight. This new orthography is shown in figure four:

Figure 4: Neo-Tifinagh (IRCAM 2018)

I had the chance to visit IRCAM whose building is situated on a spacious campus built in the Souissi district of Rabat, the primary academic quarter of the city. There I witnessed the creation of language learning materials as well as the publication of Tamazight literature. Indeed, it is an impressive example of corpus planning. I note this because corpus planning can influence

15 language status which is the premise of Fishman’s 2006 work on corpus and status planning.

This standardization is an interesting phenomenon since Tamazight now has a uniform writing system which is something that dialectal Arabic in Morocco lacks.

Though, only time will tell if these measures will shift the status of Tamazight outside the few government agencies of Rabat. The reason is that this writing system has been criticized by scholars and activists as being impractical for teaching literacy (Soulimani 2015). In particular, the low number of teachers who know neo-Tifinagh well enough to teach it. Additionally, a significant number of Tamazight speakers who are literate are literate in either Arabic and Latin- based scripts. Adding another script could complicate teaching literacy, a major concern since the literacy rate is estimated to be only around 72% (World Bank 2017).

It was Soulimani’s language attitude survey that demonstrated that both a Latin-based and an Arabic script were more popular for writing Tamazight rather than neo-Tifinagh, a script which few were familiar with at the time (2015). Regardless, there have been noticeable changes between my visits to Morocco because upon my return three years later the tram stops, which originally had only bilingual French and Arabic signs, had adopted trilingual signs with

Tamazight. Following the adoption of neo-Tifinagh and growing political pressure, Tamazight finally received official recognition in 2011. That year, Morocco became the first country to recognize Tamazight as an official language.

Research Questions:

The text of the constitution states: “Likewise, Tamazight constitutes an official language of the State, being the common patrimony of all Moroccans without exception”10 (Article 5,

Constitution, 2011). This thesis seeks to examine the impact that this declaration and measures

ﺪﻌﺗ ﺔﯿﻐﯾزﺎﻣﻷا أ ﺎﻀﯾ ﺔﻐﻟ ﺔﯿﻤﺳر ﻟ ،ﺔﻟوﺪﻠ ﺑ ﺒﺘﻋﺎ ﺎھرﺎ اﺪﯿﺻر ﺎﻛﺮﺘﺸﻣ ﻊﯿﻤﺠﻟ ا ﺔﺑرﺎﻐﻤﻟ نوﺪﺑ ﺜﺘﺳا ﻨ .ءﺎ ا( رﻮﺘﺳﺪﻟ ا ﻲﺑﺮﻐﻤﻟ ٢٠١١) 10

16 related to it have had on the status and subsequent use of Tamazight particularly through the following research questions:

1. How has the recognition of Tamazight as an official language in Morocco

changed its status in comparison to Moroccan Arabic (Darija)?

2. If there is a status shift, does it change the linguistic power dynamic between

Darija and Tamazight?

3. Moreover, has the vitality of Tamazight increased as a result of official

recognition?

To answer these questions, I trace the historical development of the language policies of

Morocco from the colonial period to the present day, noting the changes that have resulted since the beginning of King Mohammed VI’s reign in Chapter 2. In Chapter 3 I discuss the language vitality analytical framework used in this thesis. Following this, in Chapter 4, I apply language vitality metrics specifically examining the Tamazight varieties and Darija. The final chapter is then the discussion and conclusion.

17 Chapter 2: Literature and Historical Review

Language Planning and Policy:

The study of language planning and policy at length is relatively new, dating to the late

1960s where the term “language planning” was used in academic literature (Baldauf 2010, p.

438). Kaplan and Baldauf offer the following definition “‘Language planning’ is an activity… intended to promote systematic linguistic change in some community of speakers” (1997, p. xi).

Simply put, the goal of language planning is to get a speaker or a group of speakers to change their language practices. Kaplan and Baldauf note that this has a different meaning than language policy since language planning refers to the activity itself while policy comprises the rules, laws, regulations, and practices about language (1997, p. xi). The policy attempts to enact or address the language plan. For language planning, there are multiple processes. Two of which address how to modify the language itself (corpus planning)11, and how to modify the environment in which it is used (status planning) (Kaplan and Baldauf 1997, p. 28). Status planning can consist of designating a variety as a national or official language or mandating a language’s use in certain domains such as using one particular language in court.

However, an additional aspect of language planning is needed: Acquisition planning.

This category of language planning first devised by Cooper, addresses planning focused on “… increasing the number of users – speakers, writers, listeners, or readers…” (1989, p. 33). Thus, acquisition planning can consist of a series of plans and policies for how the language should be taught or acquired by the community. Cooper argues that acquisition planning incorporates aspects from both of the established categories since language spread can be subsumed under

11 It should be noted that this is a rather simplified definition, and a language consists of more than just a corpus. However, a critique of the terms related to language planning is beyond the scope of this thesis.

18 status planning (1989, p. 33). What differentiates acquisition planning from status planning is its concern with the details of how a language is spread or learned (Cooper 1989, p. 33).

Some forms of language planning, at their earliest may not have involved a lot of conscious decision making (Kaplan and Baldauf 1997, p. x). Rather, these plans could be considered reflective of the language practices of a given speech community. Eggington refers to this as “unplanned language planning” (2010). Regardless of the intention, these plans were implemented on macro and micro-levels at various to achieve various language-related goals.

Macro levels would represent the state polices whereas micro policies could constitute a family policy or even an individual teacher’s classroom policy. Kaplan and Baldauf note language planning and policy have different meanings since language planning refers to the activity itself while policy comprises the rules, laws, regulations, and practices about language (1997, p. xi).

Language policy comprises the choices made by groups or individuals about a language

(Spolsky, 2004, p. 217). These actors can range from family policies to a political entity such as a nation state. These policy decisions can have a direct impact on a language’s given status.

Though, language status or prestige can be difficult to measure. Status is impacted by multiple factors and can change over time, for instance, if a higher status language moves into the

“linguistic neighborhood”, the original language may appear to lose status relative to a more global language.

An example of this would be the working languages of the African Union, an organization that Morocco recently re-joined. Out of the working languages, only two (Arabic and Kiswahili) are non-Indo-European languages and only one (Kiswahili) is indigenous to the

African continent and included solely under the provision in Article 25 that African languages are used if possible (Constitutive Act of the African Union 2000). The working languages,

19 including Arabic, represent global languages spoken outside Africa and have a high social status which earns them the label “economically useful”.

A slightly more concrete way to examine language status would be to examine language vitality. Language status cannot be uncoupled from that of language vitality since languages with high status across society and those with government support are more likely to thrive.

Essentially, the higher the language status, the higher the language’s vitality. As explained in the following section, multiple analytic frameworks for language vitality measures exist.

Language Vitality:

Simply put language vitality aims at determining whether a language is thriving or possibly endangered similar to how biologists and zoologists rank various species. Ideas of language vitality were employed by Giles, Bourhis, and Talyor to systematize the situational variables for intergroup relations (1977). The theory highlights the political, economic and linguistic realities that impact a given language variety (Glies, Bourhis, & Taylor 1977:308). As an analytic framework, language vitality establishes criteria for categorizing and ranking language endangerment. Ethnolinguistic vitality, an early model, proposed by Giles, Bourhis, and Taylor classify three categories that comprise the overall vitality: Status, Demography, and

Institutional Support (1977, p. 309). The following figure shows the breakdowns of the subcategories:

20

Figure 5. Ethnolinguistic Vitality (Giles, Bourhis & Taylor 1977, p. 309).

The status category is divided between Economic Status, Social Status, Sociohistorical

Status, and Language Status (Giles, Bourhis, & Taylor 1977, p. 310). In the first sub-section, economic status accounts for the degree of control a language group has over the economy. It would then follow that the language of the language group in question would be the one preferred for economic transactions.

The next sub-section is social status. This is closely tied to economic status and relates to the level of prestige that a community holds for itself as well as the deference an outgroup maintains towards the linguistic community in question (Giles et. al 1977, p. 310). This measurement is taken through the application of the UNESCO guidelines on language vitality

21 which like Ethnolinguistic language vitality, includes a section on status particularly noting government support.

The next section relates to demographics. This section is the most difficult one to provide data for due to the lack of census data conducted on languages spoken at home. Because of this, I will be using the available data from Ethnologue, the Moroccan censuses, and the World Bank to indicate speaker numbers as well as literacy rate, which as mentioned previously is estimated at

72% for Morocco (World Bank 2017). While Tamazight and Darija are the foci, it is important to note that French and Standard Arabic enjoy more institutional support (unofficially in the case of the former) than Darija and Tamazight combined due to the history of colonialism as well as socio-economic status elements.

The third section examines institutional support along both formal and informal categories. Evidence for formal support can be gathered through the language used for mass media, the language of instruction in schools, and whether government services can be accessed using the language. On the more informal side are the categories of industry, religion, and culture. The industry is a reference to the languages of commerce while religion can refer to liturgical languages. Culture is a category that is harder to define, but it can refer to various cultural institutions and traditions. In total, this framework is meant to provide a measurement of the overall language vitality.

However, while this framework provides a useful overview, there is no way to quantify the data to show an improvement or decline over time. This is why I opt to use the UNESCO vitality factors which, rank each factor on a scale of 0 to 5 with 5 being the highest level of vitality whereas 0 is for languages that have fallen into disuse among members of their speech communities. These factors range from the proportion of speakers in the general population to written materials available for education.

22 Pre-Colonial History and Language Practices:

Rather than being a colonial introduction, educational reform in Morocco dates back before the colonial era with the ‘Alawi dynasty’s reforms. A notable example of education reform occurred during Sultan Muhammad III’s reign in the 18th century (Miller, 2013, p. 10).

As Miller notes: “He personally revised the teaching curriculum in the mosques, prescribing the works to be studied, giving emphasis to simplified texts that demystified legal practice” (2013, p.

10).

Despite reforms and the history of the ‘Alawi dynasty, European power and influence would continue to grow. The events of the 19th century laid the groundwork for the beginning of colonization in Morocco. 1830, France conquers Algiers, the neighboring capital. Unlike other

European previous encroachments into North Africa, this marks the beginning of a transition where European powers would influence the economic and political events of the Maghreb to an even greater degree than before (Miller, 2013, p. 7).

While the French were increasing their influence in and control of over the Maghreb,

Spain working to increase their zone of influence as well. Spain, having held Ceuta since it was gifted to them by the Portuguese, looked to farther its control in the northern part of the

Sultanate. In 1859, the three-month War of Tetuan broke out resulting Spain demanding an indemnity larger than the Moroccan treasury to withdrawal Spanish forces (Miller, 2013, p. 25).

Morocco received a loan of £500,000 from the British government to pay the amount (Miller,

2013, p. 25). This payment naturally would cripple the Moroccan government’s ability to function. Miller notes the significance of this series of events: “It was a landmark moment; for the first time, Morocco borrowed funds from abroad to meet its debt obligations, signaling a new stage in its dependency on the West” (2013, p. 25). While the Spanish increased their control and

23 influence in the North, French companies expanded their share of the Moroccan economy as well

(Segalla 2009, p. 5).

Despite growing European influence, the Moroccan government still maintained various forms of agency. For instance, Sultan Muhammad IV instituted a series of military and economic reforms as well as creating a state-sponsored printing press in 1865 (Miller, 2013, p. 39). As a result, over three thousand Arabic books were printed in Fez by 1868 (Miller, 2013, p. 39). At this point, the instruction of Tamazight remained informal, without official schools in which to teach it. Even with these reforms as mentioned earlier, European influence continued to grow with the Spanish and Moroccan protectorates established in 1912. In particular, the Treaty of Fez established the structure of the French protectorate maintaining the Sultanate under the supervision of a French administration (Segalla 2009, p. 6).

Colonial History and Language Policies:

Following the second Moroccan crisis, a protectorate was imposed with Spain and France splitting control of Morocco in 1912. Even before colonization, the Spanish government planned to create free schools for Moroccans in strategic cities and would not be limited to only civil servants (González 2015, p. 28). Following this model (which had similarities to the French-

Arab schools in Algeria), the first Spanish-Arab school opened in Melilla (González 2015, p.

28). Melilla is of particular interest because along with Ceuta they still comprise part of the

Spanish enclaves in present-day Morocco. While these schools were intended for the Muslim population, some Jewish communities elected to send their children to them to learn Spanish

(González 2015, p. 28).

In the French protectorate the French language was declared the medium of instruction for schools in 1918 (Alalou 2018, p. 144). This marked a shift away from the traditional madrasa

24 and zawiya based Arabic-medium education programs. Prior to the French declaration al-

Qarawiyyin in Fez and Yusufiyya in Marrakesh served as the main sites of education for members of the Moroccan government, now it was French schools that trained Moroccan administrators, judges, and teachers (Alalou 2018, p. 144; Segalla 2009, p. 3). The establishment of French-run schools served to attempt to co-opt the Makhzan (the Moroccan nobility) to help work for the French government (Segalla 2009, p. 7).

The establishment of these schools continued in Urban areas, however, in both protectorates, resistance to foreign control emerged. In particular the French ended up having to spend significant time and resources pacifying the Amazigh tribes in the Atlas Mountains while the Spanish dealt with the Rif rebellion. Eventually the French pacified these regions and established “les écoles rurales” in limited numbers (Ennaji 2005, p. 202). In addition to overhaling the educational system, the French created French-Tamazight schools with French as the medium of instruction and Tamazight taught as a second language (Ennaji 2005, p. 203). In contrast to the Spanish model of education, the French model remained fairly exclusive with only a limited number of students. Statistics reflect that in 1929 only 9,760 Moroccan students attended French schools (Ennaji 2005, p. 203).

The French administration also issued what would become known as the Berber Dahir12 in 1930 (Maddy-Weitzman 2012, p. 114). This Dahir (royal edict) placed the Imazighen (plural of Amazigh) outside of the influence of Islamic law. A driving reason behind this was to combat a perceived threat of Arab Islamist nationalism that could result in the overthrow of the regime, or at least this is what the French believed. This decision and French colonial policy of playing different sides against one another would reify even more differences between Arab and

Amazigh (Maddy-Weitzman 2012, p. 114).

ﮭظ ﯿ ﺮ ðˤahi:r 12

25 The impact of the colonial administered schools was felt especially at the elite spectrum of Moroccan society with archival footage showing a young Hassan (the crown prince who would become Hassan II) speaking French (Alalou 2018, p. 144). This system, despite later

Arabization, never seems to vanish entirely with elites sending their children to French medium private schools even today.

Post-Independence Policies:

Morocco gained its independence in 1956. It was the post-independence period that saw the most significant push of Arabization. Politicians may use a national language policy with a single language to promote unity and cohesion for a nation (Wright 2004, p. 42). However, the

Arabization program had mixed results, and even today the education system experiences high dropout rates (Alalou 2018). In contrast to a separate policy for the Tamazight speech communities, the education system remained an Arabic and French system. Because of its exclusion in the education sphere, Tamazight remained a mostly oral language. The maintenance of Tamazight was primarily undertaken by Amazigh women who worked to preserve and pass on their varieties of Tamazight to their children (Sadiqi 2013; Hoffman 2008).

The neglect of Tamazight in general education in Morocco manifests itself in an education policy where Arabic and French serve as the medium of instruction. In this respect, there is a complete absence of Tamazight in regular studies. Not only is the medium of education in a foreign language for Tamazight speakers but also the history of Morocco is taught as having started in the 7th century CE with the arrival of Islam (Maddy-Weitzman 2012, p. 114). For instance, historical figures like Tariq ibn Ziyad and Ibn Battuta are not presented as Amazigh, denying their contributions to Moroccan history.

26 Beyond the Arabizing of history, the education system not only demonstrates the exclusion of Tamazight but the continued importance of French. While the first four years of schooling are conducted in Arabic, there is a transition starting in middle school with the introduction of French. In high school, French is the language of instruction for courses in science and mathematics while history and geography are taught in Arabic. At the university level, most courses are conducted entirely in French.

These linguistic practices also highlight issues of access since private schools often provide the most preparation in French, thus giving their students an edge for advancing their studies post-secondary school (Alalou 2018). Ultimately the linguistic environment is such that it is more desirable to know Arabic and French to compete in the Moroccan job market. Besides the education sphere, Tamazight was also restricted from public media. Alalou notes: “Up until

January 2006, not a single program in an Amazigh language was allowed to be broadcasted on

Moroccan state controlled television” (2018, p. 142).

However, resistance to the educational paradigm began to form. The growing push for recognition among the Amazigh communities should include cross-border influences. In neighboring Algeria, 1980 saw the beginning of a massive series of protests in the Kabyle

Amazigh region of the country (Graybill 2018, p. 12). The response to these protests resulted in the jailing and trials of twenty-four Amazigh activists (Goodman 2010, p. 110). It was also this time that Hassan II sent troops to the Rif mountains.

Eventually, in 1994, Hassan II gave a speech noting that Tamazight could be taught in

Moroccan primary schools (Sadiqi 2003, p. 46). However, at the time little progress was made in

Morocco towards this goal. It was six years later in 2000 that Tamazight started to be taught in

Algeria at Tizi Ouzou university (Graybill 2018, p. 12-13). While these reforms were happening in Algeria, King Mohammed VI ascended to the throne. He positioned himself as a reformer,

27 creating IRCAM. In response to growing protests in 2011, he gave a speech in which he announced the creation of a new constitution. It would be this constitution that recognized

Tamazight as a co-official language alongside Arabic. Five years later, neighboring Algeria would do the same, elevating Tamazight from a national to an official language (Graybill 2018, p. 13).

Before the recognition of Tamazight as a co-official a language, the government upon consultation with IRCAM decided upon neo-Tifinagh as the official script for writing the language. This decision was not without controversy, however, and while some Tamazight speakers agreed with the change, others preferred either an Arabic or Latin alphabet instead.

Interestingly Soulaimani identified two main camps: the pro-Latin, and the Pro-Arabic (2015).

Interestingly, the pro-Latin camp tends to have a higher number of Amazigh activists who support their cause (Soulaimani 2015).

However, while this debate was going on little change occurred in the education sphere.

Surprisingly in 2016, the Moroccan government confirmed that it would be halting Arabization in education and converting fully back to the previous bilingual education model (Alalou 2018, p. 136). This change marks a new attempt at education reform to improve educational outcomes hopefully. While this policy will largely reinstate French as the primary medium of education, these reforms demonstrate an openness to changing course which can be capitalized for the inclusion of Tamazight in classrooms.

The implementation process remains slow. As it currently stands, the implementation of this decision is slow to materialize. According to the Ministry of Education, the current school system for primary school in Morocco follows this schedule:

28

Figure 6: Number of hours of instruction by discipline (Ministry of Education 2018).

By far the majority of the time spent in the first and second years of primary school is spent learning Arabic. This is a stark contrast to the colonial policy only had approximately 2 hours a week allotted for the teaching of Arabic. Students then begin learning French in the third year with 8 hours of instruction a week. In contrast, Arabic instruction is then reduced to 6 hours a week.

The establishment of IRCAM and the new constitution will factor into this system. The constitution recognizes Tamazight as an official language of the state (Article 5, 2011). This carries the implication that it will be used in the Education sphere. Reflecting this, the Ministry of Education website has the option of viewing their website in Tamazight written in the official neo-Tifinagh script. Additionally, the banner of the Ministry reflects this with their banner being bilingual:

29

Figure 7. The Banner for the Ministry of Education (Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of

Morocco 2018).

In addition to this implication, the constitution officially creates a National Council for

Languages and Moroccan Culture specifically charged with the development and protection of

Arabic and Tamazight (Article 5, 2011). As part of these efforts, the government has begun teaching Tamazight with neo-Tifinagh in primary schools (first through sixth grade) (Alalou

2018, p. 148). The growing recognition of Tamazight has also resulted in exposure in the political realm. In 2017, Saadeddine El-Othmani became the Prime Minister of Morocco, replacing Abdelilah Benkirane. His selection merits inclusion because he chose to conduct one of this first media statements in Tashelhit, the full transcript of which appears in Appendix 3. His speech was short, primarily thanking the King, stating that it was a great honor, and pledging that his government would work towards what was best for the country (Parti de justice et du développement Maroc 2017).

30 Chapter 3: Methodology

To apply any linguistic vitality framework, one must first determine the size of the speech community in question. For Tamazight and Darija, that involved comparing figures reported on Ethnologue and data from the Moroccan Census. Fortunately, the 2004 and 2014

Moroccan censuses collected data on language use at home. There is, unfortunately, a significant disparity between the figures. Because of this discrepancy, I use the census figures to establish the size of the speech community. I present this as the lowest estimate because with census data there is the possibility of underreporting. So, the speech communities may be larger than represented in this thesis. In particular, Ahmed Boukous criticized the census results for their relative lack of transparency (Mouhir 2015). Despite this criticism, these two censuses constitute the best data available at the current time which is why I chose to use those figures.

Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS):

In order to maintain a speech community’s population, the community needs to continue to gain new speakers at least at a replacement rate, meaning that a vital part of this is passing down the language to the next generation. The expanded graded integrational disruption scale

(EGIDS) presents a tool to measure this. EGIDS is an expansion of the graded intergenerational disruption scale (GIDS) devised by Fishman (1991) (Lewis & Simons 2010). Ranging, from 1 through 8, GIDS was meant to be able to determine the rate of transmission to newer generations. A grade of eight indicates that only the grandparent generation can still speak the mother tongue in question, while one indicates that speakers use the language at a national level

(Fishman 1991). However, other in-between categories can be added to this model. EGIDS, an expansion of Fishman’s framework is currently used by Ethnologue to note language vitality

(Simons & Fennig 2018). However, since intergenerational language transmission is only one of

31 the factors involved in language vitality, I have decided to incorporate it along with the

UNESCO vitality factors. The full table with the EGIDS subcategories is shown below:

Table 2: EGIDS Classifications

Level Label Description 0 International The language is widely used between nations in trade, knowledge exchange, and international policy. 1 National The language is used in education, work, mass media, and government at the national level. 2 Provincial The language is used in education, work, mass media, and government within major administrative subdivisions of a nation. 3 Wider The language is used in work and mass media without official status Communication to transcend language differences across a region. 4 Educational The language is in vigorous use, with standardization and literature being sustained through a widespread system of institutionally supported education. 5 Developing The language is in vigorous use, with literature in a standardized form being used by some though this is not yet widespread or sustainable. 6a Vigorous The language is used for face-to-face communication by all generations and the situation is sustainable. 6b Threatened The language is used for face-to-face communication within all generations, but it is losing users. 7 Shifting The child-bearing generation can use the language among themselves, but it is not being transmitted to children. 8a Moribund The only remaining active users of the language are members of the grandparent generation and older. 8b Nearly Extinct The only remaining users of the language are members of the grandparent generation or older who have little opportunity to use the language. 9 Dormant The language serves as a reminder of heritage identity for an ethnic community, but no one has more than symbolic proficiency. 10 Extinct The language is no longer used and no one retains a sense of ethnic identity associated with the language. The Ethnologue chart of EGIDS (Simons & Fennig 2018)

These categories range from 10 (extinct) to 0 (International). Rank of 0-3 indicates that not only is the vitality relatively high but that it is learned as a second language by numerous

32 users. Levels 4 “Educational” and 5 “Developing” indicate that a language is used as a medium of instruction and one is started to be standardized respectively. The “developing” distinction indicated that the language may eventually move into the next higher level. Two of the numbers have special distinctions. Both 6 and 8 are divided into a and b levels. This separation allows a more precise classification and mark tipping points of language vitality. In particular 6a

“Vigorous” is ranked as a sustainable category whereas 6b “Threatened” indicates that the language or variety in question is losing speakers. Level 7 “Shifting” indicates that parents are no longer passing the language on to their children, a major disruption. The remaining levels indicate further levels of disuse ending with extinction. As part of the scale, there are also additional specialized designations which are presented below:

Table 3: Specialized EGIDS designations

Level Label Description 5 Dispersed The language is fully developed in its home country, so that the community of language users in a different country has access to a standardized form and literature, but these are not promoted in the country in focus via institutionally supported education. 9 Reawakening The ethnic community associated with a dormant language is working to establish more uses and more users for the language with the results that new L2 speakers are emerging. 9 Second The language was originally vehicular, but it is not the heritage language language only of an ethnic community and it no longer has enough users to have significant vehicular function. (Simons & Fennig 2018)

These additional factors do not necessarily apply to the varieties examined currently but I include them since two of the categories may apply for Tamazight speech communities in the future. Level 5, “Dispersed” in the special categories would apply in the future as the Moroccan government continues to develop Tamazight where the community in Morocco has access to a large corpus of writing and mother tongue teaching in the classrooms, while their counter parts

33 among the expat community in Europe do not necessarily have access to the educational resources, but only the literature.

In contrast, if one of the varieties of Tamazight continues to decline, it may become a dormant variety. Following this, a language revitalization project could result in a scenario that could be categorized as Level 9, “Reawakening” where a Tamazight variety is being brought back at the request of the community who formerly spoke it. These specialized categories, along with the core categories previously discussed are a useful, albeit limited framework to inform language vitality. Ultimately, I use the EGIDS framework to inform the grade assigned in the first factor of the UNESCO language vitality criteria.

UNESCO Language Vitality Factors:

Created by a committee on endangered languages, the UNESCO vitality factors are meant to be used to diagnose a language’s condition and determine its likelihood of being maintained. These factors are then considered holistically to be able to gauge the overall language vitality of a given variety. This analytical framework is useful in that it allows the quantification of the various factors, so they provide measurements for different periods.

Moreover, researchers can apply these factors to the sociolinguistic situation providing testable results. What follows is a breakdown of those factors along with the UNESCO criteria for each category.

Factor 1: Intergenerational Language Transmission

Degree of Grade Speaker Population Endangerment safe 5 The language is used by all ages, from children up. The language is used by some children in all domains; it is used unsafe 4 by all children in limited domains.

34 definitively 3 The language is used mostly by the parental generation and up. endangered The language is used mostly by the grandparental generation and severely endangered 2 up. The language is used mostly by very few speakers, of great- critically endangered 1 grandparental generation extinct 0 There exists no speaker. (UNESCO 2003, p. 8)

This factor is a different version of measuring intergenerational transmission from a scale of zero to five, rather than the 8- or 13-point scale of GIDS and EGIDS respectively. Like GIDS and EGIDS, the reasoning behind this factor is that if the language is not passed on in sufficient numbers, it will rapidly decline. It is entirely possible for a formally vital language to rapidly fall into disuse if parents choose not to pass it on to their children opting for what they view as a more appropriate language for their children to learn. For this thesis, I use the EGIDS classifications to inform the Grade for the degree of endangerment. These classifications allow the formation of a more accurate picture of intergenerational transmission.

Factor 2: Number of Speakers (not a ranked category)

The only factor without a ranking system, Factor 2 emphasizes the importance of having a sizable speech community. Language shift can occur much more rapidly in a smaller population whereas languages that have millions of speakers even if it undergoes a shift has a slower decline which provides members of the community more time to implement language maintenance and revitalization programs. In particular, the committee notes that languages with a small speech community are also vulnerable to non-linguistic factors such as disease, natural disasters, or warfare (UNESCO 2003, p. 8).

35 Factor 3: Proportion of Speakers within the Total Population

Degree of Proportion of Speakers Within the Total Reference Grade Endangerment Population safe 5 All speak the language. unsafe 4 Nearly all speak the language. definitively endangered 3 A majority speak the language. severely endangered 2 A minority speak the language. critically endangered 1 Very few speak the language. extinct 0 None speak the language. (UNESCO 2003, p. 9)

The key to applying the third factor is about determining what constitutes the group or population. The UNESCO report offers the following what constitutes the group: ‘… “group” may refer to the ethnic, religious, regional, or national group with which the speaker community identifies” (2003, p. 9). For this thesis, I choose to address this by defining the group as the potential population of speakers based on the 2004 census figures. This way I can note the group as being members of Tamazight speaking families.

This group selection avoids the complicated and fraught nature of trying to define the

Amazigh population of Morocco since there are numerous Moroccans of Amazigh and mixed descent, some of whom identify as Arab, who do not speak a variety of Tamazight. To define the group for this factor as the whole Amazigh community would be attempting to measure the language shift over centuries which is outside the purview of this study. By using a narrower definition of family members of the Tamazight speech community, the focus remains on the vitality and status of Tamazight since the establishment of IRCAM and the language’s recognition in 2011. With this narrower focus, I can attempt to measure the impact of the recent, nascent government support.

Factor 4: Trends in Existing Language Domains

36 Degree of Grade Domains and Functions Endangerment universal use 5 The language is used in all domains and for all functions Two or more languages may be used in most social domains and for multilingual parity 4 most functions. The language is in home domains and for many functions, but the dwindling domains 3 dominant language begins to penetrate even home domains. limited or formal The language is used in limited social domains and for several 2 domains functions highly limited The language is used only in very restricted domains and for a very 1 domains few functions extinct 0 The language is not used in any domain and for any function. (UNESCO 2003, p. 10)

The degree of endangerment category for Factor 4, while defined briefly above merit closer examination. Grade 5, refers to the language use in all domains, meaning that it is the language of interactions, identity, and entertainment (UNESCO 2003, p. 9). Grade 4,

Multilingual parity describes a more complicated and nuanced situation. It is a sort of coexistence of dominant and non-dominant languages where the speech community in question uses a dominant language (different from their own) in official domains while using their mother tongue for socializing with members of their community (UNESCO 2003, p. 9). Diglossic situations also fall under this category since multilingual parity accurately describes how

Moroccan Arabic and Standard Arabic are used for different functions and in different domains with the latter used for formal, official purposes, while members of the group use the former for socialization.

Grade 3, Dwindling domains, marks the shift from multilingual parity to linguistic decline. It is at this point where the use of their mother tongue is limited even at home, and the dominant language has replaced it. It is at this point children become receptive bilinguals

(UNESCO 2003, p. 10). The next grade below (2), marks the point when the language is only used in community ceremonies and by the grandparent generation while the next lower grade (1), the active speakers only remembers a portion of the language and the majority who know it are

37 merely receptive bilinguals (UNESCO 2003, p. 10). The last and lowest grade (0), means the language is extinct, and no member of the community uses it.

Factor 5: Response to New Domains and Media

Degree of New Domains and Media Accepted by the Endangered Grade Endangerment Language dynamic 5 The language is used in all new domains. robust/active 4 The language is used in most new domains. receptive 3 The language is used in many domains. coping 2 The language is used in some new domains. minimal 1 The language is used only in a few new domains. inactive 0 The language is not used in any new domains. (UNESCO 2003, p. 11)

The previous factor addressed traditional language domains. With the creation of new technologies, other linguistic domains appear. This factor, address how the language reacts to new domains such as the media and the internet. The importance of the response to new domains cannot be understated since, while it represents a future decline as these domains grow in importance. In contrast, speech communities use languages with high vitality in all domains as they develop. Though, unlike the previous section, a grade of “0” only indicates an inactive language rather than an extinct language since the language or variety could be used in other, older domains.

Factor 6: Materials for Language Education and Literacy

Grade Accessibility of Written Materials There is an established orthography, literacy tradition with grammars, dictionaries, texts, 5 literature, and everyday media. Writing in the language is used in administration and education. Written materials exist, and at school, children are developing literacy in the language. 4 Writing in the language is not used in administration. Written materials exist, and children may be exposed to the written form at school. 3 Literacy is not promoted through print media.

38 Written materials exist, but they may only be useful for some members of the 2 community; and for others, they may have a symbolic significance. Literacy education in the language is not a part of the school curriculum. 1 A practical orthography is known to the community and some material is being written. 0 No orthography available to the community. (UNESCO 2003, p. 12)

While oral languages can maintain a high vitality, increasingly in the 21st-century literacy and digital literacy serve as a significant factor of a language’s overall vitality.

Languages that have a large corpus of written materials and that are used in administration and education are much more likely to be passed down than languages without one. Additionally, this serves documentation purposes since a large written corpus is useful in language revitalization projects.

Following this section, the Additional Factors are separated by the committee who drafted the UNESCO document. Notably, these include three factors relate to language attitudes and documentation. Due to limits of currently available data on language attitudes in Morocco I include these factors in the discussion, rather than the results section of this thesis.

Additional Factors

Factor 7: Official Attitudes toward Language

Degree of Grade Official Attitudes toward Language Support equal support 5 All languages are protected. differentiated Minority languages are protected primarily as the language of the 4 support private domains. The use of the language is prestigious. passive No explicit policy exists for minority languages; the dominant 3 assimilation language prevails in the public domain. active Government encourages assimilation to the dominant language. There 2 assimilation is no protection for minority languages. forced The dominant language is the sole official language, while non- 1 assimilation dominant languages are neither recognized nor protected. prohibition 0 Minority languages are prohibited. (UNESCO 2003, p. 13)

39 Factor 7 highlights government impact on a language. However, as I later discuss in more detail in Chapter 4 this factor can be difficult to rank. The reason is that official government proclamations may contradict the actual language policy. For instance, a government could have a declaration on minority languages (a language plan) that falls under the category of differentiated support (Grade 3) but in reality, be pursuing passive assimilation (a language policy). However, this category is useful since governments tend to be some of the most significant actors in language planning and policy.

Factor 8: Community Members’ Attitudes toward Language

Grade Community Members’ Attitudes toward Language 5 All members value their language and wish to see it promoted. 4 Most members support language maintenance. Many members support language maintenance; others are indifferent or may even 3 support language loss. Some members support language maintenance; others are indifferent or may even support 2 language loss. Only a few members support language maintenance; others are indifferent or may even 1 support language loss. 0 No one cares if the language is lost; all prefer to use a dominant language. (UNESCO 2003, p. 14)

Factor 8 addresses the attitudes of the speech community members toward their language.

A Grade of 5 means that all the members of a given speech community support the use, teaching, and spread of their language. Grades 1-4 represent various degrees of community support ranging from only a few members supporting language maintenance to most members supporting language maintenance respectively. The importance of this factor lies in the fact that speakers who value their language will make a greater effort to preserve it than speakers who are apathetic about their language. This linguistic apathy can emerge through various factors, one such as a dominant language being viewed as more economically useful and as such there is a greater incentive for parents to teach children a dominant language rather than their mother tongues.

40 While such data is useful, the field research required to conduct language attitude survey among all three of the Tamazight speech communities and Darija speakers is well beyond the purview of this study and would necessitate a team of researchers. There is also the added difficult of determining language attitudes since a number of speakers could say they support language maintenance while in reality take no action towards maintenance. So, survey design is a vital part of gathering such data. The next factor deals with the level and quality of the documentation of the language.

Factor 9: Language Documentation Nature of Grade Language Documentation Documentation There are comprehensive grammars and dictionaries, extensive texts; superlative 5 constant flow of language materials. Abundant annotated high- quality audio and video recordings exist. There are one good grammar and a number of adequate grammars, good 4 dictionaries, texts, literature, and occasionally updated everyday media; adequate annotated high-quality audio and video recordings. There may be an adequate grammar or sufficient amount of fair 3 grammars, dictionaries, and texts, but no everyday media; audio and video recordings may exist in varying quality or degree of annotation. There are some grammatical sketches, word-lists, and texts useful for limited linguistic research but with inadequate coverage. Audio and fragmentary 2 video recordings may exist in varying quality, with or without any annotation. Only a few grammatical sketches, short word- lists, and fragmentary inadequate 1 texts. Audio and video recordings do not exist, are of unusable quality, or are completely un-annotated. (UNESCO 2003, p. 15)

The factor of language documentation relates to the number and quality of recordings, grammars, and dictionaries featuring the language. This factor by itself is not necessarily the best indicator by itself since even extinct or severely threatened languages could have superlative documentation. However, the logic behind this factor is that a language with sufficient documentation can be revitalized or in an extreme case revived.

41 Chapter 4: Results and Analysis

In the following sub-sections, I examine the manifestations of the vitality factors in each of the three varieties of Tamazight and Darija. In doing so, I hope to demonstrate how these factors are applied as well as provide an account of the current sociolinguistic situation in

Morocco. Though I note that due to the nature of these factors some of the grades herein will likely change over the course of the next decade, necessitating further work on this topic.

Tarifit’s Vitality:

Spoken in the Rif in Northern Morocco, this variety has the heaviest rate of borrowing among the Tamazight varieties in Morocco (Krossmann, 2013). Krossmann estimates that slightly over 50% of the lexemes of Tarifit come from other languages, with the largest contributor being that of colloquial Arabic (2013). This makes sense due to the long history of language contact with what would become Tangier being conquered during Ibn Nusayr’s three- year campaign in what would become Moroccan territory (Abu-Nasr, 1986, p. 32). Of the three main varieties of Tamazight in Morocco, Tarifit has the smallest speech community.

Factor 1. Integrational Language Transmission:

Ethnologue ranks Tarifit as “5, developing” with EDIGS since, members of each generation use it as a spoken variety while some are able to write it (Simons & Fennig, 2018).

While the EGIDS ranking is promising, the census figures indicate a decline, though part of that may be due to underreporting, a problem that plagues numerous national censuses. Using the

EGIDS categories, a more appropriate classification would be “6b, threatened” since census evidence data indicates a decline in transmission, based on the decrease in the total number of speakers. This classification translates as a “3, endangered” on the UNESCO vitality scale

42 (2003). The endangered ranking stems from the data that only a majority (less than 90%) of the community speaks this variety.

Factor 2. Absolute Number of Tarifit Speakers:

Between Ethnologue and the Moroccan government’s census data, there are two different figures given for the number of Tarifit speakers. The 2000 edition of Ethnologue notes that there are approximately 1.5 million speakers; however, these numbers are dated 1991 (Grimes, 2000, p. 157). In contrast, data from the 2004 Moroccan census suggests a speech community of 1,434,

802 or 4.8% of the Moroccan population (High Commission of Planning). In the 2014 census,

Tarifit speakers comprised only 4% of the population (High Commission for Planning). This means that there were 1,353,930 members of the Tarifit speech community in 2014. This represents a decline of 5.6% over the last decade with 80,872 fewer speakers than the previous

2004 census. Had the proportion of Tarifit speakers grown at the same rate as the population as a whole, Tarifit speakers would number 1,624,584 at the time of the 2014 census. While the

UNESCO factors do not provide criteria for this sub-section, this information demonstrates that this variety is at risk and will likely continue to decline over the next decade.

Factor 3. The Proportion of Tarifit Speakers Within the Total Population:

As for the proportion of speakers within the reference population, the comparison of the expected size of the Tarifit speech community versus the actual size according to the 2014 census provides an idea of the proportion of speakers in the community. In this case, approximately 83% of the community speak Tarifit. Because only a majority speak this variety, it ranks as a grade of “3, definitely endangered” according to this UNESCO factor (2003, p. 9).

43 Factor 4. Trends in Existing Language Domains for Tarifit:

Though documentation on the use of Tarifit is limited, my experience, having traveled to the Rif and the work of INALCO, seem to indicate a grade of “3, multilingual parity” (2017).

Essentially, Darija and Tarifit alongside Spanish and French are used in different domains and different functions. While there has been a decline, the population of Tarifit speakers uses their variety in what can be defined as Fishman’s diglossia with bilingualism in which Moroccan

Arabic is used for the language of intergroup communication when non-Tamazight speakers are present.

Factor 5. Response to New Domains and Media for Tarifit:

While Tarifit YouTube channels exist, they comprise only a small group. The YouTube presence also includes publications of Christian films dubbed in Tarifit, attempting to proselytize the community. There is an even more limited community on Twitter none of who use Tarifit as their primary variety for tweeting. The only account tweeting extensively in Tarifit is a Bible channel aimed as sharing gospel verses. As a result of this evidence, Tarifit ranks as a “2, coping” because it is used in some new domains but not universally by the community. On a hopeful note, Krossmann along with other researchers established a digital corpus of Tarifit

(2013, p. 5).

Factor 6. Materials for Language Education and Literacy in Tarifit:

Apart from the textbooks created by IRCAM, limited resources for teaching literacy in

Tarifit are available. This may be in part to its use as a primarily oral variety. As a result, most native speakers do not read or write in it, though they can often apply other scripts which they have learned to their language to write (Sadiqi, 2003, p. 46). Partially due to a history of oral

44 transmission and storytelling, along with only newly emergent government support, there are limited materials for promoting literacy.

Tarifit’s Overall Vitality:

The previous subsections have addressed the six major criteria. Three more remaining factors that may additionally be considered: Governmental attitudes and policies along with community members’ attitudes towards their own languages (UNESCO 2003, pp.13-14). Of the main varieties of Tamazight, Tarifit appears to be the most threatened when it comes to a language shift towards Darija. This is indicated because of the overall decline in the number of speakers as well as the proportion of speakers in the community. Additionally, while IRCAM has been providing more support in recent years, there seems to be a limited availability of educational materials. In fact, Spanish seems to have grown in use in cities in the North rather than Tarifit. I even recall seeing an Instituto Cervantes13 in Tetuan in the summer of 2016. The following table shows the six main factors and their grades for Tarifit:

Table 4: Linguistic vitality of Tarifit.

Factor 1: Factor 2: Factor 3: Factor 4: Factor 5: Factor 6: Inter- Absolute Proportion of Trends in Response to Materials for generational Number of Speakers Existing New Language Language Speakers Language Domains and Education Transmission Domains Media and Literacy 3 1.34 million 3 3 2 3

The average for Tarifit across the five graded factors is only 2.8 meaning that the variety is endangered, and an intervention will be needed if Tarifit is to survive past the 21st century in significant numbers. Though, at this point, it is important to note that one of the possible factors

13 The Cervantes Institute is an institute that promotes the spread and use of Hispanic culture and the Spanish language (Tetuan Cervantes 2018).

45 involved in this is migration since a portion of the Rif community works in Europe. Recently there has been a return of some of the migrant works to small cities such as Nador which has resulted in increased economic activity and may reveal an increase in the number of Tarifit speakers in the next census.

Central Atlas Tamazight’s Vitality:

Factor 1. Intergeneration Language Transmission:

While the number of speakers of Central Atlas Tamazight has grown, the data suggest that there was still a decline in transmission since had the speech community continued to grow at the same rate as the rest of the population it would have been above 2.97 million rather than approximately 2.68 million at the time of the 2014 census. This represents a decline rate of 3.4% of potential speakers over the last decade. The reason behind this is likely attributed to lower rates of transmission and greater urbanization since it benefits Tamazight speakers to know

Darija when they live and work in cities.

However, Central Atlas Tamazight would have had to decline by over 11.8% over the last decade to have a lower absolute number of speakers. This still means that approximately 90% of the population remains a part of the speech community, meaning that nearly all children learn and use their mother tongue. So, while the speech community is still growing in numbers, the decline among potential speakers needs inclusion in the grade for this factor. For this reason,

Central Atlas Tamazight ranks as “4, Unsafe” (UNESCO 2003, p. 7).

Factor 2. Absolute Number of Central Atlas Tamazight Speakers:

According to the Moroccan High Commission of Planning, there were approximately

2.34 million Central Atlas Tamazight speakers in 2004, which increased to a little over 2.68

46 million ten years later (2018). For at least the near future, Central Atlas Tamazight will continue to grow in numbers even with 90% of the community speaking the language. Fundamentally,

Central Atlas Tamazight is above the replacement rate, it is growing at a lower rate than the rest of the Moroccan population. While the situation with Central Atlas Tamazight needs to be monitored for other signs of decline, it is not nearly as threatened as Tarifit.

Factor 3. A proportion of Central Atlas Tamazight Speakers within the Total Population:

As mentioned in the prior sub-section, approximately 90% of the population who comprise the Central Atlas Amazigh community since the 2004 census speak Tamazight. So, while intergenerational language transmission is not universal, the majority speak the language.

For this factor, Central Atlas Tamazight ranks as a grade 3 (definitely endangered) since it is only a majority and there has been an ongoing language shift for centuries (UNESCO, 2003, p.

9). With that said, the proportion of Central Atlas Tamazight speakers is one that is, for the next decade at least, sustainable.

Factor 4. Trends in Existing Language Domains for Central Atlas Tamazight:

This factor is ranked as a 4 (Multilingual Parity) due to the official capacities that Arabic and French serve. The level of multilingualism is common in Tamazight speaking communities since the lingua franca of the country is effectively Darija with approximately 90% of the population able to speak it (High Commission of Planning 2018). However, with multilingual parity, there is the chance that Central Atlas Tamazight will cede ground to Darija as the country continues to urbanize. Without active efforts on the part of the community, it may shift to a dwindling domains classification (Grade 3), particularly as increasing urbanization could accelerate this process.

47

Factor 5. Response to New Domains and Media for Central Atlas Tamazight:

There has been decent growth in adapting to new domains. These range from radio shows, to a music/CD industry, and websites. Since it is used in most new domains, it falls under grade 4 (robust/active) (UNESCO 2003, p. 11). Interestingly, it is in the new domains where

Tamazight has been presented a chance to have a forum and develop a body of work though it is still in its nascent form. Additionally, radio and YouTube programs afford mostly oral languages like Central Atlas Tamazight an opportunity to grow more since those domains favor spoken over written forms of communication.

Factor 6. Materials for Language Education and Literacy in Central Atlas Tamazight:

This situation is continuing to develop due to more government support and the materials being developed by IRCAM. As a result, educational materials now exist, and more oral poetry and traditions are recorded and available as resources for the classroom (IRCAM 2018).

However, while instruction in Tamazight is starting to be provided, it has not reached the scale where it is common in classrooms. For this reason, factor six has a grade of 3. As time passes, there is the possibility that this factor will continue to increase since there is a growing body of literature and now an established orthography thanks to IRCAM (2018).

The Overall Vitality of Central Atlas Tamazight:

Unlike its northern neighbor Tarifit, Central Atlas Tamazight is a more stable position and will likely continue to grow in numbers in the coming decade despite intergenerational language transmission not being universal. Additionally, as mentioned in the previous subsection, new strides in the research and materials produced by IRCAM mean that factor 6 will

48 continue to increase alongside greater government support. For that reason, the additional factor,

7 stands at a grade of 4 (differentiated support), which is an improvement from previous stages of passive and active assimilation respectively. Given the wording of the constitution which marks Arabic and Tamazight as co-official, it may be possible decades from now for Central

Atlas Tamazight to gain equal protection.

Table 5: Linguistic Vitality of Central Atlas Tamazight.

Factor 1: Inter- Factor 2: Factor 3: Factor 4: Trends Factor 5: Factor 6: generational Absolute Proportion of in Existing Response to Materials for Language Number of Speakers Language New Domains Language Transmission Speakers Domains and Media Education and Literacy 4 2.68 million 3 4 4 3

As shown in the above table, Central Atlas Tamazight averages 3.6 among the graded factors.

This suggests that the variety is in a slow decline but that a linguistic revitalization project could be enough to prevent further declines and maintain an overall level of multilingual parity, effectively raising the grade to a four in each category.

Tashelhit’s Vitality:

Spoken in the Anti-Atlas, Agadir, and the Sous regions, Tashelhit is the most commonly spoken Tamazight variety in Morocco. In addition to its numbers, Tashelhit has a history of writing, along with small music, and movie scenes (Van Den Boogert, 2000; Hoffman, 2008).

Notably, Tashelhit is also the mother tongue of the current President of the Government of

Morocco: Saadeddine El-Othmani. As elaborated in this section, Tashelhit has the highest vitality of the three varieties of Tamazight discussed in this thesis.

49 Factor 1. Intergeneration Language Transmission:

While there is continued growth among the number of Tashelhit speakers, that growth has not matched that of the general Moroccan Population. A possible reason for this is not all speakers are transmitting their language to their children. Based off of the figures of the 2004 and 2014 census, only approximately 96% of the community (since 2004) speaks Tashelhit

(High Commission of Planning 2018). Since this is a clear majority, and nearly all, it falls under the EGIDS classification of 6a, vigorous. This would be equivalent to the “5-, stable yet threatened” for the UNESCO factors due to the rate of multilingualism of the speech community

(2003, p. 7).

Factor 2. Absolute Number of Tashelhit Speakers:

At 4,739,022 speakers Tashelhit is the most commonly spoken variety of Tamazight in

Morocco comprising 14.1% of the total population. The result is that, among minority varieties, it is the most robust and likely to continue to survive. Using the EGIDS scale, Tashelhit ranks at a level 6b "Threatened" which is due to the language losing users as a portion of the overall population (Simons & Fennig 2010). The issue of losing members is due to the Tashelhit speaking population not growing at the same rate as the national population. The next section demonstrates that with data from the Moroccan Census.

Factor 3. The proportion of Tashelhit Speakers within the Total Population:

In 2004, the High Commission of Planning noted that Tashelhit speakers comprised

14.6% of the population at approximately 3.89 million speakers (2018). Ten years later, the community had grown to over 4.7 million, though as a proportion of the Moroccan population it had fallen to only 14.1% of the total population (High Commission of Planning: 2018). As

50 indicated in the previous section, this means that only 96% of the community are still speakers of

Tashelhit. While not enough to constitute all members of the community it still ranks highly with a grade of “4, nearly all speak the language” (UNESCO, 2003, p.9).

Factor 4. Trends in Existing Language Domains for Tashelhit:

For this factor, Tashelhit is ranked on grade 4 (multilingual parity). While it may not be used in an administrative capacity like Arabic, it is used in a social capacity. The UNESCO report notes that: “The language in question, however, may well continue to be integral to a number of public domains, especially in traditional religious institutions, local stores, and those places where members of the community socialize.” (2003, p. 9).

Factor 5. Response to New Domains and Media for Tashelhit:

As noted by anthropologist Kathrine Hoffman, media has developed with movies and music CD’s produced by and for Tashelhit speakers (2008). This shows that users of the language are quick to adapt it to new technologies even though it has a somewhat limited presence on the internet. However, these adaptations and media use, including El-Othmani’s video statement in Tashelhit, published on the PJD party’s social media, indicate a growing use of new domains. Because of these developments, Tashelhit's use ranks as a “grade 4, robust/active” since the language is used in most domains (UNESCO 2003, p. 11).

Factor 6. Materials for Language Education and Literacy in Central Atlas Tamazight:

As for materials, this section is somewhat more difficult since there are already established orthographies that predate that of IRCAM’s neo-Tifinagh (Van Der Boogert, 2000, p.

357). However, instruction in the classroom has yet to take off as the implementation of

51 Tashelhit as a language of instruction is still in the early stages. Therefore, factor six falls under the criteria for grade 3 since written materials exist and some children have exposure to them.

Interestingly, the movement in the diaspora is more robust with classes being taught at INALCO, and newsletters published by Amazigh organizations (Tamazigha 2018; INALCO 2018).

The Overall Vitality of Tashelhit:

Of the Tamazight varieties examined, Tashelhit has the largest speech community and the highest rate of intergenerational transmission. Across the five ranked factors14, it averages a grade of 3.9. Additionally, Tashelhit has a growing presence in new domains and media. Factor

6, the lowest grade for Tashelhit is slated to grow in the coming decades as the Moroccan government continues to implement classroom teaching. Additionally, Tashelhit receives an additional boost as the mother tongue of the current Prime Minister El-Othmani who opted to give his first media statement after his appointment in Tashelhit.

Table 6: Linguistic Vitality of Tashelhit.

Factor 1: Factor 2: Factor 3: Factor 4: Factor 5: Factor 6: Inter- Absolute Proportion of Trends in Response to Materials for generational Number of Speakers Existing New Language Language Speakers Language Domains and Education Transmission Domains Media and Literacy 5- 4.7 million 4 4 4 3

Darija’s Vitality:

While Moroccan Arabic maintains some prestige due to its believed link to Classical and

Qur’anic Arabic. At the same time, it is ridiculed as being “bad Arabic” or even considered to be

14 Since Factor 1 has the special classification of 5- I calculate it as 4.5 when determining the overall average for the factors.

52 different from Arabic by other Arabic speakers and even some Moroccans themselves exemplified in an essay published in the paper Hespress where a Moroccan makes the claim that

Darija is not an Arabic dialect but rather its own independent language (Bodhane 2013).

Knowledge of Classical Arabic or Modern Standard Arabic is considered a must, even if it is not used in daily conversation.

One example of this is the points that various Moroccan politicians have been mocked for having an insufficient command of the Arabic language. The Minister for Tourism was ridiculed for her lack of command of Arabic when she struggled to speak broken MSA during a session of parliament (Tourisma Post, 2017). In that video, politicians can be seen laughing at Boutaleb as she struggles to use MSA and finally resorts to using Darija. Additionally, the Minister of

Education was also criticized for saying that he could not speak Arabic when he refused an interview with an Arabic language newspaper (Al Arabiya News 2015).

Incidents such as these show the general lack of prestige for Darija while showing the high status given to Standard Arabic. However, this high status does not necessarily factor into the vitality of Darija since it is possible for varieties to have a relatively low prestige and a high vitality as well as the reverse of high prestige and low vitality due to a limited number of speakers.

Factor 1. Intergenerational Language Transmission:

Despite the negative associations, Darija is the lingua franca of the country, and from

2004 to 2014 the number of Darija speakers as a portion of the population increased, going from

89.8% to 90.9% of the country’s population. This indicates that there are other Moroccans starting to learn Darija as a first or second language. It’s difficult to ascertain the number of native Darija speakers due to the number of Tamazight individuals who speak it as a second

53 language. This also means that intergenerational language transmission is nearly universal for the variety, placing it as a grade 5 on the UNESCO Scale (2003, p. 7).

Factor 2. Absolute Number of Darija Speakers:

Based on the census data, there are 30,768,052 members of the Darija speech community.

As 90% of the population, it is under no threat at the moment for becoming endangered. Using the EGIDS scale, Darija, though not “official” still ranks at a level “3, Wider Communication” which places it in a safe position relative to the other spoken languages in the country (Simons &

Fennig, 2018). As a result, one can use Darija throughout the country and generally be understood.

Factor 3. The proportion of Darija Speakers within the Total Population:

As mentioned in the previous section, Darija speakers comprise 90% of the entire

Moroccan population. Since transmission is so high among the Darija speaking population, it ranks as safe with a grade of 5 on the UNESCO scale since all the speakers use the dialect (2003, p. 9). This also bodes well for the next section since Darija is so widely spoken it will be used in numerous domains.

Factor 4. Trends in Existing Language Domains for Darija:

This factor ranks as grade 4 (multilingual parity) for Darija due to the diglossic nature of

Darija and MSA use (UNESCO 2003, p. 9). If it were not for the diglossic nature of Arabic speech communities, this would factor as universal use. Darija is used for social functions and is even the language used for certain Moroccan TV shows. It has a very robust use in the social sphere, and there are even Moroccan politicians who would prefer Darija though there are

54 critiques over whether or not this preference stems from their lack of ability in Standard Arabic

(Tourisma Post 2017).

Factor 5. Response to New Domains and Media for Darija:

Darija, while it is historically not written, is used for texts, used in YouTube videos, TV shows, and various other domains. So, while Darija has historically been relegated in relation to

MSA, visual and verbal formats are allowing greater use of the dialect than before. If it weren’t for the use of MSA in specific domains like the news, this factor would rank as the top grade. As a result, I classify it as robust with a grade of 4 since it is used in most new domains (UNESCO

2003, p. 11). In fact, Darija could be said to be gaining an extra aspect to its vitality since videos, talk shows, and the internet represent new spaces in which it is used. These mediums support oral languages since text is not always needed.

Factor 6. Materials for Language Education and Literacy in Darija:

While it is possible to write Moroccan Arabic either using the Arabic alphabet or a modified Latin one like Arabizi, outside of textbooks for L2 learners there are limited materials for literacy in Darija, since Standard Arabic is taught in the classroom. This result is mainly because of the diglossic nature of Arabic speech communities. Therefore, Darija is effectively an oral language, used for everyday and social interactions while MSA is used for writing and government documents. Because of these factors, I assign Darija a grade of 2 indicating that writing in the variety is accessible for a portion of the community, but it is not actively taught in the field of education, though it can be used to explain concepts particularly in primary school classrooms (UNESCO 2003, p. 12).

55 The Overall Vitality of Darija:

Despite being the "lingua franca" of Morocco, the government offers limited to non- existent support to Moroccan Arabic. Instead, the constitution merely states that the Arabic language is the official language of the state (Article 5, Moroccan Constitution).15

This ambiguity simplifies the complicated linguistic situation of diglossic Arabic speech communities. It also avoids the discussion of the differences between Modern Standard Arabic and Classical Arabic. However, it can be surmised that the official or at least administrative language of the country is Modern Standard Arabic since that is the variety in which the constitution is written.

Table 7: Language Vitality of Darija.

Factor 1: Factor 2: Factor 3: Factor 4: Factor 5: Factor 6: Inter- Absolute Proportion of Trends in Response to Materials for generational Number of Speakers Existing New Language Language Speakers Language Domains and Education Transmission Domains Media and Literacy 5 30 million 5 4 4 2 (Diglossia)

The grades given above show that Darija is a healthy/surviving oral language that lacks materials for language education and literacy precisely because of how it is used diglossically alongside

Standard Arabic (which is the primary form of writing in Morocco). So, while it is the lingua franca of the country, it has less institutional support than Standard Arabic and French, the latter of which does not have official status. That being said, even with the low score of Factor 6,

15 ” ﻞﻈﺗ ا ﺔﯿﺑﺮﻌﻟ ا ﻟ ﺔﻐﻠ ا ﺔﯿﻤﺳﺮﻟ ﻟ .ﺔﻟوﺪﻠ ﺔﻤﺮ ﺔﻠﻟا ﯿﺮﻟا ﻈ ﻞﻤﻌﺗو ا ﻟ ﺔﻟوﺪ ﻰﻠﻋ ﺎﻤﺣ ﯾ ﺎﮭﺘ ،ﺎھﺮﯾﻮﻄﺗو ﺗو ﺔﯿﻤﻨ ﺎﻤﻌﺘﺳا ﺎﮭﻟ .ﺎﻟﺎﻌﺳ ﺔﻤ و،ھﯾﻄو ﮭ ﻤ ﻠ ﻟﺪﻟا ﻤﺗ ﺪﻌﺗ ﺔﯿﻐﯾزﺎﻣﻷا أ ﺎﻀﯾ ﺔﻐﻟ ﺔﯿﻤﺳر ﻟ ،ﺔﻟوﺪﻠ ﺑ ﺒﺘﻋﺎ ﺎھرﺎ اﺪﯿﺻر ﺎﻛﺮﺘﺸﻣ ﻊﯿﻤﺠﻟ ا ﺔﺑرﺎﻐﻤﻟ نوﺪﺑ ﺜﺘﺳا ﻨ ".ءﺎ رﻮﺘﺳد( ا ﻲﺑﺮﻐﻤﻟ ٢٠١١)

56 Darija averages 4 across the three ranked categories indicating a relatively high vitality for a low variety under Ferguson’s classification of diglossia. If the government supported the standardization and use of Darija, Factor 6, could move to be on par with the Tamazight varieties discussed in the previous subsections.

Additionally, there is the issue of the lack of prestige of Darija among the other Arabic dialects. Studies have shown that the various dialects constitute a hierarchy with Maghrebi dialects holding lower prestige than Mashreqi dialects (cf. Shiri 2013; Hachimi 2013). In fact, my own experience and the findings of Hachimi reveal that some Arabs will even go as far as to claim that Darija is not even a dialect of Arabic (2013). However, this lack of outgroup prestige creates a sort of resistance or covert prestige marking Western Arabic (Maghrebi) dialects unique markers of the national identities of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia.

57 Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion

Having addressed the vitalities of Tamazight varieties and Darija, I will start the discussion with an overview of the overall vitality of Tamazight. As of the 2014 census, speakers of Tamazight varieties comprised 26% of the population making them a significant linguistic minority where Darija is the lingua franca (High Commission of Planning 2018). These numbers are not accepted by all academics. There are some researchers, like Ahmed Boukous who believe that the High Commission of Planning (HCP) is underreporting the percentage of Tamazight speakers (Mouhir 2015). Additionally, this decrease is possible due to the interview/self- reporting nature of the census since an individual might not disclose that they speak another language other than Arabic. Though in support of the numbers reported by the HCP, the latest census was taken almost three years after the recognition of Tamazight as a co-official language, which would likely reduce the previous stigma placed on claiming a language other than Arabic as a mother tongue.

As addressed in the previous sections, intergenerational language transmission, is not universal but remains high, ranking as a grade of 4 on the UNESCO vitality scale for factor 1

(2003, p. 7). Tamazight’s combined population is also significant at 8.8 million which means slightly more than one out of four Moroccans speak a variety of Tamazight as a mother tongue.

Based on the percentages provided, I have calculated the expected population of Tamazight speakers if they had matched the country's ten-year growth rate (see Appendix 4.1 for the figures). Based on those figures approximately 92% of that community overall, retained

Tamazight. The language also receives a grade of 4 across the other factors except for factor six which deals with educational materials.

While limited, IRCAM has introduced both interactive games to learn the neo-Tifinagh script, as well as textbooks for teaching the language in primary school. These efforts result in a

58 bonus of increasing the number of available teaching materials in the coming years. Therefore, it could be ranked as a 3-4 out of 5 on the UNESCO scale. It remains to be seen but depending on the level of Moroccan investment in IRCAM and teacher training Tamazight textbooks and poetry books could grow enough to provide a substantial education in the language. These books would no doubt increase the literacy rate of rural areas which are majority Tamazight speaking.

Before the recognition of Tamazight, government policies bordered on that of active assimilation with limited to no protection of minority Tamazight varieties. Hassan II even had the Tifinagh alphabet banned, and the Ministry of the Interior only announced a lifting of the ban on Amazigh names in 2013 (El Kaidi 2013). Progress has been made, however, the implementation of neo-Tifinagh teaching is still in its infancy.

Now, with IRCAM, the government is at least researching, documenting, and codifying the varieties of Tamazight, seeking to create a unified form since individually they have varying degrees of mutual intelligibility. Because of this newfound support, it is likely that factor 6, materials for language education and literacy, improve to a grade of 4 in the next decade as more materials will be available and there will be a higher number of teachers who can use them.

Table 8: Linguistic vitality of Moroccan Tamazight

Factor 1: Factor 2: Factor 3: Factor 4: Factor 5: Factor 6: Inter- Absolute Proportion of Trends in Response to Materials for generational Number of Speakers Existing New Language Language Speakers Language Domains and Education Transmission Domains Media and Literacy 4 8.8 million 4 4 4 3

The different numbers presented by Ethnologue and the Moroccan census paint a stark contrast between two potential linguistic scenarios for Tamazight. Ethnologue estimates a total over 16 million for the three varieties (Simons & Fennig, 2018). In contrast, the census data

59 points to a total of 8.8 million for the three varieties, just above half of the Ethnologue estimate.

For the Ethnologue numbers to be accurate, the underreporting on the census would need to systemic and possibly intentional to produce such a large gap. Evidence against that level of underreporting comes from the 2014 census. Conducted three years after the recognition of

Tamazight as a co-official language, the census showed that Tamazight speakers comprised a lower portion of the population than the previous census ten years prior. The recognition should have reduced some instances of underreporting since speakers would possibly be more motivated to respond that they spoke both official languages. In contrast to the Moroccan census data,

Ethnologue provides no source for the data on speech communities in Morocco, calling into question the accuracy of their estimates. These factors are why I chose to base my application of the UNESCO vitality factors on the Census data.

Unfortunately, it seems that the number of speakers of Tamazight is declining even while there is growing government support for the language. However, the overall number of speakers for Tashelhit and Central-Atlas Tamazight are at least slightly above the replacement rate, meaning that their speech communities will at least remain the same size/continue to grow by small margins over the next decade. The only variety that appears to be under threat is Tarifit in the north which has declined over five percent during the in-between period censuses. If this decline continues at a similar rate, this could result in Tarifit falling into disuse by the end of this century.

However, one of the factors that could be impacting the language decline is out-migration of members of the Rif community, which could explain why theirs is the only variety that is falling in overall numbers of speakers. Regardless, Tarifit is also the most vulnerable of the main three varieties since it has the fewest speakers. The allocation of resources towards acquisition planning is vital to reverse this decline, particularly in the Rif. Even then, the implementation

60 process and increased government support will likely not show at a measurable level until possibly well into the next decade (the 2020s).

Revisiting the Research Questions:

1. How has the recognition of Tamazight as an official language in Morocco

changed its status in comparison to Moroccan Arabic (Darija)?

Given the data, the recognition of Tamazight as an official language has changed

Tamazight’s status due to the mechanisms put in place such as the creation of a standardized form and textbooks by IRCAM. As mentioned in Chapter 1, this corpus planning increased its status. Additionally, the availability of educational materials and growing number of books written in Tamazight, increased Factor 6 in the UNESCO vitality criteria. This also includes the limited introduction of Tamazight in some schools. In contrast, Darija does not enjoy corpus planning on a government level. By the vitality measures, this gives Tamazight an edge in the sixth factor. However, despite having less official government support than Tamazight, Darija remains more stable, as evidenced in factors one and three of the UNESCO vitality criteria

(2003).

2. If there is a status shift, does it change the linguistic power dynamic between

Darija and Tamazight?

Despite the increased status of Tamazight, it does not shift the linguistic power dynamic between the two spoken languages. At least, it is too early to tell as the government has invested some resources into the development and teaching of Tamazight, but this work is only in its infancy. Potentially the demographic shift and the policies of linguistic Arabization may be too much to overcome in such a short period. The linguistic power dynamic between Darija and

Tamazight may change, but it will take at least another decade for this to happen. Interestingly

61 despite the lack of significant written work in Darija and non-existent government support

Darija, as a variety, maintains a high vitality.

3. Moreover, has the vitality of Tamazight increased as a result of official

recognition?

By the UNESCO vitality factors, Tamazight has increased its vitality relative to the previous linguistic situation. However, that is not enough to halt the ongoing demographic shift that is impacted by migration and a more significant economic need to learn Arabic, prompting some Amazigh parents to raise their children in cities speaking Darija as their primary language rather than their mother tongue. In particular, the creation of textbooks has helped, mainly as

UNESCO vitality factor 6, deals directly with materials for learning the language. The inclusion of the additional factors of official government attitudes (Factor 7) and language documentation

(Factor 9) indicate increases in Tamazight’s vitality as well.

Critiquing the Vitality Factors:

While the UNESCO vitality factors are an improvement over prior analytic framework such as ethnolinguistic vitality theory, there are still issues that remain. The authors note that the vitality factors should be considered together, rather than individually. This is why I include them together in a table at the end of each section of the results page. However, due to the numerous factors involved the vitality factors still have their shortcomings which are highlighted by their application to the linguistic situation in Morocco. Particularly with some of the categories that boost the vitality of another language in relation to another due to a single category difference that might not ultimately reflect the real sociolinguistic situation, possibly underestimating, and overestimating the vitalities of various varieties.

62 Part of the critique lies in the reason why I exclude the additional factors. Factor 7 addresses an essential aspect of vitality since it includes government attitudes and policies towards the minority language(s) in question. However, in that section, I highlight the issue of a contradiction between government declarations and active policy. For the case of Tamazight in

Morocco, the wording of the constitution suggests that Arabic and Tamazight have equal protection, which would mean a grade of 5, but in reality, the limited introduction of Tamazight into the classroom, and the dominance of Arabic in official proceedings indicate that the current policy falls under passive assimilation, Grade 3. This passive assimilation stems from prior government policies.

I excluded factor 8 in particular since it is not possible to get comprehensive data about language attitudes without conducting an extensive survey across Morocco with members of each speech community, a task that would take an entire research team. Though evidence from the Boutaleb YouTube video and comments related to it would suggest that Darija does not enjoy support among its speakers (Tourisma Post). That being said, I doubt any Moroccans would abandon their dialect in favor of MSA given the diglossic nature of the speech community as discussed in Chapter 1.

Factor 9, documentation can also be misleading since of the Tamazight varieties, Tarifit has extensive documentation yet it is the Tamazight variety the most threatened. Including this factor would boost Tarifit’s vitality figures relative to the other varieties whereas the decline in speakers indicates the opposite. Though this factor is important for language revitalization efforts, I decided to exclude the additional factors from the results section due to the issues raised in this chapter.

Additionally, including these factors would have reduced Darija’s status relative to

Tamazight since the former does not hold any government support and suggestions of using

63 Darija for the medium of instruction are often not considered due to the role of MSA (Alalou

2018, p. 138). In contrast to what the additional vitality factors would suggest, of the varieties examined in this thesis, Darija has the highest vitality and is the mother tongue of a majority of

Moroccans.

The Future of Tamazight:

The future of Tamazight is rather mixed. On the one hand, new government initiatives and the introduction of educational materials have increased the overall vitality of the Tamazight varieties. On the other hand, the census figures highlight a trend of language shift away from

Tamazight and to Darija as a primary language. In particular, Tarifit remains threatened and, barring a major language revitalization project, it will likely continue to decline in the coming decades. In fact, if the rate of decline continues the number of Tarifit speakers could number as few as 1.27 million by the next census in 2024. This decline could result in a scenario where it becomes dormant by the end of this century. In contrast, Central Atlas Tamazight and Tashelhit seem likely to continue to grow slightly in overall numbers even while declining as a portion of the population.

The decline in numbers serves as a reminder of the language shift that has occurred in

Morocco with the linguistic Arabization of the country. However, increased government support indicates a growing level of vitality that could possibly stabilize the size of the speech communities examined herein and allow them to grow at the same rate as the rest of the population in the coming decades if government declarations result in real policy shift and revitalization programs.

Additionally, the political clout of Tamazight is growing. In 2016, the Algerian government designated Tamazight as a co-official language alongside Arabic. These regional

64 developments should be included because it increases the visibility of Tamazight speech communities. This increased visibility is acknowledged by the political class to the point that the

Prime Minister of Morocco made a public statement in Tashelhit. The teaching of Tamazight in select classrooms adds to the progress made by in the last decade. Of the Tamazight varieties,

Central Atlas Tamazight and Tashelhit will be the greatest beneficiaries of this government support since they comprise the largest speech community. This stands in contrast to Tarifit which is in a relatively rapid decline.

65

Appendix A.1: Article 5 of the Moroccan Constitution in Arabic

ﻞﺼﻔﻟا ٥

ﻞﻈﺗ ا ﺔﯿﺑﺮﻌﻟ ا ﻟ ﺔﻐﻠ ا ﺔﯿﻤﺳﺮﻟ ﻟ .ﺔﻟوﺪﻠ ﺔﻤﺮ ﺔﻠﻟا ﯿﺮﻟا ﻈ ﻞﻤﻌﺗو ا ﻟ ﺔﻟوﺪ ﻰﻠﻋ ﺎﻤﺣ ﯾ ﺎﮭﺘ ،ﺎھﺮﯾﻮﻄﺗو ﺗو ﺔﯿﻤﻨ ﺎﻤﻌﺘﺳا ﺎﮭﻟ .ﺎﻟﺎﻌﺳ ﺔﻤ و،ھﯾﻄو ﮭ ﻤ ﻠ ﻟﺪﻟا ﻤﺗ ﺪﻌﺗ ﺔﯿﻐﯾزﺎﻣﻷا أ ﺎﻀﯾ ﺔﻐﻟ ﺔﯿﻤﺳر ﻟ ،ﺔﻟوﺪﻠ ﺑ ﺒﺘﻋﺎ ﺎھرﺎ اﺪﯿﺻر ﺎﻛﺮﺘﺸﻣ ﻊﯿﻤﺠﻟ ا ﺔﺑرﺎﻐﻤﻟ نوﺪﺑ ﺜﺘﺳا ﻨ .ءﺎﻨﺜﺳ وﺑ ﺑﺎﻤ ﻊﻤﻟ ﺎﺮﺸ اﯿر ھﺎﺒﻋ ،ﻟﺪ ﺔﻤرﺔﻟ ﻀ ﺔﻐزﻣا ﻌ

دﺪﺤﯾ نﻮﻧﺎﻗ ﻲﻤﯿﻈﻨﺗ ﻞﺣاﺮﻣ ﻞﯿﻌﻔﺗ ﻊﺑﺎﻄﻟا ﻲﻤﺳﺮﻟا ،ﺔﯿﻐﯾزﺎﻣﻸﻟ تﺎﯿﻔﯿﻛو ﺎﮭﺟﺎﻣدإ ﻲﻓ لﺎﺠﻣ ،ﻢﯿﻠﻌﺘﻟا لﺎﺠﻣ ﻲﻓ ﺎﮭﺟﺎﻣدإ تﺎﯿﻔﯿﻛو ،ﺔﯿﻐﯾزﺎﻣﻸﻟ ﻲﻤﺳﺮﻟا ﻊﺑﺎﻄﻟا ﻞﯿﻌﻔﺗ ﻞﺣاﺮﻣ ﻲﻤﯿﻈﻨﺗ نﻮﻧﺎﻗ ﻲﻓو تﻻﺎﺠﻣ ا ﯿﺤﻟ ﺎ ة ا ﺔﻣﺎﻌﻟ ذ تا ،ﺔﯾﻮﻟوﻷا ذو ﻚﻟ ﻲﻜﻟ ﺗ ﻦﻜﻤﺘ ﻦﻣ ا ﻟ ﻘ ﯿ ﺎ م ﺘﺴﻣ ﻘ ﻼﺒ ﯿظﻮﺑ ﻔ ﺎﮭﺘ ، ﺎﮭﺘﻔﺼﺑ ﺔﻐﻟ ﺔﯿﻤﺳر ﺔﻐﻟ ﺎﮭﺘﻔﺼﺑ ، ﺎﮭﺘ ﻔ ﯿظﻮﺑ ﻼﺒ ﻘ ﺘﺴﻣ م ﺎ ﯿ ﻘ ﻟ ا ﻦﻣ ﻦﻜﻤﺘ ﺗ ﻲﻜﻟ ﻚﻟ ذو ،ﺔﯾﻮﻟوﻷا تا ذ ﺔﻣﺎﻌﻟ ا ة ﺎ ﯿﺤﻟ ا تﻻﺎﺠﻣ ﻲﻓو

ﻞﻤﻌﺗ ا ﺔﻟوﺪﻟ ﻰﻠﻋ ﺎﯿﺻ ﺔﻧ ا ﻧﺎﺴﺤﻟ ،ﺔﯿ ﺑ ﺒﺘﻋﺎ ﺎھرﺎ اءﺰﺟ ﻻ ﯾ أﺰﺠﺘ ﻦﻣ ا ﺔﯾﻮﮭﻟ ا ﻟ ﺜ ﻘ ﺎ ﻓ ﺔ ا ﺔﯿﺑﺮﻐﻤﻟ ا ،ةﺪﺣﻮﻤﻟ ﺔﺑﻐﻟا ﻰﻠﻋو ﺎﻤﺣ ﺔﯾ ا ﻟ تﺎﺠﮭﻠ او ﻟ تاﺮﯿﺒﻌﺘ ا ﻟ ﺔﻓﺎﻘﺜ ا ﺔﻠﻤﻌﺘﺴﻤﻟ ﻲﻓ ا ،بﺮﻐﻤﻟ ﺮﮭﺴﺗو ﻰﻠﻋ ا مﺎﺠﺴﻧ ا ﯿﺴﻟ ﺔﺳﺎ ا ﻟ ﺔﯾﻮﻐﻠ او ﻟ ﺔﯿﻓﺎﻘﺜ ا ،ﺔﯿﻨطﻮﻟ ﺔﻓﻘ وﺔﻮﻠﻟا ﺳ ﺴ مﺠﻧا ﻠ ﮭﺗ بﻐﻟا ﻓﺔﻤﺘﻤ ﺔﺎﺜﻟا اﯿﻌ وتﺠﻠﻟا ﯾﺎﺣﻰﻋ ﻰﻠﻋو ﻢﻠﻌﺗ إو ﻘﺗ نﺎ ا ﻟ تﺎﻐﻠ ﻨﺟﻷا ﺒ ﺔﯿ ﺮﺜﻛﻷا ﻻواﺪﺗ ﻲﻓ ا ﺎﻌﻟ ؛ﻢﻟ ﺑ ﺘﻋﺎ ﺒ ﺎھرﺎ ﺎﺳو ﻞﺋ ﻟ ﻠ ،ﻞﺻاﻮﺘ طاﺮﺨﻧﻻاو او ﻟ ﻔﺘ ﻞﻋﺎ ﻦﻣ ﻊﻤﺘﺠﻣ ا ،ﺔﻓﺮﻌﻤﻟ ﻊﺘﻣﻦ ﻋ ﺘﻟا اﺨﻻو،ﺻﻮ ﻞ ﺳ ﺎر ﻋ ؛ﻟﺎﻟا ﻓﻻاﺗ ﺜﻷ ﺔ ﺟا ﺎﻠﻟا ﺎﻘ وﻢﻌ ﻰﻋ ﻔﻧﻻاو ﺘ حﺎ ﻰﻠﻋ ﻒﻠﺘﺨﻣ ا ﻟ ﺜ ﻘ ﺎ ﻓ ،تﺎ ﻰﻠﻋو ةرﺎﻀﺣ ا .ﺮﺼﻌﻟا رﻀ ﻠو،ﺎﻓﺎﻘﺜﻟاﻒﺘﻣﻰﻋح ﻧا

ثﺪﺤﯾ ﺲﻠﺠﻣ ﻲﻨطو ﻟ تﺎﻐﻠ او ﻟ ﺜ ﻘ ﺎ ﺔﻓ ا ﺑﺮﻐﻤﻟ ،ﺔﯿ ،ﮫﺘﻤﮭﻣ ﻰﻠﻋ ﮫﺟو ا ،صﻮﺼﺨﻟ ﺎﻤﺣ ﺔﯾ ﺗو ﺔﯿﻤﻨ ا ﻟ ﺘﻐﻠ ﻦﯿ ا ﺑﺮﻌﻟ ﺔﯿ ،ﺔﯿﻐﯾزﺎﻣﻷاو ﺔﯿ ﺑﺮﻌﻟ ا ﻦﯿ ﺘﻐﻠ ﻟ ا ﺔﯿﻤﻨ ﺗو ﺔﯾ ﺎﻤﺣ ،صﻮﺼﺨﻟ ا ﮫﺟو ﻰﻠﻋ ،ﮫﺘﻤﮭﻣ ،ﺔﯿ ﺑﺮﻐﻤﻟ ا ﺔﻓ ﺎ ﻘ ﺜ ﻟ او تﺎﻐﻠ ﻟ ﻲﻨطو ﺲﻠﺠﻣ ثﺪﺤﯾ ﺘﺨﻣو ﻒﻠ ا ﻟ ﺒﻌﺘ تاﺮﯿ ا ﻟ ﺜ ﻘ ﺎ ﺔﻓ ا ﺑﺮﻐﻤﻟ ﺔﯿ ﺑ ﺘﻋﺎ ﺒ ﺎھرﺎ اﺮﺗ ﺛ ﺎ ﻼﯿﺻأ إو ﺎﻋاﺪﺑ اﺮﺻﺎﻌﻣ . ﻢﻀﯾو ﻞﻛ ا تﺎﺴﺳﺆﻤﻟ ا ﻨﻌﻤﻟ ﺔﯿ ةﺬﮭﺑ .تﻻﺎﺠﻤﻟا نﻮﻧﺎﻗ ﻲﻤﯿﻈﻨﺗ ﮫﺗﺎﯿﺣﻼﺻ ﮫﺘﺒﯿﻛﺮﺗو تﺎﯿﻔﯿﻛو .هﺮﯿﺳ تﺎﯿﻔﯿﻛو ﮫﺘﺒﯿﻛﺮﺗو ﮫﺗﺎﯿﺣﻼﺻ ﻲﻤﯿﻈﻨﺗ نﻮﻧﺎﻗ

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Appendix A.2 Article 5 of the Moroccan Constitution in English

Article 5: Protection of language use

Arabic is the official language of the State. The State works for the protection and for the development of the Arabic language, as well as the promotion of its use. Likewise, Tamazight constitutes an official language of the State, being a shared asset for all Moroccans without exception.

An organic law defines the process of implementation of the official character of this language, as well as the modalities of its integration into teaching and into the priority domains of public life, so that it may be permitted in time to fulfill its function as an official language.

Integration of ethnic communities The State works for the preservation of Hassanyia, as an integral component of the Moroccan cultural unity, as well as the protection of the speakers [of it] and of the practical cultural expression of Morocco. Likewise, it sees to the coherence of linguistic policy and national culture and to the learning and mastery of the foreign languages of significant use in the world, as tools of communication, of integration and of interaction [by which] society [may] know, and to be open to different cultures and to contemporary civilizations.

A National Council of Languages and of Moroccan Culture is created, charged with the protection and the development of the Arabic and Tamazight languages and of the diverse Moroccan cultural expressions, which constitute one authentic patrimony and one source of contemporary inspiration. It brings together the institutions concerned in these domains. An organic law determines its attributions, composition and the modalities of [its] functioning.

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Appendix B.1: El-Othmani’s Statement (Neo-Tifinagh text)

Appendix B.2: El-Othmani’s Statement (Phonetic transcription):

Aztma d istma azul fllawn nkki. Arba hra tsħussax s tʃril n djalat lmalik agllid jan tʃril imqqurn Ajad ar sħussaɣ is tɣa xtad jat lmuhimma iʃqqan walakin inʃallah nkni ħizb lʕadaʕa wa Ttanmijja ar dima nttini tamazirt ad izwarn tamazirt ad izwarn tamazirt ad izwarn tamazirt ad Izwarn. lħadj lli igan f lmslaħa n tamazirt lli rajxdmn tamairt inʃallah. nkni ragis nftu rastnskr bini llah ralamuʕalajkum. El-Othmani 2017

Appendix B.3: El-Othmani’s Statement (English translation):

“Brothers and sisters, peace be upon you. I feel really honored by the King. It is a big honor. It is a very difficult responsibility, but God willing (Inshallah) we, the PJD party, always say the country is first, the country is first, the country is first. Anything that is in favor of the country and benefits it we, God willing (Inshallah) will go and do it. Peace be upon you” El-Othmani 2017

68 Appendix C.1: Speech Community Sizes: Based on Population Growth

Year Tamazight Varieties All Tamazight Varieties

Appendix C.2: Speech Community Sizes from the Moroccan Census

69 References

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