How Does the Court Depicted by Béroul Differ from That of Walter Map? a Study Of

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

How Does the Court Depicted by Béroul Differ from That of Walter Map? a Study Of How does the court depicted by Béroul differ from that of Walter Map? A study of courtly life in Béroul's Tristan et Iseut and Walter Map's De Nugis Curialium. Kathleen O’Neill © Kathleen O'Neill and The Victorian Librarian Blog, 2014. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this blog’s author and/or owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Kathleen O'Neill and The Victorian Librarian blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content. How does the court depicted by Béroul differ from that of Walter Map? In 12th century Western Europe, an extensive body of literature was written about contemporary royal courts, and about the real and fictional people who comprised them. The French writer Béroul wrote such a tale of courtly romance in his native language, while Map, a clerk and cleric at the court of Henry II, wrote his chronicles in Latin. Béroul was the author of what is considered to be the earliest version of the legend of Tristan and Iseut1, and Map of De Nugis Curialium, a selection of satirical tales examining courtly and monastic life. Both writers present life at court as violent, often bleak and miserable, full of intrigue, in a place where allegiances are constantly shifting. Relationships between the sexes are also fraught, sometimes falling prey to courtiers' plotting, and there are many illicit love affairs being conducted. Kings are suspicious of their wives, and as a result some queens are murdered. Noblemen force themselves upon women, and are later left bereft when their wives flee to their own homes. On a first reading of both Béroul and Map, it is very easy to conclude that they both despise courtly life - Map in the opening pages of his text goes so far as to compare the court to Hell, and spells out this comparison in the first chapter's title, 'A Comparison of the Court with the Infernal Regions'2. If existence at court is so miserable, it then must be asked why both writers attached themselves to such royal courts. Map in particular had a well-documented career at the court of Henry II, as a royal clerk, accompanying Henry on journeys 1 Norris J Lacy, ed., Béroul: The Romance of Tristan, (London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1989), p. 11. 2 M. R. James, ed./trans., Brooke, C. N. L., and Mynors, R. A. B., rev., Walter Map: De Nugis Curialium; Courtiers' Trifles, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 3-8. 2 abroad, and acting as the King's representative at the Third Lateran Council3. Like so many others, he forged a career for himself at court that brought him more rewards than he could have expected away from the court, first as a clerk, then as a canon, later as a chancellor, and had his own household, a gift from the King himself. There were ever more opportunities for advancement at royal and ecclesiastical courts and in the households of superior nobles4. Furthermore, for an writer like Map, the court was a rich source of stories on which he could draw. Yet the courts described by Béroul and Map prove to be less dark than they seem on the first reading. There are many noble and virtuous characters, including Sadius and Galo, in Map, and King Arthur and the hermit, in Béroul. Considering the prevalent suspicion with which women were viewed in the earlier Middle Ages, it is easy to see such misogyny reproduced in both texts, particularly in that of Map, who as a cleric could have been considered as particularly condemning of women. Only one female protagonist between the two books is absolutely innocent, and her death is supremely tragic as a result5. However, it is arguably the case that the writers create admirable female characters - Iseut is a brave, resourceful and intelligent young woman - or seek to address the wrongs perpetrated by men towards women - several male protagonists in Map are abandoned by their wives, who were kidnapped by said men in the first place. This paper focuses upon the central roles of Kings and Queens, both historical and literary, and applies these examples of kingship and queenship to the monarchs and their consorts in the stories of Map and Béroul. Both authors provide examples of 3 Ibid., p. xvii. 4 Ibid., p. xix. 5 Ibid., p. 33. 3 just, courageous, intelligent kings and queens, but also recognise the failings of their respective protagonists, in a study of the darker side of courtly life, of the pervasive vice, envy and plotting. Thus, the nature of kings and kingship, and of queens and queenship, is the primary focus of this discussion. There being such an emphasis by both authors upon the role of women in general at the court, and upon supernatural women (including queens) in particular, this paper further addresses their various roles and situations. Ultimately, through a study of Map and Béroul's presentation of these different components of courtly life, it becomes clear that, while their vision of the medieval court is superficially very negative, they also demonstrate that courtly life and people at court are more complex. Few characters are absolutely evil or perfectly good, and many seemingly straightforward situations are in fact highly nuanced. Their portrayal of female characters is the most surprising. Initially, the proposed position of this paper in this regard was that both authors were particularly condemning of their female protagonists. Yet further examination of the texts will prove that this is not the case; only one queen is beyond redemption6, and other women are innocent, display great potential, and/or are dynamic characters who actively take responsibility for their own lives, and those of others, into their own hands. While they do severely criticise elements of courtly life, in the end Map and Béroul present us with courts in which good and evil are not always absolutes, in which their seemingly-negative opinion of the court belies a greater, more intriguing complexity. Echard defines Map as one of the 'figures of the twelfth-century renaissance, participating in that literary explosion in the context of the courts'7. He was both a clerk 6 Ibid., pp. 210-247. 7 Siân Echard, Arthurian Narrative in the Latin Tradition. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 2. 4 at the Angevin court of Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine, and a cleric. As a clerk at the courts of Louis VII and Henry II, as well as '[m]aster of a household so great that he can liken it to a petty court'8, he had a great deal of experience upon which to draw. The tales in De Nugis Curialium concern the secular court, a variety of religious orders, and Map's own household, as mentioned above, but only the court tales share certain themes with Béroul's Tristan et Iseut. Map is almost unremittingly critical of the court, famously comparing it to Hell in the opening pages, but as a cleric he is particularly renowned for his misogyny and misogamy, as demonstrated in A Dissuasion of Valerius to Rufinus the Philosopher, that he should not take a Wife. Béroul's version of the Tristan and Iseut tale is thought to have been composed between 1150 and 11909, in Walter Map's lifetime, and depicts King Mark's court, superficially, as a most miserable place, chaotic, ever-changing, and violent. The only two absolutely good, consistently admirable characters are remarkable for the fact that they are not in fact attached to the Cornish court. King Arthur is Mark's own overlord, a higher authority in the land, who comes to this court only for a short time, and the hermit in the woods, arguably Tristan and Iseut's spiritual advisor, never leaves the forest. The implication is that [i]n the Courts nothing prevails except envy and ill-will, wicked customs, dissolute living and every kind of vice.10 Although acknowledging that these elements exist in both authors' courts, herein it will be argued that there is more to the court than corruption, and that individual characters 8 Frederick Tupper and Marbury Bladen Ogle, ed., Master Walter Map's Book, De Nugis Curialium (Courtiers' Trifles), (London: Chatto & Windus, 1924), p. xiii. 9 Lacy, p. 11. 10 Baldesar Castiglione, The Courtier, trans/rev. by George Bull, (London: Penguin Books, Ltd, 1967), p. 109. 5 clearly demonstrate their nobility, goodness, intelligence and political acumen. In Map, King Herla, and the Queen of Portugal are two such characters11, and in Béroul, the titular characters prove that they themselves could rule over Mark's kingdom12. The nature of royal governance of kingdoms is a key aspect of both texts, and the King and Queen are accordingly key protagonists in Béroul and Map. Their relationships with one another and with their court drive the plots to their conclusion, which in these tales is frequently violent or tragic. The theories of kingship and queenship, outlining the various roles and types of Kings and Queens, can give the reader a greater insight into the true nature of Kings and Queens in Béroul and Map, as well as highlighting the kingly or queenly potential of other characters, such as Tristan. The nature of the royal court itself is also examined by both authors. For example, Béroul draws upon the courtly love tradition, using the locus amoenus, the lovers’ safe haven, usually a garden, or a forest, as in Aucassin et Nicolette13, but all romantic associations are put aside as he focuses on the harsh reality of their plight.
Recommended publications
  • Gerald of Wales and the Angevin Kings
    GERALD OF WALES AND THE ANGEVIN KINGS HELEN STEELE On the 10th of November 1203, Silvester Giraldus long squabble with Thomas Becket, had sullied his Cambrensis1 attended a meeting at Westminster Abbey in reputation.3 Contemporary chroniclers, including Roger de London at which Hubert Walter, Archbishop of Hoveden, Gervase of Canterbury, Walter Map and William Canterbury, announced the selection of Geoffrey de of Newburgh, frequently felt ambivalent about Henry. Henelawe as Bishop of the See of St David’s. Although Walter Map maintains that Henry “was distinguished by five years before, the canons of St David’s had elected him many good traits and blemished by some few faults.”4 their choice for Bishop, and although he had pushed his Similarly, Newburgh characterizes Henry as being claim vigorously with two kings and a pope, Gerald of “endowed with many virtues […] and yet he was addicted Wales accepted the decision quietly. He resigned his to certain vices especially unbecoming in a Christian archdeaconry and retired from public life.2 For decades, he prince.”5 These men similarly had their doubts about had nursed the ambition to become Bishop of a St David’s Henry’s sons. Of Henry the Young King, they wrote little independent of Canterbury. This ambition had driven him but most deplore the young man’s rebellions against his and ultimately became an obsession. Now, his ambition father in 1173 and 1183.6 Richard, who succeeded his crushed, Gerald looked for someone to blame. His gaze father in 1189 and John, who succeeded Richard in 1200, turned upon the Angevin kings.
    [Show full text]
  • Monasticism in Angevin England
    MONASTICISM IN ANGEVIN ENGLAND HELEN STEELE In 1164, King Henry II, now ten years into his the civil courts. Article three stated, “Clerks charged and reign, published the Constitutions of Clarendon. Henry accused of any matter […] shall come into his court to was attempting to clarify the laws of England that had been answer there to whatever it shall seem to the king's court left so uncertain after Stephen’s reign and the civil wars should be answered there […] if the clerk be convicted or that accompanied it1. The Constitutions included clauses confess, the church ought not to protect him further.”4 that made the relationships between laity and clergy the Henry might have expected his Archbishop of remit of King; he banned the church from Canterbury to support him and to sign the Constitutions. excommunicating his vassals without his consent; he Henry had appointed his good friend Thomas Becket to assumed control of the appointment of senior church that post after the latter had served him well as Lord officials and forbade clerics from traveling overseas Chancellor for the early part of his reign. During this without his permission.2 It was the third article that proved period, Becket had shown few signs of zealous allegiance most controversial. Traditionally, those in holy orders had to the Church, but when he was appointed Archbishop, “he been tried in ecclesiastic courts and exempt from civil on a sudden exhibited […] a change in his habit and action, but according to William of Newburgh, clerks manners”. Although all the other
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    NOTES Introduction 1. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1959). 2. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Bandits, rev. ed. (1961; New York: Pantheon, 1981), p. 23. 3. Ibid., p. 17. 4. Ibid., pp. 22–28. 5. Anton Blok, “The Peasant and the Brigand: Social Banditry Reconsidered,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 1:4 (1972), 494–503. See also Richard W. Slatta, ed., Bandidos: The Varieties of Latin American Banditry (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1987). 6. See the summary by Richard W. Slatta, “Eric J. Hobsbawm’s Social Bandit: A Critique and Revision,” A Contracorriente 1:2 (2004), 22–30. 7. Paul Kooistra, Criminals as Heroes: Structure, Power, and Identity (Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1989), p. 29. 8. See Steven Knight’s Robin Hood: A Complete Study of the English Outlaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994); and Robin Hood: A Mythic Biography (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003). 9. Mary Grace Duncan, Romantic Outlaws, Beloved Prisons: the Unconscious Meanings of Crime and Punishment (New York: New York University Press, 1996), p. 61. 10. Charles Mackay, Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds (London, 1841). 11. See, for instance, Kenneth Munden, “A Contribution to the Psychological Understanding of the Cowboy and His Myth,” American Imago Summer (1958), 103–48. 12. William Settle, for instance, makes the argument in the introduction to his Jesse James Was His Name (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1966). 13. Hobsbawm, Bandits, pp. 40–56. 14. Joseph Ritson, ed., Robin Hood: A Collection of all the Ancient Poems, Songs, and Ballads, now Extant Relative to that Celebrated English Outlaw, 2 vols (London: Egerton and Johnson, 1795; rpt.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Introduction
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-08638-8 - The Clergy in the Medieval World: Secular Clerics, Their Families and Careers in North-Western Europe c.800–c.1200 Julia Barrow Excerpt More information 1 Introduction Opening remarks How did clerics build their careers in the western church in the Middle Ages? At what stage in their lives was the decision taken that they should enter the clergy, and who made this decision? Did they continue to maintain ties with their families, and if so, how? How were they trained for their roles in the Church? Attempting to answer these questions sheds light on central aspects of western European society: family networks, education, administration, pastoral care and ecclesiastical institutions. Unlike monks and nuns, however, whose career patterns and family background have attracted considerable attention,1 the clergy of the period from 800 to 1200 have suffered neglect, but unjustly so, on several counts: they were numerous, and their lives and activities were woven into those of the laity of the societies in which they lived. Moreover, though the majority had significance only as part of a larger whole, a sizeable minority were doers and thinkers, many at the forefront of the whole range of cultural developments. No history of Europe in the central Middle Ages could overlook the contributions of – to take a few examples – Gerbert of Aurillac, Peter Abelard, Stephen Langton or Robert Grosseteste, all of them the products of a clerical formation and education.2 At the highest level of the clergy, all bishops, most of whom had built up their ecclesiastical careers as secular clerics, had at least 1 For some idea of the range of literature on monks and nuns, see NCMH, II, 995–1002; III, 759–62; IV (2), 817–22; Thomas F.X.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagining Subterranean Peoples and Places in Medieval Latin 00 Literature 105
    applyparastyle “fig//caption/p[1]” parastyle “FigCapt” Mediaevistik 32 . 2019 105 2020 Scott G. Bruce 00 Sunt altera nobis sidera, sunt orbes alii: Imagining Subterranean Peoples and Places in Medieval Latin 00 Literature 105 118 Owing to the enduring popularity of Jules Verne’s science fiction story Journey to the Center of the Earth (1864), modern readers have taken for granted a hollow, habitable 2020 core beneath the earth’s crust as a time-honored, though scientifically implausible, setting for speculative fiction.1 Verne’s fantastic tale of Professor Otto Lidenbrock’s descent into the Icelandic volcano Snæfellsjökull and his perilous adventures under- ground featuring forests of giant mushrooms and prehistoric monsters remains the most widely read work of nineteenth-century “subterranean fiction.” In 1926, the story was reprinted in a three-part serial in the widely-read American science fiction maga- zine Amazing Stories (Fig. 1). Throughout the twentieth century, it spawned a host of imitators, from Edgar Rice Burrough’s Pellucidar series (1914‒1963) to C. S. Lewis’ Narnian chronicle The Silver Chair (1953), as well as a successful 1959 film adaptation starring James Mason and Pat Boone. The notion that the earth was both hollow and habitable predated Jules Verne by at least two centuries. In 1665, the German Jesuit and polymath Athanasius Kircher (1602‒1680) published his lavishly illustrated, two-volume Mundus subterraneus, an 800‒page potpourri of scientific knowledge and folkloric accretion about the geography and ecology of subterranean realms, with long digressions on the existence of under- world megafauna, like giants and dragons, and some first-rate speculation on the site of lost Atlantis.2 Like the hero of Verne’s story, Kircher was intrigued by the possibility that volcanoes provided gateways to the lightless world below.
    [Show full text]
  • Waldef: a French Romance from Medieval England
    FOR PRIVATE AND NON-COMMERCIAL USE ARC HUMANITIES PRESS FOUNDATIONS This series responds to the pressing need for new primary texts on the premodern world. The series fits Arc’s academic mission to work with scholars of the past in expanding our collective horizons. This source of accessible new texts will refresh research resources, engage students, and support the use of innovative approaches to teaching. The series takes a flexible, case-by-case approach to publishing. The works helpmay thebe original reader situate language the editions,text. facing-page (with English translation) editions, or translations. Each edition includes a contextual introduction and explanatory notes to Advisory Board Arizona State University Università Ca’ Foscari, Venezia Robert E. Bjork,University of Canterbury / Te Whare Wānanga o Waitaha Alessandra Bucossi,University of California, Santa Cruz Chris Jones, University of Oxford Sharon Kinoshita, Matthew Cheung Salisbury, FOR PRIVATE AND NON-COMMERCIAL USE ARC HUMANITIES PRESS WALDEF A FRENCH ROMANCE FROM MEDIEVAL ENGLAND Translated by IVANA DJORDJEVIĆ, NICOLE CLIFTON, and JUDITH WEISS FOR PRIVATE AND NON-COMMERCIAL USE ARC HUMANITIES PRESS British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. © 2020, Arc Humanities Press, Leeds The authors assert their moral right to be identified as the authors of their part of this work. Permission to use brief excerpts from this work in scholarly and educational works is hereby granted provided that the source is acknowledged. Any use of material in this work that is an exception or limitation covered by Article 5 of the European Union’s Copyright Directive (2001/29/EC) or would be determined to be “fair use” under Section 107 of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Southampton Research Repository Eprints Soton
    University of Southampton Research Repository ePrints Soton Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", University of Southampton, name of the University School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination http://eprints.soton.ac.uk UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History Hermits, Recluses and Anchorites: A Study of Eremitism in England and France c. 1050 - c. 1250 by Jacqueline F. G. Duff, M.A. Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2011 University of Southampton ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History Doctor of Philosophy HERMITS, RECLUSES AND ANCHORITES: A STUDY OF EREMITISM IN ENGLAND AND FRANCE c. 1050-c. 1250 by Jacqueline Frances Duff Eremitism is a broad movement and took many different forms during the course of the middle ages. This thesis is a comparative study of the eremitic life in England and France during the period when it had, arguably, reached the height of its popularity. While eremitism in both countries shared many common characteristics, there were also differing interpretations of how this ideal should be achieved.
    [Show full text]
  • Fairies, Kingship, and the British Past in Walter Map's De Nugis Curialium and Sir Orfeo
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Fairies, Kingship, and the British Past in Walter Map's De Nugis Curialium and Sir Orfeo Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8zh4b6x4 Author Schwieterman, Patrick Joseph Publication Date 2010 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Fairies, Kingship, and the British Past in Walter Map’s De Nugis Curialium and Sir Orfeo by Patrick Joseph Schwieterman A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Maura Nolan, Chair Professor Jennifer Miller Professor John Lindow Fall 2010 Fairies, Kingship, and the British Past in Walter Map’s De Nugis Curialium and Sir Orfeo © 2010 by Patrick Joseph Schwieterman Abstract Fairies, Kingship, and the British Past in Walter Map’s De Nugis Curialium and Sir Orfeo by Patrick Joseph Schwieterman Doctor of Philosophy in English University of California, Berkeley Professor Maura Nolan, Chair My dissertation focuses on two fairy narratives from medieval Britain: the tale of Herla in Walter Map’s twelfth-century De Nugis Curialium, and the early fourteenth-century romance Sir Orfeo. I contend that in both texts, fairies become intimately associated with conceptions of the ancient British past, and, more narrowly, with the idea of a specifically insular kingship that seeks its legitimization within that past. In Chapter One, I argue that Map’s longer version of the Herla narrative is his own synthesis of traditional materials, intended to highlight the continuity of a notion of British kingship that includes the pygmy king, Herla and Henry II.
    [Show full text]
  • ENARRATIO Sinex Vol4 Pp95-115
    "Hoc so/um deliqui, quad uiuo": Walter Map's Modernitas I Margaret Sinex Walter Map wrote these words at a time when intellectuals had a heightened awareness of living at a particular moment along a chro­ nological continuum. 2 E. R Curtius ascribes to Walter Map and other authors (John of Salisbury, Peter of Blois) an awareness which allowed them to position themselves quite self-<:<>nsciously in re­ lation to the past.3 Their new perspective enabled these writers to reexamine their contemporaries' reception of their works and es­ pecially the literacy values and assumptions which governed that reception and shaped the reputations of Walter Map and others. Further, as Brian Stock observes, this perspective offered them the opportunity to interrogate the hermeneutic practices of the past: Once the pastness of the past was widely recognized, ar­ chaic modes of thought were no longer able to envelop the present and to dissolve it as an independent realm of expe­ rience. '(he present became a vantage point from which the past could be discussed and debated. The inevitable contrast between the old and the new resulted in the first tentative stages of the "querelle des Anciens et Modemes. "4 For Map and his contemporaries, modemitas meant "modem times," and moderni "men of today," or "moderns. "5 Cassiodorus was the first to employ the term modernus with the meaning "the present period" or "the present generation;" he was followed by numerous medieval writers who used it chiefly to differentiate be­ tween their own era and the Patristic age. 6 For them, the Anliqui included both Christian and Pagan authors.7 During Map's life­ time, both terms were used to locate an author in the many debates about the rapid changes occurring in a host of disciplines.
    [Show full text]
  • The Book Collection at St Guthlac's Priory, Hereford, Before 1200
    The Book Collection at St Guthlac’s Priory, Hereford, Before 1200: Acquisition, Adaptation and Use Christopher Ian Tuckley Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of PhD The University of Leeds Institute for Medieval Studies June 2009 The candidate confirms that the work is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I have been particularly fortunate in having had the benefit of sponsorship throughout my research: the first three years of study were funded by the White Rose Consortium of universities, which also paid a stipend. A generous grant from the Lynne Grundy Trust allowed me to present a paper on the priory book collection at the International Congress on Medieval Studies at Kalamazoo, Michigan, in May 2008. Thanks are due to a number of individuals within the academic community for their assistance and advice in the completion of this thesis. Debby Banham, Orietta Da Rold, Sarah Foot, William Flynn, Richard Gameson, Monica Green, Thom Gobbit, Michael Gullick, Juliet Hewish, Geoffrey Humble, Takako Kato, Bella Millet, Alan Murray, Katie Neville, Clare Pilsworth, Richard Sharpe, Rodney Thomson, Elaine Trehame, Karen Watts, and the staff of the Bodleian, Jesus College, Hereford Cathedral and York Minster libraries have all given guidance at one point or another. I also gratefully acknowledge the help of the Dean and Chapter of Hereford Cathedral. Julia Barrow’s advice has been especially valuable in making sense of a number of medieval charters relating to St Guthlac’s Priory, and I owe her a great debt of gratitude in this respect.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction: the Scrap-Heap of History 1
    NOTES Introduction: The Scrap-Heap of History 1 . Patrick Sims-Williams provides an incisive overview of the construction of some of these stereotypes in “The Visionary Celt: The Construction of an Ethnic Preconception,” Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 11 (1996): 71–96. 2 . William Shakespeare, Henry V , 3rd Arden ed., ed. T. W. Craig (London: Routledge, 1995), IV:7, lines 94–118. 3 . Matthew Arnold, On the Study of Celtic Literature and Other Essays (New York: Dutton, 1976), p. 384. 4 . See Megan S. Lloyd, “Speak It in Welsh”: Wales and the Welsh Language in Shakespeare (Blue Ridge Summit, PA: Lexington Books, 2008). 5 . Even the subversive force of Fluellen’s unfavorable comparison of Henry to Alexander the Great is humorously undercut by the Welshman’s insis- tence on the Hellenistic conqueror’s epithet: the “pig.” See Shakespeare, Henry V , IV: vii; David Quint, “ ‘Alexander the Pig’: Shakespeare on History and Poetry,” boundary 2 10 (1982): 49–67, and esp. 60, shows persuasively how Fluellen’s attempts at historical analysis and panegyric undercut themselves, rendering him ludicrous. For a larger discussion of the representation of the Welsh in Elizabethan texts, see Peter Roberts, “Tudor Wales, National Identity, and the British Inheritance,” in British Consciousness and Identity: The Making of Britain, 1536–1707 , ed. Brendan Bradshaw and Peter Roberts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 8–42. 6 . William Shakespeare, Henry IV, Part 1 , 3.1. ed. David Bevington (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987). 7 . See R. R. Davies, The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dwr (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). 8 . Simon Meecham-Jones speaks of these developments as “conscious processes of historical falsification and linguistic distortion.” See his essay, “Where Was Wales? The Erasure of Wales in Medieval English Culture,” in Authority and Subjugation in Writing of Medieval Wales , ed.
    [Show full text]
  • A Scholar and His Saints. Examining the Art of Hagiographical Writing of Gerald of Wales
    UNIVERSITY The life of Giraldus Cambrensis / Gerald of Wales (c.1146 – c.1223) represents many PRESS facets of the Middle Ages: he was raised in a frontier society, he was educated in Paris, he worked for the kings of England and he unsuccessfully tried to climb the ecclesiastical ladder. He travelled widely, he met many high-ranking persons, and he wrote books in which he included more than one (amusing) anecdote about many persons. Up to this day, scholars have devoted a different degree of attention to Giraldus’ works: his ethnographical and historiographical works have been studied thoroughly, whereas his hagiographical writing has been left largely unexamined. This observation is quite surprising, because Giraldus’ talent as a hagiographer has been acknowledged long ago. Scholars have already examined Giraldus’ saints’ lives independently, but an interpretation of his whole hagiographical œuvre is still a desideratum. This thesis proposed to fill this gap by following two major research questions. First of all, this thesis examined the particular way in which Giraldus depicted each saint. Furthermore, it explained why Giraldus chose / preferred a certain depiction of a FAU Studien aus der Philosophischen Fakultät 17 particular saint. Overall, an examination of the hagiographical art of writing of Giraldus Cambrensis offered insight into the way hagiography was considered by authors and commissioners and how this art was practiced during the twelfth and thirteenth century. Stephanie Plass A Scholar and His Saints Examining the Art of Hagiographical Writing A Scholar and His Saints - The Art of Hagiographical Writing of Gerald Wales A Scholar and His Saints - The Art of Hagiographical Writing of Gerald of Wales ISBN 978-3-96147-350-2 Stephanie Plass FAU UNIVERSITY PRESS 2020 FAU Stephanie Plass A Scholar and His Saints Examining the Art of Hagiographical Writing of Gerald of Wales FAU Studien aus der Philosophischen Fakultät Band 17 Herausgeber der Reihe: Prof.
    [Show full text]