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Home , Bossiney, Earl of Cornwall, Launceston Castle, Lydford Castle, Okehampton Castle, Richard of Cornwall

Launceston, , of and current debates count of his Cornish upbringing, was al- AFTERTHOUGHT: Launceston, Lyd- ways very close to his heart. ford, and current In my Devonian context I owe debates. him a big personal debt of gratitude. When When the history of castle studies in the I excavated Castle in the second half of the twentieth century comes 1970s, as a very young man, Andrew be- to be written, to Andrew Saunders will be came Chief Inspector of Ancient Monu- attributed an important and influential ments. He was an immensely supportive role: in his research - as excavator, field- mentor and ally and, very soon, a good worker and documentary historian; in his friend. One of my best social memories of posts at the Ministry of Works and its suc- him is of an end-of-digging-season party cessor bodies - as a formulator of attitudes at Launceston in the 1970s, to which all towards conservation and public presenta- my Okehampton team were invited. It was tion; and of course as influential guru in frankly riotous. But I also retain one para- national and local societies and other doxical memory of Andrew: though an groups. A skilful digest of his contribu- immensely sociable person when in his tions in these fields was written by Jona- element, he once told me – in a reflective than Coad as an obituary published in The conversation – that he could also be very Times (26/03/09). shy and could find sociability hard work. I would like here briefly to raise In the 1990s, Andrew invited me an issue which I have been mulling over to represent the UK - with him - on the during the last year while having a re-think International Castles Institute (IBI) Scien- about shell-: a well-known “type” tific Council, under the Europa Nostra um- (so-called) of castle structure which I sus- brella. We visited fascinating places all pect has been a little less understood than over Europe, learning about academic and we might imagine. Inevitably, one matter I conservation issues there and making our have been thinking about is how observa- contribution by lecturing about how such tions about shell-keeps might fall into the issues were handled at home. How they on-going debate (and will it ever go away were handled at home was, of course, in ? - see my earlier thoughts from 1998-99) no small measure due to Andrew's own about the relative importance of the defen- professional example and influence over sible and symbolic characters of castle de- many years. I understand that IBI will, fit- sign. tingly, dedicate its 2009 meeting (in Rho- Andrew’s best-known field proj- des) to his memory. ect on a castle was his long-term explora- Andrew Saunders more than tion of Launceston in Cornwall, published earned his place in the story of British ar- magnificently in 2006. The top of chaeology. Everyone in the Castle Studies Launceston's motte bears a famous and Group owes much to him, whether directly complex structure, one element of which or indirectly. We are very proud to have was a twelfth-century shell-, re-fur- been associated with him professionally bished in the thirteenth century and to and, at a personal level, we will miss him which was added a “high tower” (as it was enormously. called in a survey of 1337). And so, while thinking about shell-keeps, I began to think about Richard, , who was proposed by Andrew as the great re- designer of Launceston in the 13th century (as well as of Lydford, in neighbouring

242 The Castle Studies Group Journal No 23: 2009-10 Launceston, Lydford, Richard of Cornwall and current debates

Launceston Castle. Image © Oliver Creighton.

Devon, published by Andrew in 1980). I occupants. One of Andrew's articles – far feel it should be said that, in a pragmatic less known than it deserves to be – is enti- and non-polemic way wholly typical of the tled “The English castle as country man, Andrew contributed more to the evo- house”. Published in 1993 when most peo- lution of the “building symbolism” debate ple were not yet thinking along these lines, than he recognised. In the late 1950s, he it laid out an effective argument which in drew attention to the re-building of the later years has become (obviously, for ap- /prison in pseudo-motte and propriate sites and not for all castles) tower fashion, a choice which – by the widely accepted. standards of the later 13th century – was The reason I raise this “castle surely image-driven rather than defences- symbolism” issue here is not, however, to driven. And this sort of thinking ran review it generally, nor to concentrate on through much of his approach to why and the shell-keeps, but to think specifically in what manner earl Richard re-built about Richard, Earl of Cornwall, younger Launceston on a lavish scale (2006, 456- brother of king III, and to a degree 460). He (and others, in consequence, for about his son Edmund who succeeded him example Creighton 2009, 170-171) saw as earl of Cornwall. I would like to extend that the complex of tower and shell on some observations which are inherent in Launceston’s motte may have evoked mil- Andrew's report on Launceston but which, itary strength but what it also did – and in retrospect, he might have pursued fur- probably more crucially – was to provide ther. So I am confident he would have ap- an elevated view of the castle's manipulat- proved broadly of the following ed parkland landscape as well as a plat- discussion, which is offered as a tribute to form for ceremonial displays to the castle's his stimulus.

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Andrew and his specialists ar- opment: an appreciation that castle-build- gued (2006, 33-34, 58, 64, 256-7, 282, ing or re-building often related to specific 455-6) that the pottery dating evidence contexts in the social, economic and politi- allowed only a general inference of a ma- cal circumstances of individuals and fami- jor thirteenth-century re-building of both lies. To take the eleventh and twelfth the motte-top and the at Launces- centuries as an example, we have become ton, and that the various phases in which accustomed to this line of thought in an this was accomplished were spread aristocratic context from the work of Philip throughout Richard's tenure of the earl- Dixon, Pamela Marshall, Jonathan Coad dom (1227 – 1272) and quite possibly into and others. The argument has also been the tenure of his son, Edmund (1272 – applied in royal contexts of the same peri- 1300). Although the weight of the pottery od by Rick Turner, Sandy Heslop and oth- evidence pointed often to the period after ers. Like many good arguments in circa 1250, he felt it reasonable to assume academic pursuits, it has precedents: points that Richard commenced his re-building made by people in earlier years when a early on, in order to assert his new author- wider debate had not yet emerged. I feel ity in the south west, the title of earl hav- this was true of myself and my collabora- ing been revived for him (it had lapsed in tors in the 1970s at Okehampton (re-built 1175). But he also allowed for some ele- by Hugh Courtenay soon after 1300 in sta- ments – including the high tower on the tus-enhancing circumstances) and I feel it motte – being built much later, during earl was true of Andrew's work at Lydford: il- Edmund's tenure. In contrast, Lydford luminating the re-building of the site in a (with , held by Richard only “pseudo-motte and donjon” form revealed from 1239), Andrew argued on the basis simultaneously how a rich and powerful of associated later thirteenth-century pot- magnate re-created a castle with both tery, was re-built late in the 1260s, about “function” and “image” in mind. the time (1267) that Richard acquired a Andrew was convinced that a ma- market and fair for the borough (Saunders jor motive in Earl Richard's re-building of 1980, 161-162): both actions showed an Launceston – involving the bailey build- enhanced seigneurial interest in the place. ings and defences, the motte top and its Archaeologically, however, the possible complex structures - was his wish to have end-date for Lydford’s rebuilding – based a castle that was not only up-to-date in de- on the pottery alone – could be later on in fensive terms but which provided a suit- the thirteenth century. able administrative centre for his Cornish What the excavator's views on estates; as well as one whose form would these two re-buildings – one extensive and impress both local society and visiting multi-phase, the other smaller in scale and peers with its towering aspect, domestic single-phase but nonetheless very impres- facilities and ceremonial pretension (for sive – reminds us, is that there are two di- example, 2006, 257: “a very public state- mensions to the “symbolism” argument in ment of his status and prestige”). Andrew castle interpretation. One dimension has also knew that the effort expended on been with us since the earliest days of Launceston's rebuilding was all the more modern castle studies: late nineteenth-cen- remarkable for two reasons. First, though it tury commentators understood very well was the centre of the Cornish estates, and that castles were designed not just to be it was from Cornwall that his earldom took defended but also to make statements its title, Launceston was not the caput: this about their owner's status and wealth. The lay, in the thirteenth century, at Walling- other dimension is of more recent devel- ford and later Berkhampsted. Second, dur-

244 The Castle Studies Group Journal No 23: 2009-10 Launceston, Lydford, Richard of Cornwall and current debates ing his long tenure of the earldom, 51st birthday. On the face of it, this itiner- Andrew reminded us that Richard seems ary appears to have been the result of ad- to have visited Cornwall in person only vance planning: the celebration in infrequently (ibid., 33-36). He might have Launceston being the sort of occasion for asked: didn't Richard go to rather a lot of which much preparation in stocking or trouble with a castle for which he didn't even building works at the castle might be have much personal use? in order. But this was not, apparently, the case. Denholm-Young informs us (1947, It is the further exploration of this 100-101) that when in London, in early apparent paradox which I wish to pursue December, Richard had been planning to briefly here. In so doing, I have been stim- go to with his brother, king Henry ulated by a re-reading (after many years) III. But he changed his plans and the king of Denholm-Young’s biography of Rich- went alone. Going to Cornwall – in the ard of Cornwall (1947) and by reading context either of Christmas or his birthday two new and very informative discussions – had not been his original intention at all. of Richard's experiences in the politically- The clear impression from his known tumultuous 1260s (Page 2000; Jobson movements is that Richard used 2009). In particular, in thinking of Richard Berkhampsted and Wallingford, the main and the south west, it seems (to me) im- administrative centres of the whole earl- portant to bear in mind the following dom, as his major English residences. The points:- role of Berkhampsted as a residence for First, Cornwall was never Rich- the wives of the thirteenth-century earls ard's main area of residence, or even a reg- has also been noted (Remfry 2009, 63-78). ular one. The chronicle and charter The year 1263, was a politically tense one evidence specifically reveal him in Corn- in the run-up to further dramatic political wall on only six occasions between 1227 events and Richard spent the period from and 1272: in 1229, 1238, 1240, 1249, July to October in or around Berkhampst- 1252, and 1259 (Denholm-Young 1947, ed (Denholm-Young, 120-122; Jobson passim; Page 2000). On his return from 2009). in 1243, Richard landed first at This was an unusually long time Scilly (Denholm-Young 1947, 49) so there for any magnate to spend in one property. may be another Cornish visit implied here. What is revealing is that he did not take It must also be said that there are signifi- himself off to Cornwall: he stayed in the cant periods in his life when his itinerary English heartland of his earldom. This sug- is not known, for example six months in gests that he did not regard his Cornish 1259 (Denholm-Young 1947, 99). But estates as a “territorial power base” - un- even allowing for deficient sources, the like, for example, many of the barons of record doesn't add up to much. The im- the marcher lordships In 1264, he did how- pression given is that of an essentially ab- ever raise some troops in Cornwall in ad- sentee lord as far as the Cornish estates vance of the Battle of were concerned. Nor is it possible to know (Denholm-Young 1947, 125). Denholm- what to make of the time he did spend in Young reminds us (ibid, 164) that while Cornwall: we do not know how long his Cornwall was “practically a palatinate” visits lasted. One at least was not signifi- under its twelfth-century earls, under Rich- cantly pre-planned. On 7th December 1259 ard and his son Edmund this was not the he was in London. On 11th December he case: Cornwall lay in the king's financial was in Mere (Wilts). At Christmas he was and judicial administration even though in Launceston where he also celebrated his the earls appointed the sheriffs.

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Lydford. Image © Oliver Creighton.

Just as we must remember that donjon (2009, 94-96, 104-107). In 1259, Cornwall was not the “centre” of the earl- on the occasion of the dedication of Hailes dom (above), so we must remember that abbey (Gloucestershire) - Richard's own Richard's castles in Berkhampsted and foundation – noted that the Wallingford consumed major expenditure. earl remarked how great his expenditure at The works carried out there, noted by con- Wallingford had been (Denholm-Young temporary chroniclers (who were silent on 1947, 76). It was recorded on that occa- Launceston), tell us much about his priori- sion that building works at Hailes, started ties (Brown et alii 1963, 562, 850). Docu- in 1245-46, had by now cost ten thousand mentary work currently being pursued at marks. In our enthusiasm for monitoring Wallingford by Judy Dewey shows, how- medieval castle-building, castellologists ever, significant expenditure occurring just should not forget that the families in ques- before Richard's tenure: linking subse- tion were often also patrons of significant quent works with Richard and Edmund is church foundation and that this, too, drew difficult because no accounts survive. In on their resources. Neither was Richard 1254 on the other hand, according to the content to use only castles which he was Dunstable annalist, Richard built a three- given. In 1253, he received permission storey tower with leaded roof at from the king to build a new one at Mere Berkhampsted, presumably the great tower (Wilts.). Much work was done there from on the motte referred to in 1337; the motte 1259 – 1262 (Denholm-Young 1947, 77, carries remains of what has been thought a 113). But when he fell ill he was at shell-keep (ibid, 561-3) though Paul Rem- Berkhampsted, where he died in 1272 fry suggests these are remains of a roofed (ibid, 152).

246 The Castle Studies Group Journal No 23: 2009-10 Launceston, Lydford, Richard of Cornwall and current debates

Second – in this heavily “absen- simply a monument to the notions of Cor- tee” lifestyle - it is clear what Cornwall's nish kingship known through the Arthuri- value to Richard (and his son, when earl) an legends as popularised by Geoffrey of actually was: he had been granted not only Monmouth. Padel's (1988) exposition of revenues from land but, more important, this episode – the creation of a symbolic the wealth arising from its tin. In 1239, his coastal folly in all but name – is wholly acquiring of Lydford and Dartmoor from convincing and perhaps reveals more of the king has sometimes been seen as an Richard's attitude to his Cornish posses- extension of the same interest in the min- sions than we have hitherto acknowledged. eral wealth of the neighbouring shire of Fourth, as well as taking a full . Commentators vary, however, in role in English political life, Richard also their views on whether Devon's tin was had very significant overseas commit- exploited by Richard, some assuming it to ments. He was on crusade from June 1240 be the case because of the Lydford con- to January 1242 and in Gascony from May nection. On the other hand, Denholm- 1242 to October 1243 (Denholm-Young Young (1947, 129 and n.5, 168) asserted 1947, 41-44, 46-49). From 1257 to the end that what he received in 1239 was the For- of his life he was king of Germany, spend- est of Dartmoor but not its mines. Else- ing about four years in total there spread where, it is noted that Edmund received over some four visits (ibid, passim). Tell- the farm of the Devon tin mines only in ingly, the English retinue at his 1278 (ODNB, 17, 770-773). Overall, it at in 1257 included no-one with seems, Richard's income from tin (wheth- Cornish connections (ibid, 90-91). All this er in one shire or two) was his biggest sin- adds to an impression of an overlord gle source of income, approximately whose financial and other interests were £2,000 per annum out of a total of some continuously felt by the Cornish but whom £5,000 - £6, 000 per annum (Page 2000). they hardly expected ever to see. Third, while this essentially ex- Fifth, Denholm-Young (1947, 1) ploitative approach to Cornwall was tem- informs us that Richard “was universally pered by the granting of charters (starting believed to be the richest man in ” with Launceston itself) to several Cornish and points (ibid, Chapter 4) to the years boroughs between the 1230s and 1260s, it 1247-1256 as crucial in his creation of per- is mirrored also in Richard's relationships sonal wealth. This came from the profits with the Cornish. Page's analysis shows of tin, from his re-organisation of the royal that Cornish knights did not figure much coinage, and from various deals with influ- in the earl's personal household nor in his ential Jewish financiers. Defining a partic- wider affinity of supporters. In fact, he ular period of personal prosperity is not had often tense relations with them: aris- only helpful in understanding the man's ing from his frequent appointment of sher- career. It may also help to reveal in which iffs from outside Cornwall and his years he may have been most able to in- virtually unbroken practice of appointing vest in major building projects. In the case outsiders as stewards to his Cornish es- of royal castles, the Pipe Rolls reveal spe- tates. The Cornish probably regarded him cific years and amounts spent. For non- as simultaneously remote but interfering. royal projects, such date-specific guidance It is telling that one of Richard's early ven- is rarely available and we have to assess tures into local land-deals involved acquir- contexts from our knowledge of the ing Bossiney and and building a changing circumstances of individuals and castle at the latter. It was not a residence families (and from architectural and ar- or administrative centre, however, but chaeological evidence if available). It

The Castle Studies Group Journal No 23: 2009-10 247 Launceston, Lydford, Richard of Cornwall and current debates

Restormal Castle. Image © Oliver Creighton. would be fascinating to know in exactly brother (the king) and his brother's baroni- what periods Richard allocated expendi- al opponents. The nadir of Richard's politi- ture on Launceston. Even accepting its ex- cal fortunes came in 1264 when , after the cavator's argument - that Richard is likely Battle of Lewes (in May) he was captured to have commenced work early - we may and incarcerated, forfeiting his lands and wonder whether most building effort (as at castles which were administered for a time in the 1250s – see above) by Simon de Montfort's family. In marked may have been later in his tenure of the contrast, however, was his political recov- earldom rather than earlier. ery in 1265, which had a marked impact Sixth, in addition to financial cir- on Cornwall. Now, he merged the offices cumstances we should consider political of sheriff and steward in Cornwall (and ones. While an assertion of authority continued to give this powerful position to through grand building would have been outsiders). He also persuaded the Cardinan (as Andrew believed) appropriate in the and Vautort families to sell him the castles early years, the events of much later years and estates of Restormel (in 1268-69) and may also have been important in this re- Trematon (in 1270) respectively. All this, spect. In particular we should note what Page (2000) argued with good reason, Page (2000) and Jobson (2009) - in exten- would have alienated Richard even further sion of Denholm-Young’s discussion from the Cornish knightly class. We (1947) - tell us about the role of Cornwall might, I think, wonder seriously whether it in Richard's political life, which, despite was in this context that some of his build- his undoubted wealth and power, was ing works at Launceston occurred, de- marked by sharply contrasting periods of signed to restore his recently-damaged influence (or lack of it) with both his reputation and authority. Although no

248 The Castle Studies Group Journal No 23: 2009-10 Launceston, Lydford, Richard of Cornwall and current debates more than speculation, we may wonder with the person who was a castle's builder whether the re-building of the motte-top, or main occupant: the owner was rich and whose donjon is such a visible and potent powerful; the design and grandeur of the symbol of lordship, occurred at this time? castle impressed that fact on local society Was it, indeed, modelled in any way on as well as on visitors from the owner's the tall tower he had already built at peer-group. But what I think I had not tak- Berkhampsted (see above)? I have sug- en into account was the great variability in gested elsewhere (Higham et alii1985) that the degree to which the owner was actual- a possible early-fourteenth-century re- ly in residence. I had fallen back on a building of Plympton by Hugh Courtenay, loose generalisation along the lines of “of with a tower and shell on the motte, may course the aristocracy and gentry led peri- have been inspired by Launceston. The patetic lives; for much of the time their late 1260s may have been when the don- castles were occupied by skeleton staffs of jon-inspired rebuilding of Lydford took servants and officials”. While this was place (see above). And thus the re-building broadly true, as an explanation it begins to of Restormel by Edmund, his son and suc- break down when we consider not the cessor, may be seen perhaps as a continua- “middling” group, of which it may be a tion, in Cornwall, of his father's tradition? fair description, but the uppermost and At Restormel as well as at Lydford, we lowermost groups. Richard of Cornwall find the throwing up of an earthwork was a prime example of the former: a man against the masonry to create an impres- so rich and so active on the national and sion of a traditional mound with a struc- international stage that he spent little time ture rising from it. Indeed, given the scope at all (as far as we can see) at the castle of the pottery dating evidence from both from which his Cornish estates and tin in- Launceston and Lydford, it is not impossi- comes – his biggest single slice of income ble that Launceston's high tower and Lyd- - were administered. Though his career did ford's pseudo-motte and donjon were not have Richard's international dimen- actually the work of Edmund rather than sion, Edmund inherited all of his father's of Richard. Restormel must have been Ed- English lands and titles and was also an mund's work: Richard did not have it until immensely rich man who continued his 1268 and he died in 1272. father's tradition of lending money to kings and nobles and of patronising church Do these ruminations achieve foundations (Rewley and Ashridge). But anything? For me personally, they are – as far as we know – he hardly ever went evocative of the sorts of discussion I had to Cornwall or Devon: though there is no with Andrew on several occasions over the biography of him (cf. Denholm-Young's years, during his seasons of work at on Richard) the full account of Edmund's Launceston and his subsequent years of life in the Dictionary of National post-excavation and publication prepara- Biography (vol. 17, 770-773; for Richard, tion. We did not discuss precisely these ibid, 46, 702-712) refers to not a single points, but I feel sure he would have en- south-western visit. On the other hand, gaged with them enthusiastically. What John Allan informs me (in person) that emerges, I think, is an issue which I have Edmund's arms are found on floor-tiles not hitherto thought sufficiently about. from several south-western monastic sites, Others may have done so and they will from which we might infer some impact find the conclusion to this little offering on the region’s society. perhaps rather obvious. I have always made a simple correlation of the “image” At the other end of the spectrum, or “symbolism” argument about castles we may consider the humble lord of a

The Castle Studies Group Journal No 23: 2009-10 249 Launceston, Lydford, Richard of Cornwall and current debates handful of manors whose family aspired to ing all the accustomed symbols of status greater status by building a little castle in through architecture and design. It was this their caput. Europe as a whole had thou- – rather than an intention of regular per- sands of such people. In contrast to the sonal use - which merited the considerable great magnates, their lifestyle was less expenditure which such re-buildings must peripatetic and they were often in resi- have involved. dence, in their little castle or in some near- So far, so good. But we are left by manor house. These extremes of the with an awkward problem. If Richard (and spectrum are instructive. The local lord, presumably Edmund – who in any case with modest status and modest resources, moved the centre of his Cornish adminis- impressed his authority on local society by tration to Restormel and ) was being an active part of it for most of the at Launceston so little, we can see why year. Not only might his funds not stretch expenditure on defences, administrative to building a castle with great “symbolic” buildings and lesser accommodation was pretension in design, but, equally impor- justified: they sustained the everyday func- tant, his presence in local society might tions of stewards and others. But what jus- make such symbolism superfluous: his tified grander accommodation and what, in power emanated daily from his person. particular, justified the manipulation of a But the great magnate who was less fre- donjon design – at first sight a traditional, quently in residence at any one place dif- defensive, lordly residence – into what was fered from his humbler counterpart in two in reality an impressive viewing tower important respects. First, he had loads of with associated platform from which the money. Second, his frequent absences manipulated landscape of the adjacent park from each of his seats of power gave him could be enjoyed and on which ceremonial more incentive to make them of grand de- occasions might be organised? We seem to sign: the symbolism of status inherent in have three options here. First, Richard and this grand design acted as a visual remind- Edmund may have visited far more fre- er to local society of the man's authority, quently than the written records reveal and exercised in his absence by stewards and this facility was enjoyed by them, their others who thus lived within a grandness family and visitors. Second, it may have of environment far outstripping their own been designed for the use and enjoyment social position. of the chief officials of the earls. Third – While it would be naïve to pursue and extreme though this suggestion may this argument to a general law of “inverse seem I think it should not be discounted in ratio” along the lines of “the grander the view of Richard's and Edmund's enormous design the more the lord was absent”, as a wealth – it was built in advance of a very general point it may help explain why specific visit made by one of them and his magnates such of Richard of Cornwall and entourage in the context of some particu- his son Edmund developed impressive larly important occasion or meeting: linked castles at Launceston, Lydford and to Richard's re-assertion of personal au- Restormel when they knew they would thority in Cornwall after 1265, perhaps, or hardly ever be there. A mixture of years of to Edmund's succession to his father and absence at a time and non-too-harmonious his shift of centre from Launceston to relations with the local knightly class, on Restormel-Lostwithiel? There is a tenden- top of an essentially exploitative attitude cy, perhaps, for us to match the perma- to the Cornish lands and their mineral nence of a building in the surviving wealth, added up to a significant need to physical record with an assumption of its have castles of strong appearance convey- regular or even frequent use. But given the

250 The Castle Studies Group Journal No 23: 2009-10 Launceston, Lydford, Richard of Cornwall and current debates ceremonial side of the castle life enjoyed Brown, R.A., Colin, H.M., Taylor, A.J. by the very richest in medieval society, we 1963: The History of the King's Works, should not overlook the possibility of “oc- Vol. II (HMSO) casion-specific” building enterprises. This Creighton, O.H. 2009: Designs upon the is, however, to fly kites. We are faced here Land (Boydell) with a general and recurrent problem in castle studies. The history will tell us of Denholm-Young, N. 1947: Richard of individuals, families and events, often spe- Cornwall (Oxford) cific to particular dates. The archaeology Higham et alii 1985: Plympton Castle, will tell us of broader trends in building Devon, Proc. Devon Arch. Soc., 43, 59-76 evolution, but mainly in the context of looser chronologies. Matching the two ap- Higham, R.A. 1998-99: Current Debates proaches up is no easy task. Historical in- in British Castle Studies: a personal note, terpretation can be frustrated by the Castle Studies Group Newsletter, 12, 47- looseness of the archaeological dating; ar- 50 chaeological interpretation can be frustrat- Jobson, A. 2009: Richard of Cornwall and ed by a perceived need to link the the Baronial Opposition in 1263, in Thir- observed physical data with known people teenth Century England (Boydell), 12, 61 and events. Both may lead us into false – 74 suppositions, and away from the truth, as ODNB 2004: The Oxford Dictionary of easily as towards reliable reconstruction of National Biography (vols. 17, 46) the past. Padel, O. 1988: Tintagel in the twelfth and In future I will think more about thirteenth centuries, Journal of the Insti- how much time castle builders spent in tute of Cornish Studies, 16, 61-66 their castles, and why, as well as about their wider interests in particular localities Page, M. 2000: Cornwall, Earl Richard, and regions. It may help me understand and the Barons' War, English Historical better the nature of the castles themselves. Review, 115, no.460 (February), 21-38 The published studies of Launceston and Remfry, P. M. 2009: Berkhampsted Castle Lydford – seen in the wider context of the (Castle Studies Research and Publishing) earldom of Cornwall - provide stimulating material for this challenge, as well as for Saunders, A. D. 1980: Lydford Castle, many others: they are a very important part Devon, Medieval Archaeology, 24, 123 – of Andrew Saunders's scholarly legacy. 186 Acknowledgements Saunders, A.D. 1993: The English medi- eval castle as country house, Europa Nos- I am grateful to Oliver Creighton for com- tra (IBI) Bulletin, 49, 49-54 menting on a draft of this text and for pro- viding the three photographs; to John Saunders, A.D. 2006: Excavations at Allan for his thoughts on interpreting the , Cornwall (Society for dating and other issues arising from medi- Medieval Monograph, no. 24) eval pottery and floor tiles in the south west; to Judy Dewey for sharing her docu- mentary research on .

References

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