DOCSLIB.ORG

Johan V Inkl. Omslag

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Johan V Inkl. Omslag JOHAN VEKSELIUS AN ECOLABEL 3041 0903 Weeping for the for Weeping Weeping for the res publica ryck, Lund 2018 NORDIC SW Tears in Roman political culture JOHAN VEKSELIUS res publica – Printed by Media-T DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ANCIENT HISTORY | LUND UNIVERSITY Tears inTears Roman political culture Weeping for the res publica Why is Julius Caesar said to have wept in front of his soldiers after cros- sing the Rubicon, and Scipio Aemilianus as he beheld the destruction of Carthage? How should we understand the criticism leveled against the emperor Tiberius’ refusal to weep after the death of Germanicus? Why was the Roman law court flooded with tears? What was the significance of Pliny the Younger’s praise of Trajan’s tears? And why could elite Romans be praised for their excessive tears by Statius and criticized for similar tears by Seneca? In his doctoral thesis, Johan Vekselius engages with these cases and many more in pursuit of the function and meaning of tears in the political culture of ancient Rome during the Republic and Early Empire. Lund University The Joint Faculties of Humanities and Theology 473776 Department of Archaeology and Ancient History 2018 ISBN 978-91-88473-77-6 (print) 789188 ISBN 978-91-88473-78-3 (electronic) 9 Weeping for the res publica Tears in Roman political culture Johan Vekselius DOCTORAL DISSERTATION by due permission of the Faculty of Humanities, Lund University, Sweden. To be defended at LUX:C121, Helgonavägen 3, Lund. 4TH of May 2018 at 10.15. Faculty opponent Prof. Anthony Corbeill, University of Virginia, USA 1 Organization: Document name: The Joint Faculties of Humanities and Weeping for the res publica. Tears in Roman political culture Theology, Lund University. Dep. of Archaeology and Ancient History Author(s) Johan Vekselius Sponsoring organization Title and subtitle: Weeping for the res publica. Tears in Roman political culture Abstract: This study explores the significance of tears and weeping in the political culture of ancient Rome during the Late Republic and Early Empire. Using a “dramaturgical metaphor,” it investigates the representation of weeping in different literary genres. The thesis stresses the theatricality that characterized Roman public life. Romans assumed roles associated with different weeping behaviors. One conclusion is that there was no universal script for Roman tears. Instead, the study demonstrates that the function and meaning of tears varied according to historical context. Such contexts include mourning, the law court, and the exercise and expression of power in various political settings. The study also argues the importance of genre and author for the representation of emotions and tears. The study argues the existence of two paradigms for weeping: one appreciative of weeping, the other valuing self-control. The two paradigms are found in different genres and represented options for historical behaviors. Tears articulated the importance of the family and social virtues such as pietas, fides, clementia, and civilitas. Conversely, by not weeping a Roman could convey virtus, gravitas, and maiestas. A mourning elite Roman faced a tradeoff. He needed to show that he could cope with the proper self-control, which was a mark of the dominant group. At the same time, a Roman should convey that he was he was a man of feeling by weeping. The study also considers the question of the change over time and argues that both self-control and extrovert weeping were available as responses to the autocracy of the Empire. Tears of mourning could be used politically to incite the crowd emotionally against opponents. This subversive potential of tears led them at times to be prohibited. The Roman law court was lachrymose. The rhetorical manuals recommended tears and orators wept without much censure. Romans shed tears in the law court aiming to elicit misericordia and to invoke clementia. Literature represents high-status Romans such as emperors, generals, senators, and magistrates as weeping in front of their followers when their authority was questioned, assumed, or rejected. Such tears sought to establish consensus and fides between groups of different status. Several famous Roman generals followed a Greek literary motif and wept at the moment of victory for a variety of reasons: the ephemeral nature of victory and everything human, the fickleness of fortune, dire forebodings for himself and Rome, the piteous state of the fallen, and perhaps joy. Tears’ problematic relationship with sincerity is also explored. Tears not only express emotions but also communicate emotional sincerity—even as they might be taken as being insincere. To be understood as sincere a Roman needed to weep intensely, something that increased the stakes and his humiliation if he was understood as being insincere. Literature depicts “bad emperors” as feigning tears or forcing their subjects to weep or hide their emotions. This can be read as a literary characterization of a broken political culture. A good emperor, meanwhile, showed concern for his subjects by tears and wept with them and allowed them to shed tears freely. The study argues that the need to adjust faces and weeping according to the autocrat’s sentiments could well reflect historical realities. The appropriateness of tears depended on a complex interplay between contexts, gender, and status. In general, weeping for family, friends, and the res publica was called for. Key words: ANCIENT ROME, POLITICAL CULTURE, EMPIRE, EMPEROR, IMPERIAL, REPUBLIC, TEARS, WEEPING, MOURNING, PITY, DIPLOMACY, VIRTUS, PIETAS, FIDES, CLEMENTIA, EMOTIONS, HISTORY, HISTORIOGRAPHY, ORATORY, RHETORIC , LATIN, CICERO, SENECA, TACITUS, LIVY Classification system and/or index terms (if any) Supplementary bibliographical information Language ENGLISH ISSN and key title ISBN: 978-91-88473-77-6 (print) 978-91-88473-78-3 (electronic) Recipient’s notes Number of pages: 237 Price Security classification I, the undersigned, being the copyright owner of the abstract of the above-mentioned dissertation, hereby grant to all reference sources permission to publish and disseminate the abstract of the above-mentioned dissertation. Signature Date 2018-03-23 2 Weeping for the res publica Tears in Roman political culture Johan Vekselius 3 Coverphoto La Mort de Germanicus, Nicolas Poussin Copyright Johan Vekselius The Joint Faculties of Humanities and Theology, Lund University Department of Archaeology and Ancient History ISBN 978-91-88473-77-6 (print), 978-91-88473-78-3 (electronic) Printed in Sweden by Media-Tryck, Lund University Lund 2018 4 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................... 7 Chapter 1. Approaching Roman Tears ............................................................ 11 Introduction ......................................................................................... 11 Roman Political Culture ....................................................................... 15 The Dramaturgical Metaphor ............................................................... 22 Tears in Texts ....................................................................................... 29 Tears in Previous Scholarship ................................................................ 32 Methodology and Working Process ...................................................... 36 Outline of the Book .............................................................................. 37 Chapter 2. The Virtues of Tears of Mourning ................................................ 39 The Theater of Mourning ..................................................................... 39 Self-control and the Performance of Elite Status ................................... 46 The Empire and the Appreciation of Tears ........................................... 58 Concluding Discussion ......................................................................... 68 Chapter 3. The Political Use of Tears of Mourning ........................................ 73 Introduction ......................................................................................... 73 The Instrumental Use of Tears of Mourning ........................................ 73 Mourning Emperors ............................................................................. 91 Forbidden Tears .................................................................................... 99 Concluding Discussion ....................................................................... 103 Chapter 4. Tears in the Roman Law Court ................................................... 107 Introduction ....................................................................................... 107 The Significance of Tears in the Law Court ........................................ 111 The Script for Tears in the Law Court ................................................ 115 Tears and misericordia ......................................................................... 126 5 Orators and Actors, Sincerity and Tears .............................................. 135 Concluding Discussion ....................................................................... 143 Chapter 5. Tears and Authority .................................................................... 147 Introduction ....................................................................................... 147 Tears of Subjection in Diplomacy ....................................................... 147 The Weeping Victor ..........................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Plutarch, Machiavelli and Shakespeare's Coriolanus Patrick
    The Changing Faces of Virtue: Plutarch, Machiavelli and Shakespeare’s Coriolanus Patrick Ashby University of Bristol [email protected] Introduction: The hinges of virtue ‘Let it be virtuous to be obstinate’, says Caius Martius Coriolanus, shortly before the catastrophe of Shakespeare’s tragedy (Coriolanus, 5.3.26).1 In uttering these words, he articulates a moral hypothesis which is of central importance to Coriolanus: the supposition that steadfastness of principle is a fundamental good. This is a theory which the play puts to the test. The idea of ‘virtue’ — in a variety of guises — is a key focus of this essay, which identifies as crucial those moments at which definitions of virtue are unsettled, transformed, or confronted with a range of alternatives. Several commentators have connected Shakespeare’s Coriolanus with the political ideas of Niccolò Machiavelli, the Florentine theorist whose notoriety rests upon his recommendation of moral flexibility for political leaders. For Anne Barton, who reads the play in the context of Machiavelli’s Discourses on Livy’s history of early Rome, Coriolanus dramatises the futile persistence of obsolescent virtues (the valorisation of battlefield heroics) in an environment of subtler needs and growing political sophistication.2 In Shakespeare and the Popular Voice, Annabel Patterson hints at Shakespeare’s sympathy with the idea of popular political representation, proposing that ‘there is nothing in the play to challenge that famous interpretation of the tribunate which [. .] Machiavelli made a premise of Renaissance political theory’.3 John Plotz 1 William Shakespeare, Coriolanus, The Norton Shakespeare, ed. by Stephen Greenblatt, Katherine Eisaman Maus, Jean E.
    [Show full text]
  • IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military Prowess, Or Virtus, Is but One Quality That
    CHAPTER FOUR IMPERIAL EXEMPLA Military prowess, or virtus, is but one quality that characterized an efffec- tive emperor. Ideally, a ‘good’ emperor was not just a competent general but also displayed other virtues. These imperial virtutes were propagated throughout the Roman Empire by means of imperial panegyric, decrees, inscriptions, biographies, and coins.1 On coinage in particular, juxtaposi- tions of AVG or AVGG with the virtue and/or the imperial portrait on the obverse would connect the virtues mentioned on the reverses directly with the emperor(s). Not all emperors emphasized the same virtues on their coinage. For example, Elagabalus seems not to have felt the need to stress virtus, whereas his successor Severus Alexander did try to convince the Roman people of his military prowess by propagating it on his coins. The presence or absence of particular virtues on coins issued by diffferent emperors brings us to the question as to whether an imperial canon of virtues existed. But before elaborating on this, the concept ‘virtue’ must be clarifijied.2 Modern scholars investigating imperial virtues on coinage consider vir- tues to be personifijications with divine power – in other words, deifijied abstractions or, as Fears puts it, ‘specifijic impersonal numina’.3 For many, the terms ‘personifijication’ and ‘virtue’ are interchangeable.4 Indeed, vir- tues can be considered personifijications. Yet, not all personifijications are 1 Noreña, “The communication of the emperor’s virtues”, p. 153. 2 ‘But if one is to compare coins with other sources, particularly philosopically inspired ones (i.e. in talking of the virtues of the ideal statesman) it is vital to distinguish what is a virtue and what is not’, A.
    [Show full text]
  • Coriolanus: the Tragedy of Virtus ANTHONY MILLER
    SYDNEY STUDIES Coriolanus: The Tragedy of Virtus ANTHONY MILLER From the opening entry of "a company of mntinous Citizens, with staves, clubs, and other weapons" to the next to last, barely coherent action-"Kill, kill, kill, kill, kill him!" "Hold, hold, hold, hold!"-Coriolanus displays an ancient world riven by war and civic turmoil.l For all its occasional evocations of a mar­ moreal Romanitas, it is also a busy play. Its protagonist accepts with relish and superhuman energy the opportunities for martial action that his world presents: Coriolanus is probably the most active of Shakespeare's tragic heroes, certainly the one least given to reflection. Yet the play's busyness is not always warlike. Much of it consists of talk, especially the contentious talk of political debate. Characters plan courses of action, rehearse public appearances, plot acts of vengeance, conjure with names, report off-stage events-and even events that the audience has seen occur on-stage. Much of the discussion revolves around Coriolanus himself. His nature and motives, his martial prowess and farouche political manners, are incessantly and variously canvassed. To a belligerent citizen, Coriolanus's heroics are performed to please his mother, and to be partly proud; to the indulgent Menenius, his nature is too noble for the world; to Aufidius, shrewd and grudgingly admiring, his actions are a matter for almost obsessive, but inconclusive, rumination: Whether 'twas pride, Which out of daily fortune ever taints The happy man; whether defect of judgement, To fail in the disposing of those chances Which he was lord of; or whether nature, Not to be other than one thing, not moving From th'casque to th'cushion, but commanding peace Even with the same austerity and garb As he controll'd the war; but one of these­ As he hath spices of them all, not all, For I dare so far free him-made him fear'd, So hated, and so banish'd.
    [Show full text]
  • Humanitas–Clementia and Clementia Caesaris Ancient and Modern Caesar
    European Journal of Science and Theology, September 2012, Vol.8, No.3, 263-269 _______________________________________________________________________ HUMANITAS–CLEMENTIA AND CLEMENTIA CAESARIS ANCIENT AND MODERN CAESAR Iulian-Gabriel Hruşcă* Romanian Academy, Iasi Branch, Str. T. Codrescu, Nr. 2, Iasi, Romania (Received 11 May 2012) Abstract Humanitas Romana is a concept that crosses both the Republican age of Rome and the Roman imperial period. In the Republic, clementia was both a personal attribute and a public virtue, intended to differentiate the Romans from the other peoples of antiquity in a sense of a moral superiority. In the Roman imperial period, the concept of humanitas Romana began to manifest more and more significantly through its component part, clementia, which became a cardinal virtue of the emperor and a judicial principle. With the coming to power of Julius Caesar, the notion of Clementia Caesaris was born. Afterwards, the status of Clementia Caesaris was enhanced during the Principate of Augustus. The emperor tends to become a provider of human rights. In a certain respect, if we refer to the principles of democracy, this transfer of the centre of gravity to the emperor in terms of human rights is negative. However, we could not assert that at that time were only negative aspects. We might consider as positive aspects the evolution of the concept of humanitas Romana through its component, the virtue of clementia, or the increased multicultural side of the Roman state. Despite the negative perception of Rome today, the clemency of ancient Caesar had reminiscences over time. The modern Caesar has tried to turn to Rome for lessons both positive and negative.
    [Show full text]
  • Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period
    Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period This volume is an investigation of how Augustine was received in the Carolingian period, and the elements of his thought which had an impact on Carolingian ideas of ‘state’, rulership and ethics. It focuses on Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Rheims, authors and political advisers to Charlemagne and to Charles the Bald, respectively. It examines how they used Augustinian political thought and ethics, as manifested in the De civitate Dei, to give more weight to their advice. A comparative approach sheds light on the differences between Charlemagne’s reign and that of his grandson. It scrutinizes Alcuin’s and Hincmar’s discussions of empire, rulership and the moral conduct of political agents during which both drew on the De civitate Dei, although each came away with a different understanding. By means of a philological–historical approach, the book offers a deeper reading and treats the Latin texts as political discourses defined by content and language. Sophia Moesch is currently an SNSF-funded postdoctoral fellow at the University of Oxford, working on a project entitled ‘Developing Principles of Good Govern- ance: Latin and Greek Political Advice during the Carolingian and Macedonian Reforms’. She completed her PhD in History at King’s College London. Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period Political Discourse in Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Rheims Sophia Moesch First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation.
    [Show full text]
  • Cicero's Life
    Cicero Philippic II Cicero’s Life Lives of Cicero of all lengths and depths abound; what follows is intended to highlight the main landmarks in Cicero’s career. A separate table chronicles the events of 44 BC in more detail. Date (BC) Cicero and his circle Rome 107 Marius elected consul for the first time 106 Birth of Marcus Tullius Cicero and Gnaeus Pompeius (Pompey), later called ‘Magnus’; both equestrians. 104 – 100 Marius consul for five successive years. 104/2 Birth of Cicero’s brother, Quintus. 90s Cicero is educated at Rome in house of L. Licinius Crassus and later continues his studies with the augur Q. Mucius Scaevola. 91 – 88 Cicero and Pompey both serve under The Social War, in which Rome’s Sulla, Pompey as a successful Italian allies fight against Rome’s general. predominance and win citizenship. 88 – 84 Occupation of Rome first by Sulla (88) and then by Marius and Cinna (87 – 6). Marius dies in 86, Cinna continues to control affairs until his death in 84. ?86 Cicero writes a rhetorical treatise, de Inventione. 82 Sulla marches on Rome and is made dictator. Proscriptions follow (in 81). He retires from office in 79 and dies in 78. Date (BC) Cicero and his circle Rome 81 Cicero’s first civil case, pro Quinctio Sulla’s reforms curtailing powers of (which he probably loses). tribunate, increasing size of senate and constituting seven senatorial courts. 80 Cicero’s first criminal case, pro Roscio Amerino (which he wins). 79 – 77 Cicero marries Terentia and travels abroad, including to Athens for six months to study rhetoric under Apollonius Molo.
    [Show full text]
  • 11Ffi ELOGIA of the AUGUSTAN FORUM
    THEELOGIA OF THE AUGUSTAN FORUM 11ffi ELOGIA OF THE AUGUSTAN FORUM By BRAD JOHNSON, BA A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University © Copyright by Brad Johnson, August 2001 MASTER OF ARTS (2001) McMaster University (Classics) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: The Elogia of the Augustan Forum AUTHOR: Brad Johnson, B.A. (McMaster University), B.A. Honours (McMaster University) SUPERVISOR: Dr. Claude Eilers NUMBER OF PAGES: v, 122 II ABSTRACT The Augustan Forum contained the statues offamous leaders from Rome's past. Beneath each statue an inscription was appended. Many of these inscriptions, known also as elogia, have survived. They record the name, magistracies held, and a brief account of the achievements of the individual. The reasons why these inscriptions were included in the Forum is the focus of this thesis. This thesis argues, through a detailed analysis of the elogia, that Augustus employed the inscriptions to propagate an image of himself as the most distinguished, and successful, leader in the history of Rome. III ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Claude Eilers, for not only suggesting this topic, but also for his patience, constructive criticism, sense of humour, and infinite knowledge of all things Roman. Many thanks to the members of my committee, Dr. Evan Haley and Dr. Peter Kingston, who made time in their busy schedules to be part of this process. To my parents, lowe a debt that is beyond payment. Their support, love, and encouragement throughout the years is beyond description.
    [Show full text]
  • David Rafferty, the Fall of the Roman Republic
    The Fall of the Roman Republic DAVID RAFFERTY the Mediterranean, meant there was no longer anyone for the Romans to fear, which in turn meant that Rome lost her discipline. Another How did crises change ancient theme blamed greed and ambition for Rome’s societies? problems: greed and success had made some men very rich and others very poor. The rich How did key individuals contribute to had appetites which the Republic could not such events? contain, while they also became corrupt, and the poor had nothing to lose from change. A How might we judge the historical similar theme blamed the ambitions of the significance of these crises and the great men who brought down their Republic: individuals who took part in them?1 they were no longer content to be renowned in a free state, but wanted to dominate their fellow-citizens. Historical significance Most modern scholars have not accepted these explanations. But many causes have been Why did the Roman Republic fall? This blamed for the collapse of the Republic, too question was of great interest to the Romans many to list here. Lintott’s CAH chapter briefly themselves, both at the time and later. The outlines some of them, but the Blackwell best starting point is Andrew Lintott’s chapter Companion to the Roman Republic is a better 1, ‘The crisis of the Republic: sources and source. Such companions tend to be uneven, source-problems’ in CAH 9 (that is, volume but this one is excellent, and thoroughly 9 of the second edition of the Cambridge recommended.
    [Show full text]
  • The Complexity of Roman Suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff
    University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Master's Theses Student Research 1974 The complexity of Roman suicide Carmine Anthony Ruff Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/masters-theses Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Ruff, Carmine Anthony, "The ompc lexity of Roman suicide" (1974). Master's Theses. Paper 937. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE COMPLEXITY OF ROMAN SUICIDE BY CARMINE ANTHONY RUFFA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN CLASSICAL STUDIES MAY 1974 APPROVAL SHEET ii TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE • . • • . .iv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . • . • • • • . • • • • • . • 1 II. ANCIENT SUICIDE: A PROBLEM OF SEMANTICS. • • • • • • • • • • • • 5 Latin Citations to Suicide The Absence of A Standard Word Or Phrase III. PHILOSOPHIC SUICIDE . • .11 The Attitude of the Latin Philosophers Toward Suicide The Divergent Views of the Stoic Philosophers The Effect of Cato's Suicide on Stoicism IV. THE TREATMENT OF LUCRETIA'S SUICIDE BY LIVY AND AUGUSTINE • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 4 4 Section I: Livy's Lucretia Section II: Augustine's Denunciation of Lucretia v. SUICIDE IN THE AENEID • • • • • • . .61 Vergii's Development of Dido's Suicidal Personality The Condemnation of Suicides in the Underworld Amata's Suicide CONCLUSION. .80 APPENDIX I • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 83 APPENDIX II • . .86 BIBLIOGRAPHY . .91 VITA . .99 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to acknowledge two people who have influenced and inspired his academic and professional life.
    [Show full text]
  • The Imperial Cult and the Individual
    THE IMPERIAL CULT AND THE INDIVIDUAL: THE NEGOTIATION OF AUGUSTUS' PRIVATE WORSHIP DURING HIS LIFETIME AT ROME _______________________________________ A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Department of Ancient Mediterranean Studies at the University of Missouri-Columbia _______________________________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy _____________________________________________________ by CLAIRE McGRAW Dr. Dennis Trout, Dissertation Supervisor MAY 2019 The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the dissertation entitled THE IMPERIAL CULT AND THE INDIVIDUAL: THE NEGOTIATION OF AUGUSTUS' PRIVATE WORSHIP DURING HIS LIFETIME AT ROME presented by Claire McGraw, a candidate for the degree of doctor of philosophy, and hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. _______________________________________________ Professor Dennis Trout _______________________________________________ Professor Anatole Mori _______________________________________________ Professor Raymond Marks _______________________________________________ Professor Marcello Mogetta _______________________________________________ Professor Sean Gurd DEDICATION There are many people who deserve to be mentioned here, and I hope I have not forgotten anyone. I must begin with my family, Tom, Michael, Lisa, and Mom. Their love and support throughout this entire process have meant so much to me. I dedicate this project to my Mom especially; I must acknowledge that nearly every good thing I know and good decision I’ve made is because of her. She has (literally and figuratively) pushed me to achieve this dream. Mom has been my rock, my wall to lean upon, every single day. I love you, Mom. Tom, Michael, and Lisa have been the best siblings and sister-in-law. Tom thinks what I do is cool, and that means the world to a little sister.
    [Show full text]
  • Cremutius Cordus and Seneca's Self-Promotion In
    SPYRIDON TZOUNAKAS CREMUTIUS CORDUS AND SENECA’S SELF-PROMOTION IN THE EXORDIUM OF THE CONSOLATIO AD MARCIAM The figure of Aulus Cremutius Cordus, Marcia’s father, occurs in Seneca’s Con - solatio ad Marciam already from the exordium of the work. In his attempt to console Marcia, who mourned the loss of her son Metilius for over three years, the philoso - pher reminds her of her stance when she lost her father, praises Cremutius Cordus’ brave opposition to his enemies, while at the end of the treatise Cremutius Cordus is given a speech and is presented as enjoying eternity and immortality in the heavens. As I shall attempt to demonstrate in this article, Seneca’s references to Cremutius Cordus play a very important role in the work, as they both reinforce the philoso - pher’s consolatory attempt and argumentation in multiple ways and facilitate his in - tention to promote his image in the context of the consolatory tradition. Cremutius Cordus was a famous Roman historian who wrote on the civil wars and the reign of Augustus. Under Tiberius he incurred the disgrace of Sejanus, the powerful prefect of the Praetorian Guard, was accused of maiestas for having eulo - gised Brutus and styling Cassius as the last of the Romans, and committed suicide by starving himself to death in A.D. 25. His books were burnt, but a few years later, under Gaius, they were re-published 1. Marcia’s contribution to the survival of her father’s work is highly praised by Seneca, who presents it as an outstanding service to Roman literature: Optime meruisti de Romanis studiis (SEN .
    [Show full text]
  • The Letters of Cicero : the Whole Extant Correspondence in Chronological
    Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN BOffN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY THE LETTERS OF CICERO VOL. Ill LONDON: G. BELL & SONS, LIMITED, PORTUGAL ST. LINCOLN'S INN, W.C. CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL& co. NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO. BOMBAY : A. H. WHEELER & CO. THE LETTERS OF CICERO THE WHOLE EXTANT CORRESPONDENCE IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A. LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE AUTHOR OF A TRANSLATION OF HOLYBIUS, A HISTORY OF ROME. ETC IN FOUR VOLUMES VOL. III. B.C. 48-44 (FEBRUARY) LONDON G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. 1915 AND CO. CHISWICK PRESS : CHARLES WHITTINGHAM TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. LETTERS IN VOLUME III VI LETTERS IN VOLUME III LETTERS IN VOLUME III Vll Vlll LETTERS IN VOLUME III Att. XIII. INTRODUCTION HPHE correspondence in this volume (January, B.C. 48- J- February, B.C. 44) opens with a letter to Atticus from Pompey's headquarters in Epirus. There are only nine letters during the fifteen or sixteen months Cicero at which intervene between Cicero's ' departure Pharsalia. One of these is from Cselius . August, B.C. 48. (p. 4), foreshadowing the disaster which soon afterwards befell that facile intelligence but ill-balanced character in- ; and one from Dolabella (p. 6), spired with a genuine wish in which Caesar shared that Cicero should withdraw in time from the chances and dangers of the war. Cicero's own letters deal mostly with the anxiety which he was feeling as to his property at home, which was at the mercy of the Csesarians, and, in case of Pompey's defeat, would doubtless be seized by the victorious party, except such of it as was capable of being concealed or held in trust by his friends.
    [Show full text]