Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation Is Reviving Its Language Philology JOHANNES STOBBE Written Aesthetic Experience

Contents Volume 2 / 2016 Vol. Articles 2 FRANCESCO BENOZZO Origins of Human Language: 2016 Deductive Evidence for Speaking Australopithecus LOUIS-JACQUES DORAIS Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language Philology JOHANNES STOBBE Written Aesthetic Experience. Philology as Recognition An International Journal MAHMOUD SALEM ELSHEIKH on the Evolution of Languages, Cultures and Texts The Arabic Sources of Rāzī’s Al-Manṣūrī fī ’ṭ-ṭibb

MAURIZIO ASCARI Philology of Conceptualization: Geometry and the Secularization of the Early Modern Imagination

KALEIGH JOY BANGOR Philological Investigations: Hannah Arendt’s Berichte on Eichmann in Jerusalem

MIGUEL CASAS GÓMEZ From Philology to Linguistics: The Influence of Saussure in the Development of Semantics

CARMEN VARO VARO Beyond the Opposites: Philological and Cognitive Aspects of Linguistic Polarization

LORENZO MANTOVANI Philology and Toponymy. Commons, Place Names and Collective Memories in the Rural Landscape of Emilia

Discussions

ROMAIN JALABERT – FEDERICO TARRAGONI Philology Philologie et révolution Crossings SUMAN GUPTA Philology of the Contemporary World: On Storying the Financial Crisis Review Article EPHRAIM NISSAN Lexical Remarks Prompted by A Smyrneika Lexicon, a Trove for Contact Linguistics Reviews SUMAN GUPTA Philology and Global English Studies: Retracings (Maurizio Ascari) ALBERT DEROLEZ The Making and Meaning of the Liber Floridus: A Study of the Original Manuscript (Ephraim Nissan) MARC MICHAEL EPSTEIN (ED.) Skies of Parchment, Seas of Ink: Jewish Illuminated Manuscripts (Ephraim Nissan) Peter Lang Vol. 2/2016 CONSTANCE CLASSEN The Deepest Sense: A Cultural History of Touch (Ephraim Nissan) Contents Volume 2 / 2016 Vol. Articles 2 FRANCESCO BENOZZO Origins of Human Language: 2016 Deductive Evidence for Speaking Australopithecus LOUIS-JACQUES DORAIS Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language Philology JOHANNES STOBBE Written Aesthetic Experience. Philology as Recognition An International Journal MAHMOUD SALEM ELSHEIKH on the Evolution of Languages, Cultures and Texts The Arabic Sources of Rāzī’s Al-Manṣūrī fī ’ṭ-ṭibb

MAURIZIO ASCARI Philology of Conceptualization: Geometry and the Secularization of the Early Modern Imagination

KALEIGH JOY BANGOR Philological Investigations: Hannah Arendt’s Berichte on Eichmann in Jerusalem

MIGUEL CASAS GÓMEZ From Philology to Linguistics: The Influence of Saussure in the Development of Semantics

CARMEN VARO VARO Beyond the Opposites: Philological and Cognitive Aspects of Linguistic Polarization

LORENZO MANTOVANI Philology and Toponymy. Commons, Place Names and Collective Memories in the Rural Landscape of Emilia

Discussions

Editorial Board: Rossend Arques (Lexicography, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain) Xaverio Ballester (Classical Philology, Universitat de Valéncia, Spain) Francesco Benozzo (Ethnophilology, Università di Bologna, Italy) Vladimir Biti (Slavic Philology, Universität Wien, Austria) Daniela Boccassini (French and Italian Philology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada) Salwa Castelo-Branco (Ethnomusicology, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Portugal) Mattia Cavagna (Romance Philology, Université de Louvain, Belgium) Louis-Jacques Dorais (Arctic Philology, Emeritus, Université Laval, Québec) Markus Eberl (Pre-Columbian Philology, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, USA) Matthias Egeler (Scandinavian Studies, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich, Germany) Keir Douglas Elam (English Literature, Università di Bologna, Italy) Andrea Fassò (Romance Philology, Emeritus, Università di Bologna, Italy) Inés Fernández-Ordóñez (Spanish Philology and Linguistics, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain) Fabio Foresti (Sociolinguistics, Università di Bologna, Italy) Roslyn Frank (Ethnolinguistics, Emeritus, University of Iowa, USA) Beatrice Gründler (Arabic Philology, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany) Mihály Hoppál (Ethnology, Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, Budapest, Hungary) Martin Kern (East Asian Philology, Princeton University, USA) John Koch (Celtic Philology, Canolfan Uwchefrydiau Cymreig a Cheltaidd, Aberystwyth, UK) Albert Lloret (Digital Philology, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, USA) Anna Maranini (Classical Philology, Università di Bologna, Italy) Matteo Meschiari (Cultural Anthropology, Università di Palermo, Italy) Alberto Montaner Frutos (Spanish and Semitic Philology, Universidad de Zaragoza, Spain) Gonzalo Navaza (Toponimy, Universidade de Vigo, Spain) Ephraim Nissan (Historical and Computational Linguistics, Goldsmith College, London, UK) Stephen Oppenheimer (Genetics, Oxford University, UK) Marcel Otte (Prehistoric Studies, Université de Liège, Belgium) Michael Papio (Italian Philology, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, USA) José Manuel Pedrosa Bartolomé (Oral Philology, Universidad de Alcalá, Spain) Andrea Piras (Iranian Philology, Università di Bologna, Italy) Stefano Rapisarda (Romance Philology, Università di Catania, Italy) Uta Reuster-Jahn (African Philology, Universität Hamburg, Germany) Dario Seglie (Archaeology, Politecnico di Torino, Italy) Bora Cem Sevencan (Archaeology, Oulun Yliopistoo, Finland) Wayne Storey (Textual Philology, Indiana University, Bloomington, USA) Marco Veglia (Italian Literature, Università di Bologna, Italy) Philology An International Journal on the Evolution of Languages, Cultures and Texts

General editor: Francesco Benozzo

Volume 2 / 2016

PETER LANG Bern · Berlin · Bruxelles · Frankfurt am Main · New York · Oxford · Wien Editorial Address: Francesco Benozzo Università di Bologna Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne Via Cartoleria 5 I-40124 Bologna, Italy [email protected]

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Printed in Switzerland Contents Volume II / 2016

Articles

Francesco Benozzo Origins of Human Language: Deductive Evidence for Speaking Australopithecus ��7

Louis-Jacques Dorais Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language ��25

Johannes Stobbe Written Aesthetic Experience. Philology as Recognition ��47

Mahmoud Salem Elsheikh The Arabic Sources of Rāzī’s Al-Man¡ūrī fī ’¥-¥ibb ��73

Maurizio Ascari Philology of Conceptualization: Geometry and the Secularization of the Early Modern Imagination ��121

Kaleigh Joy Bangor Philological Investigations: Hannah Arendt’s Berichte on Eichmann in Jerusalem ��141

Miguel Casas Gómez From Philology to Linguistics: The Influence of Saussure in the Development of Semantics ��165

Carmen Varo Varo Beyond the Opposites: Philological and Cognitive Aspects of Linguistic Polarization ��217

Lorenzo Mantovani Philology and Toponymy. Commons, Place Names and Collective Memories in the Rural Landscape of Emilia ��237

Discussions

Romain Jalabert – Federico Tarragoni Philologie et Revolution ��255

Crossings

Suman Gupta Philology of the Contemporary World: On Storying the Financial Crisis ��275

Review Article

Ephraim Nissan Lexical Remarks Prompted by A Smyrneika Lexicon, a Trove for Contact Linguistics ��297

Reviews

Suman Gupta Philology and Global English Studies: Retracings (Maurizio Ascari) ��335

Albert Derolez The Making and Meaning of the Liber Floridus: A Study of the Original Manuscript (Ephraim Nissan) ��339

Marc Michael Epstein (ed.) Skies of Parchment, Seas of Ink: Jewish Illuminated Manuscripts (Ephraim Nissan) ��358

Constance Classen The Deepest Sense: A Cultural History of Touch (Ephraim Nissan) ��395

Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language

Louis-Jacques Dorais Université Laval, Québec

Abstract This article explains how the Wendat (formerly Huron) Canadian indigenous nation has launched an ongoing process for reviving its ancestral language, totally replaced by French since over a century. As a result, the language is now taught, and increasingly heard in the community. This process can be understood as an example of applied ethnophilology, because it is largely explainable by analyzing how the Wendat have read their own linguistic and cultural history over the last decades, and resorted to philological techniques for reconstructing their language. The article concludes that when ethnophilology is applied to the assertion of a people’s identity, it can generate very visible results.

Keywords Huron-Wendat, language revival, indigenous nations, ethnophilology, ethnic identity

In a very distant past, the world as we know it now was a large ocean, whose only dwellers were water animals. The ancestors of the Wendat lived above it in another universe, the Sky-World. One day, Yäa’taenhtsihk, who was pregnant, fell through a hole in the ground. Two geese in flight caught her on their wings and put her down on the back of Big Turtle. Lady Toad then brought a mouthful of soil from the bottom of the ocean. It stretched out magically on the turtle until it became an island, an enormous island as large as a continent, our world: Big Turtle Island.

Adapted from Picard-Sioui, 2011.

On July 24, 1534, in Gaspé, at the mouth of the Saint-Lawrence River, a group of descendants of the Ancestral Mother Yäa’taenhtsihk, while on a fishing expedition to the seashore, met the French navigator Jacques Cartier. Unbeknownst to anyone at that time, this event would later have severe linguistic consequences for these people: the quasi complete loss of their

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 26 Louis-Jacques Dorais language, its replacement by French, and its subsequent reconstruction inspired by a desire to have it transmitted anew to the young generations. In several ways, this linguistic saga offers an interesting example of ethnophilology. If philology (“the love of words”) is defined as the study of a language through the critical analysis of its written sources, ethnophilology may be conceived as an effort to understand the development, structure, and actual use of a specific tongue through the analysis of all that is readable (i.e. makes sense) for the speakers of that tongue (Benozzo, 2010; 2014). Like anthropological disciplines such as ethnohistory and ethnolinguistics, ethnophilology would, thus, consider indigenous knowledge as a primordial element in the study of a people’s language (and culture), although exog- enous, scholarly knowledge would preserve its importance, provided it is viewed with a critical eye. As this paper will show, the loss and revival of the ancestral language of the Wendat (also known as Huron)1 relates to ethnophilology in at least two ways. For one, the methodology adopted by the Wendat to revitalize their ancestral tongue may be considered philological, since it resorts to the analysis of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century grammars, dictionaries, and other written sources, used as a basis for reconstructing the language.2 Secondly, the whole process of linguistic shift and revitalization cannot be understood without looking at the events that led to the hibernation of the language and, more importantly, at the reading—and its prac- tical consequences—the Wendat themselves made of these events, which played an important part in defining their identity.

1 The Wendat (“People of the Island”) had been called “Huron” (“Those whose head looks like that of a boar [hure in French]”) by the French in the seventeenth century, because of the punk-like way many men dressed their hair. They were known under this imposed appellation until the 1980s, when they decided to re-use and officialise their indigenous ethnonym. 2 Wendat belongs to the Iroquoian family of North American indigenous languages that also includes Mohawk, Cherokee, and about ten other languages (Mithun, 1999, pp. 418–424). For a short grammatical sketch of Wendat, see Lukaniec (2011, pp. 48–56).

Alliances and Wars

The 1534 meeting between Wendat ancestors and the French seems to have been cordial. The former were able to procure metal goods, while the latter heard about the presumed wealth of the country, gold and diamonds in their understanding. According to official history, Cartier brought two young men back to France, the sons of Donnacona, headman of the group. However, Wendat oral tradition tells that the explorer kidnapped two broth- ers and a sister, who died of grief before being able to return back home.3 The following year (1535), Cartier entered the estuary of the Saint- Lawrence River, guided, so books say, by Donnacona’s sons. They led him to their native village, Stadacona in the “country of Canada,”4 where Quebec City now stands. The French spent part of the summer sailing the Saint-Lawrence up to another Iroquoian village, Hochelaga, on the site of present-day Montreal. They discovered that the Stadaconians were the northernmost indigenous farmers in the Americas, growing corn, beans, squash, sunflowers and tobacco, fishing and hunting as well (Trigger, 1976). Cartier and his men wintered near Stadacona. They suffered from scur- vy and escaped total extinction thanks to a medicinal plant, anneda (white spruce), provided by the local people. During his stay, Cartier drew a list of Stadaconian words and collected samples of “diamonds” that later proved to be iron pyrites.5 The survivors returned back home in 1536, bringing with them Donnacona and nine other Stadaconians, all of whom died in France within a couple years. Cartier sailed once more to the “country of Canada” in 1541, helping a party of men and women to establish a French colony some 15 kilometres upstream from Stadacona. Relations with the indigenous population went sour, most probably because Donnacona and his group had not reappeared.

3 In this article, oral tradition refers to historical and other assertions I have heard over the years from a number of Wendat descendants, who consider these assertions veracious. 4 The Wendat word kanata’ (Canada) simply means “village.” 5 According to the linguist Marianne Mithun (1982), the words collected by Cartier share common characteristics with the lexicon of various Iroquoian languages, in- cluding Wendat. From their own viewpoint, present-day Wendat see many similarities between Cartier’s words and those of their ancestral language.

Cartier returned to France in early summer 1542, but the colony endured for a second year under a new leader, before everyone sailed back home in September 1543. For the next 60 years, no European ships reached the Stadacona area. During that period, for undocumented reasons—maybe diseases introduced by the French, and/or unfavourable climatic events—the people met by Cartier withdrew from the Saint-Lawrence valley. According to indigenous tradition, most of them joined the Wendat Confederacy, a political alliance of nations made out of matrilineal clans and speaking closely related Iro- quoian languages, established between Georgian Bay and Lake Ontario— ontarïio’, “beautiful lake” in Wendat—north of the present city of Toronto. When the French became interested again in the Saint-Lawrence valley in order to trade furs and establish permanent settlements there, sed- entary villages had disappeared. As reported by tradition, old Stadacona was regularly frequented by Wendat, the children and grandchildren of its first residents, but it was also visited in summer by Algonquian-speaking Innuat (Montagnais) nomadic hunters from the northeast. It was Innuat whom the French explorer Samuel de Champlain met when he founded a trading post at Quebec in 1608,6 although the following year, he concluded an alliance with the Wendat against their enemies of the League of Five Nations, another Iroquoian confederacy. This military covenant between two sovereign nations, France and the Wendat Confederacy, also included a commercial agreement granting the French a privileged access to the lucrative fur market controlled by the Wendat, who exchanged plants, grain and fish with nomadic fur-trappers and hunters from the east and north of the Canadian Great Lakes. The Wendat also acted as middlemen between southern and northern nations, providing the latter with a steady supply of tobacco and corn. Their economic and political role was such that, as is it said, the Wendat language served as the common mean of communication during commercial and diplomatic transactions. Their alliance with France allowed the Wendat to control access to European goods, which had rapidly become indispensa- ble to indigenous peoples, and, in return, to earn a profit on northern furs they sold back to the French.7

6 Kebek (Quebec) is an Algonquian word whose meaning is uncertain. 7 The best references on Wendat-French relations and early history are Trigger (1976) and Delâge (1993).

In 1615–16, Champlain visited now-Ontarian Huronia, the country of those he called the Huron, where he found 18 villages, for a total population of 20–25,000 people. While wintering there, he was able to ob- serve how Wendat society worked, and he further discussed the terms of the French alliance (Champlain, 1959). Since several years, the League of Five Nations had opened hostilities against the Wendat Confederacy, contesting the latter’s control of commercial activities in the area. Unable to ally themselves with France, the Five Nations Iroquois soon visited the Dutch trading post at Fort Orange (now Albany, New York) on the Hudson River.8 The Dutch—who would be succeeded by the English in 1664— provided them with firearms, but Champlain refused to do likewise with the Wendat. He rather preferred to send French soldiers live in Huronia in order to protect the area against Iroquois attacks. He also encouraged missionaries to settle there to convert “Pagans” to Catholicism. The Catholic missionaries, most of them Jesuits, soon started to learn Wendat and to produce dictionaries, grammars and translations. The documents left by these priests constitute an exhaustive corpus of data on the vo- cabulary and grammar of the Wendat language as it was spoken during the seventeenth and eithteenth centuries.9 They are far from being perfect, but the texts and linguistic studies dating from that period appear very reliable. By analyzing their contents in the light of historical linguistics—i.e. out- lining the processes that explain how a language probably evolved through time—and of comparison with Iroquoian tongues still spoken today (e.g., Mohawk), it is possible to reconstruct the Wendat language and postulate its pronunciation, as well as the meaning of its words in Jesuit times. This is a form of philological research, albeit applied to relatively recent (2–4 centuries) and generally bilingual (Wendat-French) written documents, rather than to millennia-old inscriptions and fragmentary texts. Permanent French presence in Huronia had major, unforeseen effects. At first, it led to the introduction of bacterial strains against which the Wen- dat did not possess antibodies: smallpox, measles, and other infectious diseases which very often proved fatal. Historians such as Trigger and Delâge

8 The word “Iroquois” (self-appellation, Haudenosaunee) applies to the members of the League of Five Nations, while the term “Iroquoian” refers to the linguistic and cultural family that includes the Iroquois, the Wendat, and several other indigenous nations. 9 These documents exist as manuscript archives, but several of them have been published in English translation (see Wilkie, 1831; Steckley, 2004, 2007, 2009, 2010).

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 30 Louis-Jacques Dorais estimate that between 1615 and 1650, a third, or even half of the population of Huronia perished because of epidemics. The Jesuit Relations—memoirs published annually by the missionaries—tell about the astonishment of the priests who noticed, without understanding why it was so, that everywhere they went, people started to die by dozens. The Jesuit presence in Huronia had another effect: the population became split between Christians and “Pagans.” Converts refused to take part in some traditional ceremonies and banquets, and many of them ceased participating in the meetings of the various councils that structured the Wendat Confederacy, politically as well as militarily.10 Diminished in number and tending toward military disorganization, Wendat society was now ill equipped for facing its adversaries. Moreover, the state of latent hostility between the Confederacy and the Five Nations Iroquois became exacerbated when each confederacy allied with European powers that struggled among themselves for commercial and political supremacy in North America. The conflict between Wendat and Iroquois—the latter having access to Dutch firearms and being less affected than the former by epidemics and Christianizing—intensified during the 1630s and 1640s. From 1647 on, warriors from the Five Nations started destroying systematically Huronia’s villages and tilled fields. Because their territory had become unlivable, many members of the Wendat Confederacy joined Iroquois communi- ties—either voluntarily or as prisoners of war—where, according to cus- tom, Wendat women and children, when kept alive, were integrated into the community as servants, adoptees or spouses, and where families who had lost a husband, a brother or a son adopted captive warriors to replace those who had disappeared. The year 1649 saw the political end of the Wendat Confederacy, whose last remaining villages were destroyed by the Five Nations Iroquois. But this did not erase Wendat language, culture and, more largely, identity (see Magee Labelle, 2013). About a thousand people left for Michilimackinac, at the junction of Lakes Huron and Michigan, later settling near Detroit, where the French had founded a fort cum trading post in 1701. After the

10 Among the Wendat, political and military chiefs were men, but they were elected by the clan mothers (older women heading the communal longhouses and extended families), who could destitute them if they did not fulfill their obligations correctly (Tooker, 1991).

United States became independent in 1783, their now-American descendants migrated successively to Ohio, Kansas, and then Oklahoma, where they formed the Wyandotte Nation. In July 1650, 300 Christian Wendat arrived with their missionary in Quebec (whose population did not exceed 475 inhabitants at that time), thus returning to the territory of Stadacona that the grandparents of a number of them had still been occupying some sixty years before, and that they had never ceased visiting since.11 Their French allies first in- stalled them on the Island of Orleans, and then at various neighbouring places. In 1697, they finally settled for good at La Jeune Lorette (New Loretto), some 15 kilometres northwest of the city of Quebec, where their descendants still occupy the Wendat Indian reserve of Wendake (“Country of the Wendat”). Their population first tended to diminish (not more than 180 individuals in 1763), but it increased later on. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, there were some 3000 Wendat, about half of whom resided in Wendake and the other half outside the reserve, mostly in the Quebec City and Montreal areas.

The Progressive Hibernation of the Wendat Language

Despite their limited population and their isolation in an environment where European settlement was in constant expansion, the Wendat who had lived at Lorette (Roreke in Wendat) since 1697 succeeded for a long time in pre- serving their language and culture (Lindsay, 1900). As members of a nation allied to France, they participated actively in the defence of French-Indian diplomatic and commercial networks in northeastern North America. To- gether with other Christian indigenous nations, the Wendat even established a new confederacy, that of the “Seven Fires,” and fought alongside France during the Seven Years War (1756–1763). In Canada, the war ended in 1760, but a peace treaty was formally signed in 1763 only (which makes

11 It cannot be excluded that some individuals born in Stadacona and who would have left for Huronia around 1590 at a very early age, were among the 300 Wendat of 1650. This might have generated the current Wendat tradition according to which people who arrived in Quebec that year declared they were “coming back home.”

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 32 Louis-Jacques Dorais the war to have lasted for 7 years). Nobody tried to Europeanize them in a systematic way, even if French authorities theoretically wished for a long- term assimilation of their Christianized “Natives.” Attacks against aboriginal language and culture came from another direction. Up to 1697, the Wendat living near Quebec had carried on tilling the soil and dwelling in multi-family longhouses headed by clan mothers. But once they settled at Lorette, at the margin of the Laurentian hills, they realized that because the soil was sandy and not really suitable to agricul- ture, they should reorient their economic activities. They thus turned toward hunting, fishing, trapping, and the manufacture of handicrafts (snowshoes, moccasins, birch bark canoes), their production being sold in the town of Quebec as well as in neighbouring villages. As early as the first decades of the eighteeenth century, this new way of life entailed cultural change, even if it made good use of ancestral knowledge. The increasing number of interracial matrimonial unions led to the obsolescence of the longhouse, replaced by one-family dwellings in the French style and, consequently, to the gradual dissolution of the matrilineal kinship system. Clans continued to exist, though, but they lost their social and political functions. Nowa- days, a person’s clan identity goes back to his or her first female ances- tor—whether in the matrilineal or patrilineal line—whose clan ascription is known. At the time of the British conquest of Canada (1760), the Wendat who had fought on the French side were promised in writing by General Murray, the de facto colonial governor, that they could return back home to Lorette and pursue their usual economic, social and religious (i.e. Catholic) activities.12 From then on, they considered that their nation-to-nation alliance with France had been replaced by a sovereign agreement with the British Crown and, implicitly and in due time, with the government of Canada. During the nineteenth century, the Anglo-Irish colonization (1816–26) of the Wendat hunting territories closest to Lorette and, later on (1888–97), the establishment of private hunting and fishing clubs all along a newly constructed railway line, as well as the creation of a provincial park right in the middle of Wendat lands, almost annihilated a way of life that had been in effect for some two hundred years. Many people became fishing

12 In 1990, a decision of the Supreme Court of Canada recognized that the “Murray Treaty” of 1760 gave Wendat the right to hunt, fish, trap, and practise other similar activities on their traditional lands outside the Indian reserve of Wendake.

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language 33 guides or club employees, waiting on the rich tourists that now exploited their territory. Others increased their production of handicrafts, this latter activity transforming itself into a genuine leather and canoe-making industry by the last quarter of the century. This new situation facilitated the integration of the Lorette residents into the early industrial economic and social structure then predominating in the Quebec City area. A large number of Wendat became lowly paid piece-workers or wage-labourers, hired by a small handful of local industrial capitalists, indigenous or not (Lainé, 2009). These changes did not immediately affect the Wendat language. As early as mid-eighteenth century, many young people were able to get along in French, but this tongue was not currently used in the community. In 1781, three interpreters were still needed in Lorette. One of them was Louis Vincent, who had just graduated from Dartmouth College in New Hampshire and was probably the first Canadian indigenous person to ob- tain a university degree. In 1829, when Chief Nicolas Vincent Tsawen- hohi appeared before the Legislative Assembly of Lower Canada to defend Huron territorial rights, he spoke in Wendat. Two principal factors would contribute to language shift. First, matrimonial unions with non-aboriginal French speakers, mostly women, as well as the adoption by local families of Euro-Canadian children born outside matrimony, introduced into the community individuals who were unable to transmit Wendat to their offspring. Secondly, the diminution of hunting activities, that started as early as the 1820s, cut young boys from an environment, that of the forest, where the indigenous language was predominant. Schooling, available since the eighteenth century, when children were taught to read, write, and say their prayers in Wendat, con- tributed later on to impose the French language. A Francophone school opened at Lorette in 1826, and from 1850 on, the teaching of prayers and catechism was exclusively conducted in French (Falardeau, 1996). A Wendat researcher, Mathieu-Joffre Lainé, has documented in a systematic way the decline of the Wendat language during the nineteenth century (Lainé, 2011). According to his estimates, people from Lorette stopped being fluent in the language between 1829 and 1849, since various testimonies let believe that at the first of these dates, young people only used French. In Wendake, oral tradition mentions the names of Rev. Prosper Vincent (1842–1915) and of the notary Paul Picard (1845–1905) as the last speakers of Wendat, but according to Lainé (ibid, 29), these two

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 34 Louis-Jacques Dorais men had a bookish knowledge of the language and were unable to use it in a spontaneous and creative way. Whatever the case may be, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the Lorette elders knew only a few words of Wendat (Gérin, 1900). After 1900, the language entered into a state of hibernation. Nobody used it anymore, or remembered having heard it spontaneously spoken, although some elders may have been able to perform traditional songs or Christian hymns in Wendat, without understanding everything. One must wait for the reassertion of Wendat identity, from the 1970s on, to see people trying to re-use and revive their language.

The Wendat Reading of History

Despite language shift, the adoption of Euro-American material culture and work habits, and repeated matrimonial unions with French Canadian men and, especially, women,13 the Wendat always preserved a strong sentiment of their uniqueness as children of the Ancestral Mother Yäa’taenhtsihk. Moreover, they never ceased considering themselves a sovereign nation that did not surrender its political autonomy, but concluded succes- sive alliances with the king of France and the British monarch (in his/her quality of sovereign of Canada after 1867). However, up to the early 1960s, the standard of living and the level of formal education of most Wendat, as well as the influence they had on their own governance were markedly lower than those of the non-indigenous population—Indians could not vote, and local chiefs (the “band council”) were supervised by a so-called Indian Agent appointed by the Canadian government, who had to approve any decision taken locally. Even if the Wendat were proud of who they were, the reading they made of their own

13 Up to the point that nowadays, the physical look of the Wendat cannot be distin- guished from that of their non-indigenous neighbours. Most interracial marriages involved Wendat men, because, according to Canadian law, indigenous women lost their legal Indian status when marrying a non-Indian, while non-indigenous women became legally Indian. This law was modified in 1981. Nowadays, both spouses preserve their personal status, and all children born to an indigenous man or woman are legal Indians.

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language 35 history was rather pessimistic. According to Eugeen Roosens (1989), a Belgian anthropologist who visited Wendake in 1968–69, their identity stemmed for a good part from their sentiment of having been deprived of their territory—much smaller now than it had been before14—and of their role in the history of Canada, whose official version did not tell the truth about indigenous nations. In such a context, the public expression of their identity did not generally go beyond folklore and tourist art. The loss of the ancestral language was mourned as a sad, but unavoidable fact, although its memory lingered along and surfaced from time to time in Wendat personal names, bits of old songs, and half-remembered phrases.15 In the words of visual artist Mireille Siouï (pers. com., March 2014), the Wendat considered that French was their first language but not their mother tongue. The psychologist Abraham Maslow has shown, in a model that has now become classical (Maslow, 1987), that individuals or groups must sat- isfy their personal and social needs in a pre-determined order. First of all, they must see that their material necessities and, then, those concerning their well-being and that of their kin are fulfilled, before trying to accede to an acceptable state of psychosocial freedom and be able, when all other necessities of life have been satisfied, to strive toward what Maslow calls self-actualization. The assertion of one’s identity is part of the process of self-actualization. In Wendake, it was only from the 1970s and 1980s on that the Wendat were in a position to work more thoroughly at their own self-actualization, because they had then started to fulfill their primary and secondary needs thanks to an important economic recovery, to the incipient recognition of their territorial rights, and to the generalisation of college- and university-level education. Self-actualization took the form of attempts at revitalizing ancestral culture and language. Besides stemming from a genuine desire of the Wendat to reconnect themselves with their indigenous ancestors (L. Sioui, 2012), these attempts may be considered as an assertion of their difference. According to the anthropologist Fredrik Barth (1969), human communi- ties often erect imagined limits between one another (Barth calls them “ethnic boundaries”), through a process of social differentiation that draws

14 The Indian reserve of Wendake does not exceed 2 km2 in area. 15 One such phrase is “Kwekwe ataro,” that present-day Wendake elders deem to mean “Hello friend!” Recent lexicological research, however, has shown that the word ataro rather denotes “someone who looks nice but should not be trusted” (Megan Lukaniec, pers. com., July 2013).

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 36 Louis-Jacques Dorais on symbolical markers (customs, language, religion, etc.) emphasizing the apparent heterogeneity of individuals and groups. In the case of the Wendat, asserting their own ethnicity demonstrates publicly that despite a physical look and a way of life that do not differentiate them much from their non-indigenous neighbours, the residents of Wendake do possess their own history and culture. In such an optic, the re-appropriation of their ancestral language and other specificities aims at augmenting the cultural distance separating them from the majority population, thus throwing their difference into sharper relief and, consequently, highlighting the reality of their special identity and of their nation’s territorial and political rights. Self-actualization thus entailed a new reading of Wendat history. Re- viving important aspects of traditional culture, language for instance, was now seen as a positive, desirable, and feasible undertaking, one that could support the Wendat nation’s social and cultural development, as well as its claims for political autonomy within Canada.

The Wendat Cultural Revival (1970s–2000s)

The early 1970s saw the advent of a generation of highly educated and politically motivated young Wendat such as historian Georges E. Sioui, who was to launch a reflection on North American indigenous social eth- ics and their impact on history (G. E. Sioui, 1992, 1999). One of these cultural activists—perhaps a little older and more self-taught than the others—was Marguerite Vincent Tehariolina, who started around 1970 to conduct research on Wendat language and culture for a book she was planning to write (Tehariolina, 1984). At the request of the band council of Wendake, she and a collaborator compiled documents based on Jesuit linguistic materials. These materials were also very useful to a small group of people—who called themselves the “traditionalists”—eager to revive ancestral Wendat spirituality. In 1989, they established a Long House in Wendake, under the guidance of members of the Kahnawake Long House Movement.16 At first, rituals were held in the Mohawk language, but a

16 The Long House Movement is a contemporary form of Iroquoian spirituality and ceremonialism inspired by the teachings of prophet Handsome Lake. It came to

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language 37 young traditionalist, Michel Gros-Louis, progressively developed an order of ceremony in Wendat and offered language classes to the residents of Wendake, based on his understanding of available Jesuit manuscripts.17 It looks somewhat ironical that grammars and dictionaries compiled by missionaries to help their colleagues preach Christianity and eradicate traditional “pagan” beliefs were now used for supporting the Wendat in their revival of these very beliefs (Dorais, 2009). At about the same time (early 1990s), a literary movement arose in Wendake. The young and not-so-young authors wrote in French, but most of them referred to tradition in their poems and prose texts (e.g., E. Sioui, 1992; J. Sioui, 1997). Some even went so far as reinterpreting or reinvent- ing Wendat myths and tales, thus generating a new form of traditional orality. This was the case, for instance, with Yolande Picard, a story-teller who retells orally myths that had been preserved in written form in the past (e.g., in Barbeau, 1915), or transforms into tales various elements of traditional Wendat culture (Dorais, 2010, p. 26). More recently, a young nov- elist, playwright and poet, Louis-Karl Picard-Sioui, has published, among other works, reconstructions of founding myths (e.g., Picard-Sioui, 2011). In a similar way, visual artists such as Mireille Siouï, and musicians like François Vincent Kiowarini have developed, since the 1980s, new inter- pretations of traditional Wendat themes. All these activists realized that the ongoing cultural revival would be incomplete if it were not upheld by the revitalization of the ancestral tongue, since language holds the best position for expressing the whole depth of Wendat thought and identity (L. Sioui, 1996). Their reading of Wendat history led them to the conclusion that language could and should be taken out of its state of hibernation. In 1992, Linda Sioui, a graduate in sociology (and, later, anthropology) supported by the Wendake band council, invited community volunteers to form a linguistic orientation committee. She set herself to various basic tasks in preparation for an eventual revivification of the Wendat language: inventory and repatriation of Jesuit and other language archives; reflections and discussions on the process of language revitalization; linguistic seminars offered by academic specialists

Kahnawake (a Mohawk community south of Montreal) around 1920 (, consulted 9 June 2016). 17 And also of unpublished linguistic data collected by the anthropologist Marius Barbeau in 1911–12 among the Wyandotte of Oklahoma.

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 38 Louis-Jacques Dorais to the members of the nation and, later on, to employees of the council. As a result, in 1998, a petition bearing 350 signatures asked the nation’s authorities to provide for the teaching of Wendat at Wendake’s elementary school. In 2001–02, the Language Committee of Wendake, which had succeeded the orientation committee, started studying the pronunciation and orthography of Wendat and produced a report on that topic. The last episode of these initial efforts for revitalizing the ancestral tongue occurred during the summer of 2006, when a young American woman, Megan Lukaniec, whose paternal grandmother was a Wendat who had moved to Connecticut several decades earlier, arrived in Wendake with a research stipend from Dartmouth College. She was offered working space in the Wendake school and spent most of 2006–07 carrying on with cataloguing and repatriating copies of Wendat linguistic manuscripts, while starting to teach herself the language.

Project Yawenda

All of the previously mentioned linguistic initiatives had been punctual, and due to economic and territorial issues that appeared more urgent,18 no major project for reviving Wendat had yet been initiated by the turn of the twenty-first century. However, some effervescence was felt among the population concerning the assertion of Wendat identity. As we just saw, this had led to a significant cultural, artistic, and spiritual revival, and, more pointedly as language is concerned, to the 1998 petition demanding that Wendat be taught in school. Consequently, by the year 2000, Wendake and the Wendat nation had reached, so it seems, a level of social development that allowed for a major step forward in the field of language revitalization. In fall 2005, the director of educational services and principal of the school in Wendake, Yves Sioui, a traditionalist who was concerned with the

18 During the 1980s and 1990s, the band—later called the nation’s—council had been occupied with various projects favouring the economic development of Wendake, as well as with legal action aiming at the recognition of their territorial rights and at monetary compensation for reserve lands illegally sold.

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language 39 state of hibernation into which his ancestral language had fallen, started to inquire about financial resources potentially available to the Wendat nation in order to set up a linguistic project that would be far-reaching and of long duration. The final objective of such a project was to deliver Wendat- language courses to elementary grades pupils,19 as well as to adults in the community, thus answering the wish expressed by the population in the referendum of 1998. From the very onset, this initiative was given the name Yawenda, “the Voice.” There was no question of replacing French, the first language of most Wendat,20 by the indigenous tongue. It was rather wished that Wendat would become a language of identity that could enable its speakers to think like their ancestors did, and thus tell things inexpressible in other languages. The promoters of the project hoped that on the long run, Wendat might become of current use in Wendake and be transmitted within families. After some inquiries, it was found that the program appearing best suited to the stated objectives was the Community-University Research Alliances (CURA), funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Re- search Council of Canada (SSHRC). The CURA program aimed at twin- ning community organizations with university researchers in order to answer specific community needs, thanks to deep-reaching studies based on scientific knowledge. CURA grants could last up to five years and reach a total of one million dollars in funds originating from SSHRC. This is how I was contacted at the Centre interuniversitaire d’études et de recherches autochtones (CIÉRA) at Université Laval in Quebec City. Because Laval was the university-level institution nearest to Wendake, it welcomed a high number of Wendat students, several of whom were aware that the Centre was particularly interested in issues dealing with indigenous languages, education and identity, and had taken my courses in linguistic anthropology and Inuit (Eskimo) language and culture. After a period of reflection, I agreed to become the scientific supervisor of the project, while Yves Sioui directed it on behalf of the Wendat nation.21 The grant we applied for at SSHRC was awarded in July 2007 for a period of

19 There is no secondary school in Wendake. 20 A limited number of Wendat who have moved to English Canada or the United States are speakers of English. 21 According to SSHRC rules, a “council of governance” was formed later on, in order to supervise the activities and finances of the project.

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 40 Louis-Jacques Dorais five years, later extended to six. Project Yawenda was, thus, in operation between July 31, 2007 and July 30, 2013.22 Right from the beginning, Yawenda had set three goals: to reconstruct the Wendat language; to train teachers who would become able to teach it; and to produce didactic materials adapted to different levels: kindergarten, elementary grades, adult education. A team of scientific collaborators was formed, that included pedagogues, linguists and anthropologists. A coor- dinator was hired, and the project started to search for people who would volunteer for becoming teachers of Wendat. At first, it was expected that members of the regular teaching staff at the Wendake school could be interested, but this was not the case. Would-be volunteers rather came from the ranks of traditionalists and activists already involved in the cultural revival of the preceding decades. From 2008 on, they met once a week with Megan Lukaniec, who taught them Wendat and soon started devising exercises aimed at teaching the language to other people.23 This was very hard work. It took at least a year and a half before the teachers-in-training started feeling comfortable with a language they had never really spoken before, and in which they were still far from being fluent. This situation seems to show that the only persons who had the desire and courage to work seriously at the reconstruction and revival of Wendat were those who read their nation’s history as an instance of the circular structure described by Georges E. Sioui (1999).24 After having gone through epidemics, war, dispersion, territorial reduction, acculturation, poverty, and language shift—without losing their identity for all that—the twenty- first-century children of Yäa’taenhtsihk were in a position to revive and reno- vate their once-thriving ancestral culture and language, albeit by assuming a new role, that of self-governing indigenous participants in a modern, multi- ethnic society. Thanks to Project Yawenda, younger people were exposed to this reading, to the extent that from 2012 on, several individuals in their

22 For an extensive description of Project Yawenda, see Dorais (2014). 23 Volunteers were paid for their weekly day of language learning, as they also were later, when teaching courses or working at the production of didactic material. 24 According to Sioui, the structure of reality is circular when “all beings belong to each other in inclusion, interdependence and autonomy; [such a structure] has been developed, maintained and transmitted through cultures based on oral tradition” (Giroux, 2013, p. 25; my translation). Circularity is characteristic of indigenous thinking in the Americas. It implies that past situations will repeat themselves at some time, although in forms adapted to changing contexts.

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language 41 twenties started volunteering to become teachers of Wendat, thus renewing the workforce of cultural activists. Within a few years, Yawenda began to yield positive results. As early as March 2010, the teachers-in-training taught their first adult classes in Wendake, even if they were still very far from being proficient in Wendat.25 They realized that provided their knowledge of the language would always anticipate that of their students, they did not need to speak it fluently (Hin- ton, 2003). Linguistic reconstruction went smoothly, although more slowly than forecasted, due to the abundance of archival data. The same was true with the production of teaching materials: it took longer than originally foreseen. In July 2013, at the end of the granting period, only a small part of the Wendat language had been reconstructed and formatted as teaching curricula and didactic materials. However, even if reviving a language is a never-ending task, much had been accomplished by Yawenda, and the project was well underway in achieving its objective of hearing the Wendat language spoken once again. At writing time (summer 2016), the situation was as follows: 1) As language reconstruction is concerned, several hundred Wendat words drawn from the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century archives had been analysed and validated, thanks to comparative historical linguistics. The morphology and syntax of Wendat had also been reconstructed. 2) A dozen teachers had been trained and, as we just saw, the language had been taught to Wendake adults since March 2010,26 and to elementary level schoolchildren since October 2011, thanks to specifi- cally-designed curricula. After the initial SSHRC funding ceased in July 2013, educational activities had continued, with funds provided by the Wendat nation’s council. 3) Various types of instructional materials had been—and continued to be—produced: an electronic databank for language specialists;27 an online Wendat terminological databank (with some 5,500 entries as of 2016) that should be made accessible to the general public in the

25 Schoolchildren instruction would start some 18 months later, in October 2011. 26 In 2014, the introductory Wendat course was accredited by the Quebec Ministry of Education as contributory to the 10th and 11th grade program for adult education at the secondary level. 27 This bank, still in need of completion, already includes a large part of the linguistic data left by the Jesuits.

near future; a Wendat section on the First Voices website (firstvoices. com), an interactive site for learning Canadian indigenous languages; and five illustrated glossaries of Wendat words.

Conclusion

The preceding pages have shown that for the Wendat, as well as for several contemporary indigenous nations of the world, reviving the use of their once-forgotten language is considered a crucial step in asserting their deepest identity and acceding to a renewed social and political position as an autonomous ethnic and cultural component of the globalizing world.28 This process of revival may be understood as an illustration of applied ethnophilology, because it proceeds from the reading the Wendat make of the un- folding of their own history. And in a narrower sense, the mere techniques of comparative historical linguistics used for reconstructing the ancestral language, on the basis of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century written documents, have much in common with those of classical philology. As a result of colonial contact and ensuing wars, the children of the Ancestral Mother Yäa’taenhtsihk progressively shifted from a position of commercial, political and linguistic predominance, in early seventeenth-century northeastern North America,29 to a state of dispersion, territorial reduction in the reserve of Wendake, and poverty. The nation’s culture changed and its language went into hibernation. Over the years, however, this form of extreme acculturation—that entailed, para- doxically, an easier participation of the Francophone and racially mixed Wendat in mainstream French Canadian economy and formal education system—yielded one positive result. From the 1970s on, the economic

28 Since the 1980s, a growing number of indigenous groups whose language had ceased being spoken a long time ago have launched projects for reviving their ancestral tongue. Among several examples, this has been the case with the Wampanoag of New England (O’Brien, 1998) and the Kaurna of South Australia (Amery, 2000). 29 Let us remember that when the Wendat concluded an alliance with France in 1603, they controlled trade activities over what would later become Ontario and western Quebec, and their language was widely used as a multinational instrument of communication in commerce and diplomacy.

© Peter Lang AG Philology, vol. 2/2016, pp. 25–46 Wendat Ethnophilology: How a Canadian Indigenous Nation is Reviving its Language 43 situation improved in Wendake, political claims began to be settled, and post-secondary education started becoming the norm. A young generation of traditionalists and cultural activists arose, who read Wendat history as a circle that was now closing, thus enabling a renewal of ancestral culture and language.30 As this paper has shown, one effect of this renewal was Project Yawen- da, which aimed, from 2007 on, at reconstructing the ancestral tongue in order to teach it to children and adults. As of now, nobody is proficient yet in the language, but over the last few years, it has been heard daily in Wendake. People greet each other in Wendat, ceremonial speeches always include a few Wendat passages, schoolchildren often address their friends in the ancestral language, and written public signage makes an increasing use of it. Formerly mute and considered gone for good, Yawenda, the voice of the Wendat, has now regained its position as a living an important component in the nation’s social and cultural fabric. This revival testifies to the strength and resilience of Wendat identity. Since Yäa’taenhtsihk landed on Big Turtle eons ago, identity has endured staunchly through good and bad times, surviving intermarriage, cultural change, and language shift. Nowa- days, it is a desire to assert their identity that has urged Wendat activists to launch Project Yawenda, with the endorsement of the political authorities of Wendake and the enthusiastic participation of almost everyone. When applied ethnophilology is put at the service of a nation’s self-actualization, it can, indeed, yield very positive and concrete results.

30 An event highly symbolical of this completion of an historical cycle occurred in August 1999, when a large number of Wendat from Canada and Wyandotte from the United States met in Ontario, on the site of Ossossane, the chief village of early seventeenth-century Huronia. Three hundred and fifty years after the destruction of their ancestral country, they participated in the reburial of Wendat human remains which had been dug up and stored in museums by archaeologists in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Their chiefs took advantage of this opportunity to re-establish the Wendat Confederacy, whose dispersed members can now form a virtual community thanks to Internet (L. Sioui, 2006). The Ossossane meeting was held once again in 2013.

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