134 Ontario Archaeology No. 96, 2016

The Huron-Wendat and the St. Lawrence Iroquoians: New Findings of a Close Relationship

Gary Warrick and Louis Lesage1

This paper summarizes the archaeological, historical, and linguistic evidence for relationships between the Huron-Wendat and the St. Lawrence Iroquoians. There is overwhelming archaeological and oral history evidence that Iroquoian groups living in the St. Lawrence River valley allied themselves with and were politically incorporated peacefully, in large numbers and over a long period of time, into the Huron-Wendat Confederacy in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, effectively making them Huron-Wendat and giving weight to the Huron-Wendat knowledge that the St. Lawrence River valley is ancestral Huron-Wendat territory.

Introduction The Ontario Archaeological Society held its Sioui 1999; Sutton 2015). Archaeologists, annual symposium in October 2015, in Midland, however, have consistently identified the Ontario, the heart of Wendake in the early archaeological remains left behind by Iroquoian seventeenth century. It was a memorable peoples in the St. Lawrence River valley as “St. conference because most of the presented papers Lawrence Iroquoian,” implying that these people answered some aspect of Huron-Wendat questions were culturally and politically distinct from the related to archaeology, linguistics, and history. Huron-Wendat (e.g., Birch 2015; Chapdelaine Furthermore, dozens of members of the Huron- 2004; Pendergast 1985, 1993; Tremblay 2006; Wendat attended. Warrick 2008). One of the symposium sessions, “The A key paper in the session, by Mariane Huron-Wendat Nation and St. Lawrence Gaudreau and Louis Lesage, questioned the very Iroquoians: Their Origins and Relations,” was ability of archaeologists to identify ethnic and organized in collaboration with the Huron- political groups or nations of Iroquoian peoples in Wendat Nation to investigate the archaeological, northeastern North America. And archaeologists linguistic, and historical evidence for the were reminded by the words of Louis Lesage, relationship between the Huron-Wendat and St. Lawrence Iroquoians. To most participants in the session, and certainly to the Huron-Wendat in 1 One of the co-authors of this article, Louis Lesage, attendance, the implied question was: Should St. acted as the Director of the Office of Nionwentsïo of Lawrence Iroquoians be considered ancestral the Huron-Wendat Nation at the time of drafting, presentation, and preparation for publication of this Huron-Wendat? More than three centuries worth paper. The views expressed in this article are strictly of Huron-Wendat oral history consistently those of the authors and do not necessarily represent identifies the St. Lawrence River valley as ancestral positions of the Huron-Wendat Nation. This text is Huron-Wendat territory (Gaudreau and Lesage, published without prejudice to the rights and interests of the this volume; Lainey 2006; Richard, this volume; Huron-Wendat Nation. Warrick, Lesage The Huron-Wendat and the St. Lawrence Iroquoians 135

Michel Gros-Louis (2015), and other Huron- distance movement of community segments to Wendat attendees that St. Lawrence Iroquoians are join with others should be regarded as a standard their ancestors and have never resigned their decision by Iroquoian planners (Williamson, this ancestral territory. This discussion paper will volume). In other words, many of the Iroquoians summarize the archaeological, historical, and of the St. Lawrence River valley are ancestral linguistic evidence for Huron-Wendat and St. Huron-Wendat. Lawrence Iroquoian relationships, and it will argue The first documented face-to-face encounter that there is overwhelming evidence that between Europeans and Iroquoian-speaking Iroquoian groups living in the St. Lawrence River peoples occurred on the Gaspé coast in late July valley allied themselves with and were politically 1534. On various voyages between 1534 and incorporated peacefully, in large numbers and over 1542, Jacques Cartier encountered Iroquoian- a long period of time, into the Huron-Wendat speaking peoples living in longhouse villages on Confederacy in the fifteenth and sixteenth the St. Lawrence River. Jacques Noel reported no century, effectively making them Huron-Wendat Iroquoian-speaking people living on the banks of and giving weight to the Huron-Wendat the St. Lawrence River in 1585 (Tremblay 2006). knowledge that the St. Lawrence River valley is Samuel de Champlain did not mention any ancestral Huron-Wendat territory. Iroquoian villages along the river during his first voyage in 1603, but as early as 1609, Champlain The St. Lawrence Iroquoians described—as Sagard and Le Jeune did in 1624 Never “Disappeared” and 1634, respectively—annual encounters for Iroquoian people living in longhouse villages were commercial, diplomatic, and customs purposes of observed by the first French explorers of the St. Huron-Wendat groups in the St. Lawrence River Lawrence River valley in the early sixteenth valley, notably in the Québec and Saguenay century. Archaeologists named these people St. regions (Biggar 1922-1936; Champlain 1973; Le Lawrence Iroquoians, based on their distinctive Jeune 1897; Sagard 1998). Archaeological work pottery, pipe, and other artifact types and their on St. Lawrence Iroquoian villages in Jefferson geographical location beyond the seventeenth- County, New York State, eastern Ontario, and century “homelands” of the Huron-Wendat and Quebec has recovered few artifacts of European Haudenosaunee (Pendergast and Trigger 1972). origin, and none dating after 1580 (Chapdelaine Archaeological evidence demonstrates a 2,000- 2004). Oral history from the Huron-Wendat in year record of continuous Iroquoian settlement of the early seventeenth century reports warfare the St. Lawrence River valley, ending c. A.D. 1580 between various ambiguously identified (Gates St-Pierre 2015). The “disappearance” in the Indigenous nations on the St. Lawrence River in late sixteenth century of the people who later the time before 1603. This information has led became referred to as St. Lawrence Iroquoians is historians and archaeologists to conclude that the said to be one of the “archaeological mysteries” of St. Lawrence Iroquoians “disappeared” or that northeastern North America. However, these they “abandoned” the St. Lawrence River valley Iroquoian-speaking people never actually and their ancestral homelands in which, as noted disappeared; they simply shifted the location of by Gates St-Pierre (2004, 2015, this volume), they their communities throughout the fifteenth and had lived since at least Middle Woodland times (c. sixteenth centuries, ultimately joining the Huron- 500 B.C.). Wendat and other Iroquoian and Algonquian Various scenarios have been proposed for how groups (Tremblay et al. 2015). Recent and why these people moved from the St. archaeological discoveries demonstrate that, Lawrence River valley in the sixteenth century. beginning in the fifteenth century, segments of St. They include climate change and famine, warfare Lawrence Iroquoian communities, perhaps (as the result of either traditional blood feud or families or clan segments, moved to ancestral access to European trade), and epidemics of Huron-Wendat communities and that such long- European diseases. These scenarios have been 136 Ontario Archaeology No. 96, 2016 summarized by Chapdelaine (2004) and Tremblay onward, successive contingents of Huron-Wendat (2006) and recently re-evaluated by Birch (2015) established villages in the Quebec region, and Tremblay et al. (2015). The current consensus representing a “re-establishment” of Huron- of archaeological opinion seems to be that the Wendat settlement in their ancestral lands long-distance relocation of St. Lawrence Iroquoian (Gaudreau and Lesage, this volume; Labelle 2013; communities in the sixteenth century occurred Tremblay et al. 2015). In 1654, the missionary because of warfare, possibly with other St. François Le Mercier estimated that the population Lawrence Iroquoians (Chapdelaine 2004) and/or of Huron-Wendat in Quebec was between 500 with the Mohawk, Oneida, and Onondaga and 600 persons (Le Mercier 1899). The village (Engelbrecht and Jamieson, this volume; Kuhn of Wendake was finally established in 1697. In 2004). Between 1540 and 1580, St. Lawrence addition to the Huron-Wendat resettlement of Iroquoians appear to have relocated their Quebec, the Mohawk established the Kahnawake communities over time, moving gradually from and Kahnesatake villages in the Montreal area, in the west to the east down the St. Lawrence River, 1667 and 1675 respectively, perhaps partially with the final St. Lawrence Iroquoian settlement motivated by Huron-Wendat who were living being Stadacona (Chapdelaine 2004; Dermarkar amongst the Mohawk and who could trace et al., this volume; Engelbrecht 2004; Jamieson ancestry to the St. Lawrence Iroquoians and 1990; Tremblay et al. 2015). St. Lawrence wished to return to their ancestral homeland Iroquoians joined Huron-Wendat communities in (Lozier 2014). the Toronto and Trent River valley regions of Oral histories of both the Huron-Wendat Ontario (as allies); Algonquian communities in (Richard, this volume) and Mohawk identify the Ottawa River valley; Abenaki communities (as ancestral homelands in the St. Lawrence River allies or refugees) in Vermont; and Oneida, valley, and today both the Huron-Wendat and Onondaga, and Mohawk communities of eastern Mohawk consider the St. Lawrence River valley as New York State (as refugees or captives) (Abel, this ancestral territory (Gaudreau and Lesage, this volume; Engelbrecht 2003; Kuhn 2004; volume; Lainey 2006). When we take into Pendergast 1999; Tremblay 2006; Wonderley consideration all of this information, it is clear to 2005). us that the Iroquoians of the St. Lawrence River While there is no archaeological evidence for valley never disappeared. village settlements of Huron-Wendat (i.e., St. Lawrence Iroquoians) in the St. Lawrence River Archaeology of Huron-Wendat valley between 1580 and the beginning of the and St. Lawrence Iroquoians seventeenth century, this does not mean that the In addition to Huron-Wendat oral history Huron-Wendat were not hunting, fishing, and recognizing pre-European, ancestral ties to the St. trading in the St. Lawrence River valley. Small Lawrence River valley, there is abundant hunting and fishing camps are notoriously archaeological evidence that St. Lawrence difficult for archaeologists to find and identify, Iroquoian communities joined Huron-Wendat especially in the historic period (Warrick 2005). communities in the fifteenth and sixteenth In other words, there is no definitive centuries. Considerable quantities of distinctive archaeological proof that the Huron-Wendat (i.e., St. Lawrence Iroquoian pots and pipes have been St. Lawrence Iroquoians) ever fully “abandoned” excavated from some mid-fifteenth-century village the St. Lawrence River valley. Certainly historical sites in the Toronto region (Warrick 2008; accounts place the Huron-Wendat on the St. Williamson, this volume). Large amounts of St. Lawrence River valley in 1609. As for settlement, Lawrence Iroquoian pottery and pipes have also as early as 1637, some Huron-Wendat families been found on several sixteenth-century Huron- established their new home at the newly founded Wendat villages in Ontario (Warrick Sillery Mission near Québec City (Delaporte 2008:196-198). Research in the Balsam Lake area 1769; de Villeneuve 1762). From the 1650s Warrick, Lesage The Huron-Wendat and the St. Lawrence Iroquoians 137 of south-central Ontario by Peter Ramsden (1990, 2014) and members of some Algonquian nations 2009, this volume) has revealed that the nation of through intermarriage (Fox 2016; Pendergast the Arendarhonon, a recognized Huron-Wendat 1999; Ramsden, this volume). Archaeological nation, was created in the sixteenth century from work in Ontario, Quebec, and New York State has four diverse groups – Huron-Wendat from the documented discrete clusters, sometimes termed lower Trent River valley and north shore of Lake “homelands” of Iroquoian settlements, typically Ontario (the latter argued to be from the Oshawa depicted as “islands” separated from other clusters area by Williamson, this volume), Algonquians by dozens of kilometres on maps of northeastern from Haliburton or the Ottawa River valley, and North America. Working on the assumption that St. Lawrence Iroquoians. In sixteenth-century these settlement clusters represent the homelands villages, European trade goods associated with St. of nascent Iroquoian nations, archaeological Lawrence Iroquoian pottery suggest strong trade sequences of villages have been traced, connections to the St. Lawrence River valley documenting centuries of settled occupation of (Ramsden 2009). By combining the percentages relatively small areas (Birch 2015; Birch and of St. Lawrence Iroquoian pottery and pipes from Williamson 2015; MacDonald 2015; Williamson fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Huron-Wendat 2014, this volume). sites, it has been estimated that at least 1,000 St. Pottery, pipes, and other artifacts are used by Lawrence Iroquoians, from an estimated total archaeologists as ethnic markers of Iroquoian population of 8,000–10,000 (Tremblay 2006; nations, following the concept of V.G. Childe’s Warrick 2008:194-198), joined the Huron- (1929) archaeological cultures. The presence of Wendat between 1450 and 1580, comprising as “foreign-looking artifacts” in an Iroquoian site is much as 30 percent of the population of the commonly interpreted as the product of trade, Arendarhonon (Warrick 2008:196-198). warfare (captives), refugees, alliance formation, or Algonquian peoples from the Ottawa River valley, copying. Independent evidence can sometimes such as the Onontchataronon, overwintered with help to identify the precise process that the Arendarhonon in the seventeenth century, contributed foreign artifacts to a site’s deposits. In occupying a twinned village with the latter at the Trent valley Huron-Wendat village sites, for Cahiague in 1615. Oral history and archaeological example, detailed analyses of the intra-site evidence suggest that some St. Lawrence distribution of St. Lawrence Iroquoian pottery and Iroquoians also became Onontchataronon, which pipes has been interpreted as the presence of helps to explain the close relationship of this group political allies or refugees (Ramsden 2009, this with the Arendarhonon, who also included St. volume). Lawrence Iroquoian descendants (Fox 2016; Ethnic linguistic markers are commonly used Pendergast 1999). to distinguish the complex diversity of Iroquoian Considering that archaeological studies in language spoken around the Great Lakes and Attigneenongnahac territories are less extensive along the St-Lawrence River. For linguists, there than for other Nations of the Huron-Wendat are several sound sequences that differentiate Confederacy, one should expect that the presence Huron-Wendat from St. Lawrence Iroquoian, and of St. Lawrence Iroquoians in these sites may be recent studies corroborate these distinctions by more important as such studies will be carried out suggesting that each group spoke a different in the future. Iroquoian language or dialect (Steckley 2009, 2012, this volume). Between 1623 and 1624, the Huron-Wendat Ethnogenesis, Identity, Recollect Brother Gabriel Sagard spent long days and Archaeology observing and describing the life and times of the The formation of the Huron-Wendat confederacy Huron-Wendat in the region of Georgian Bay took place over two centuries and involved the (Sagard 1998), and he notably wrote a Huron- political union of four distinct nations of Wendat-French dictionary. Linguistic analyses of Iroquoian people (Birch 2015, 2016; Williamson his dictionary entries clearly demonstrate that at 138 Ontario Archaeology No. 96, 2016 least one of Sagard’s linguistic informants was disease and intensified warfare to secure captives speaking words that came from a dialect spoken to replenish numbers (Brandao 1997; Heidenreich by the St. Lawrence Iroquoians (Steckley 2012, 1990). In fact, it is fair to say that modern this volume). The person (or persons) who Iroquoian nations are an amalgamation of a presented these words to Sagard was St. Lawrence number of different Indigenous groups and Iroquoian, living at significant distance from their subject to continual redefinition and changed related territory and describing how they saw the continuity of national and ethnic identity (Ferris political landscape (Steckley, this volume). This 2014). Indigenous peoples resist definitions of person was living peacefully in these villages and indigeneity. Instead they use self-identification as had acquired a respected social ranking, the main criterion for who they are as First Peoples considering this person’s role of privileged of the land. informant to an honoured guest such as Sagard. The Huron-Wendat and the Wyandot are Identity and ethnicity are very difficult, if not viewed by most archaeologists and historians, impossible, to determine from archaeological provincial and federal governments, and some remains (Chrisomalis and Trigger 2004; Gaudreau Indigenous neighbours as “diasporic people” who and Lesage, this volume). Ethnicity, politics, class, “abandoned” their southern Ontario “homeland” religion, genealogy, race, gender, and history can in the 1650s, “dispersing” to Quebec, Kansas, form the basis of a person or group’s identity, but Oklahoma, and Michigan (Anderdon). The words there may be minimal material signifiers of this “diaspora,” “dispersal,” and “abandonment” are identity. Nonetheless, ethnogenesis, that is, tracing inaccurate and harmful misinterpretations of the history of formation of contemporary ethnic Huron-Wendat concepts of geopolitics and and Indigenous groups, has become an area of ancestral territory, and the use of these words intense research interest for archaeologists (Hu could lead to governments dispossessing Iroquoian 2013; Voss 2015; Weik 2014). Archaeologists have peoples of their land. For the Huron-Wendat, attempted to trace the ethnogenesis of Northern their ancestral territory comprises lands in south- Iroquoian nations, based on chronological change central Ontario, upper New York State, the St. and continuity in pottery and settlement patterns, Lawrence River valley, and the nearby regions. but results have been disappointing (Birch 2012, Villages were established and moved within 2015, this volume; Dermarkar et al., this volume; territories for ecological, economic, and political Engelbrecht 1999, 2003; Hart and Engelbrecht reasons (Birch 2015; MacDonald 2015). From the 2012). The Iroquoian nations encountered and eleventh to thirteenth centuries, the size and identified by European visitors in the sixteenth location of communities were relatively stable and and seventeenth century, which we now refer to as tethered to certain watersheds (Birch and Northern Iroquoians, seem to have emerged from Williamson 2015), but between the fourteenth a complex and organic socio-political landscape, and sixteenth centuries, communities fissioned characterized by a rhizomatic pattern of and fused with others, sometimes moving large coalescence, disappearance, creation, and long- distances (Birch 2015; Warrick 2008; Williamson distance movement of diverse language and ethnic 2014). The nations of the Huron-Wendat that groups for more than 2,000 years (Fiedel 1999; were encountered by the French in what is now Hart and Engelbrecht 2012). Simcoe County, Ontario, were descended from Most recently, both the Huron-Wendat diverse peoples who formerly lived in villages on Confederacy and Haudenosaunee Confederacy the north shore of Lake Ontario and along the St. were created by the merger of diverse groups of Lawrence River (Ramsden, this volume). The people from a number of Algonquian and seventeenth-century French observation of a lack Iroquoian nations, primarily but not exclusively of villages in large parts of ancestral Huron- during the geopolitical upheaval that happened in Wendat territory does not mean that the mid-seventeenth-century Northeast in Huron-Wendat had relinquished those territories response to extreme depopulation from European beyond the densely settled northern Simcoe Warrick, Lesage The Huron-Wendat and the St. Lawrence Iroquoians 139

County. Quite to the contrary, the seventeenth- (Hutchings and La Salle 2015; cf. Williamson century Huron-Wendat utilized ancient village 2010 for exceptions in southern Ontario). and field areas as hunting and resource harvesting In fact, archaeologists work in the same zones (MacDonald 2015), and travel corridors system that continually denies Indigenous peoples and trade routes were maintained and protected rights to land and traditional resources and throughout the larger territory (Trigger 1990). In encourages contested claims amongst Indigenous fact, Huron-Wendat traders welcomed the French nations to lands that have centuries-old historical on the St. Lawrence River in the early seventeenth and archaeological evidence of use by different century. New historical analysis has revealed that Indigenous peoples (Williamson and MacDonald the so-called geographical “dispersal” of Huron- 2015). Sometimes archaeologists find themselves Wendat in the seventeenth century was not the as expert witnesses in legal battles between “destruction” of the Huron-Wendat, but a provincial and federal governments and planned strategy by the Huron-Wendat to Indigenous peoples over rights to lands and maintain geopolitical influence, notably with their resources and cultural heritage (Martindale 2014). French allies (Labelle 2013). Today, the Huron- Archaeological evidence is seen by judges and Wendat state that re-establishment of a village near lawyers as scientific, objective, and independent Quebec in 1651 was simply a long-distance move of the potential bias of colonial documents or from one place to another in their ancestral Indigenous oral history. territory, effectively a return “home” to one of However, archaeologists must be careful to their ancestral village sites (Stadacona, of 100 years stay within the bounds of their data. previous) (Gaudreau and Lesage, this volume; Archaeologists are very good at mapping, Lainey 2006). Furthermore, the contemporary measuring, analyzing, and dating the material absence of a Huron-Wendat settlement in Ontario remains of the past. And in agreement with has not prevented the government of Ontario Christopher Hawkes’s (1954) “ladder of from recognizing Huron-Wendat rights, interests, inference,” archaeologists are quite good at and cultural heritage to ancestral sites in Ontario reconstructing aspects of past technology, (Hiawatha First Nation et al. v. Ontario 2007; economy, and settlement patterns, but less able to Kapches 2010; Pfeiffer and Lesage 2014; reconstruct aspects of past socio-political life and, Williamson 2010). in the absence of text-aided direct historic analogues, generally poor at reconstructing aspects Archaeologists and the Huron-Wendat of past mindsets, such as religion and ethnic Over the past two decades, archaeologists in identity. Archaeologists must resist making Canada have been collaborating more and more pronouncements on the ethnic identity of with Indigenous communities (Nicholas et al. contemporary Indigenous peoples because they 2011). As a result of conversations with their are not qualified to do so (Chrisomalis and Trigger Indigenous partners, archaeologists are 2004). increasingly coming to view archaeology as a Indigenous people know best who they are colonial discipline, serving the hegemonic goals of and where they came from. Increased involvement the nation states in which they work and of the Huron-Wendat in the archaeology of their sometimes unintentionally causing harm to ancestors, in the planning and shaping of Indigenous communities (Hutchings and La Salle archaeological projects, in orienting future 2015; Supernant and Warrick 2014). While research, and in the writing and publishing of decolonization of archaeology is the new “call to revisions of previous histories based on arms” (Atalay 2012; Nicholas 2006), most misinterpretations of archaeological data is an archaeologists work for private land developers encouraging trend in the Huron-Wendat under government legislation – a rather difficult reclamation of their past. position from which to decolonize the system 140 Ontario Archaeology No. 96, 2016

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Cet article résume les preuves archéologiques, historiques et linguistiques des relations entre les Hurons-Wendats et les Iroquoiens du Saint-Laurent. Il existe d’abondantes preuves archéologiques et d’histoire orale démontrant que les groupes iroquoiens vivant dans la vallée du fleuve Saint-Laurent, en grand nombre et pendant une longue période, se sont alliés et se sont intégrés politiquement et pacifiquement à la Confédération des Hurons- Wendats aux quinzième et seizième siècles, faisant ainsi d’eux des Hurons-Wendats et appuyant la connaissance huronne-wendate que la vallée du fleuve Saint-Laurent est un territoire ancestral huron-wendat.

Gary Warrick Indigenous Studies Program and History Program Wilfrid Laurier University, Brantford Campus 73 George Street Brantford ON N3T 2Y3 Canada [email protected]

Louis Lesage Bureau du Nionwentsïo Conseil de la Nation Huronne-Wendat [email protected]