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The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1991

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The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1991 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1991 Donated by A.S. Chernyaev to The National Security Archive Translated by Anna Melyakova Edited by Svetlana Savranskaya http://www.nsarchive.org Translation © The National Security Archive, 2011 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1991 http://www.nsarchive.org January 2, 1991 This is the year of my 70th anniversary. It is also the year of Gorbachev’s last chance and perestroika’s last efforts. [Gorbachev] made a New Year’s address to the Soviet people. Yakovlev called today, saying, “You know, it seems the words aren’t very banal or anything. But it’s just out of steam!” I also catch myself thinking that no matter what Gorbachev says now, it really is “out of steam.” I felt this very acutely during the Congress. He is no longer regarded with respect or interest; at best, he is pitied. He has outlived his achievements, while disasters and chaos exacerbate the people’s irritation with him. He does not see this, from this stems his even greater drama. His overconfidence is becoming absurd, laughable even. After recording the New Year’s address to the Soviet people and the Americans, he called Shakhnazarov and me to his office. He shuffled papers on his desk and “put down” some resolutions. We sat there, quietly. Then he spoke. He asked us whom to name Premier. Shakhnazarov suggested Abalkin. I objected: he is intelligent and honest, but psychologically unacceptable. People have even come up with a term: “Abalkin’s tax.” I suggested Vol’skoy. Gorbachev did not agree, hinting that he knows more about him than I do. I began to rant, saying that we need someone fresh, not from the deck. Even if there is a mistake, he could be removed. But if someone like Voronin gets appointed, that’s it! The people will lose their faith completely. Gorbachev started discussing Masliukov. I expressed my concerns: the military- industrial complex. Plus, it is a little puzzling to me why he likes Masliukov so much. He started telling us that many people are imposing Pavlov on him, the Minister of Finance. I personally met Pavlov, surprisingly enough, at the pool. Even more surprisingly, this rather heavy-set man swam athletically and quite fast. I had a hard time keeping up with him. Sometimes we exchanged political opinions in the locker room. He grumbled. Still, he won me over with his sharp remarks regarding Ryzhkov’s actions and positions. However, as I told Gorbachev then, Pavlov stained himself with unpopular measures as the Minister of Finance. The people will not accept him, and even the Supreme Soviet may turn him down. Sobchak was on the tip of my tongue, but I did not say his name at the time. I did not want to flare the President’s temper right before New Years. He later connected Yakovlev through the intercom to our conversation. Yakovlev also did not name Sobchak, although he later told me that “Sobchak would have been alright.” I suggested Sobchak yesterday on the phone, when M.S. was telling me about his conversation with Bush. (It seems they are great friends, M.S. again was very emotional when talking about him). Unexpectedly, M.S. paid attention to my arguments, even though as a refrain he kept repeating that he “would not pass.” I got impudent: “Pass by you, or by the Supreme Soviet?” My arguments were that he is smart, has an organized and rigorous mind, has character, is persistent, has already had a taste of administrative affairs in Leningrad and understands that it is nothing like a meeting or having popularity at a Congress or the Supreme Soviet. He might even be the Trojan horse for the regions. 1 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1991 http://www.nsarchive.org M.S. neither rejected him, nor did he agree. But maybe the idea will take root, we shall see! Sobchak’s personal qualities are not what strikes me as his most useful aspect. He is, of course, a demagogue, you can feel that strongly. But he is from the radical democrats. And such an appointment would be like an outstretched hand from Gorbachev in that direction—toward the creation of, in effect, a coalition government; of shared responsibility with the principal critics, inviting them to show what they can do. By the way, it would be a counterbalance to Yeltsin. My God! I’ve picked up so much knowledge over the years! Is there a topic I haven’t touched? But I never studied anything in depth… I’ve read so many philosophers and poets, and regular authors. But if anyone were to ask me in particular about any one of them, I would not be able to give a good answer, oftentimes I do not even remember the basic plot… even of Dostoyevsky’s novels… Why is all of this in me?! Yesterday M.S. told me that Petrakov submitted his resignation. He started swearing. I said, “This is not good, Mikhail Sergeyevich.” “Give it up!” he got worked up. “All these newspaper outbursts, saying that everyone is leaving Gorbachev one by one, you think they matter?” “They do. Besides, Petrakov is offended and rightly so.” “By what?” “You did not remember about him even once in all the days since Volynskoe, even though Presidential decrees in his field, the field of economics, followed one after another. You and Pavlov spoke at the Congress about the economic situation in the country. The draft Congress resolution was submitted in your name. And, remember, it did not pass. Then why do you have an economic adviser, if you do not remember about him even when preparing such documents? “Did I have the time?” “And in general, Mikhail Sergeyevich, the person has been working for you for a year, and Boldin has not even given him a secretary. His ID badge still says that he is the adviser to the General Secretary, not the President.” “Really?” “Yes.” “Why didn’t he say anything?” 2 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1991 http://www.nsarchive.org “To whom? Should he have bothered you about the ID badge?” “You’re right, it’s outrageous. Boldin in general should be relieved of his duties in the CC. Let him concentrate on the Presidential apparatus. We will create a unified Presidential apparatus.” At this point, I made a short speech about the fact that it’s been a year since Gorbachev became president and he still does not have a Kremlin apparatus. As for Petrakov, I added, he is a shy man, and with dignity. “I did not want to ruin his mood before New Years when he first told me about his resignation,” M.S. responded. “I said, ‘It’s out of the question, just work.’” M.S. is self-assured even in this. He does not understand that it is not so attractive for an academician to serve as an adviser, especially when he is pushed around. January 7, 1991 Today, on the orders of Yeltsin and Silaev, was the first official Christmas throughout the entire Russian territory. But the CC had to work, and M.S. demonstratively came to work. I had to work too; spent all day sitting in the office. Boredom. A feeling of powerlessness and pointlessness. Even foreign affairs, which under Shevardnadze centered around us, are now starting to pass us by. We increasingly find ourselves on the sidelines, in the offside, in the mythology of the superpower. M.S. no longer seriously thinks about foreign policy issues. He is busy with “structures” and “small affairs”—talking with one person or the next, whoever is imposed on him: one day he meets with Bronfman, then Japanese parliamentarians, then somebody else. He does not prepare for anything, he repeats the same thing ten times. In the meantime, a ground war in the Persian Gulf is approaching. Nothing is being done on our side. Opinion-based journalism is on a rampage, starting to touch foreign policy as well. Even Izvestiya and Novoe vremya are turning hostile towards “Shevardnadze’s line,” implying Gorbachev. I’m sick of it. But what can one do? I spoke with Primakov—tried to convince him not to run from M.S. right now. They will line all of us up: Yakovlev, Bakatin, Shevardnadze… Judging from Petrakov’s words, it doesn’t look like Yanaev’s committee (he is tasked with making proposals for the Cabinet) will have any new figures. They just want to change the titles. And so it will probably happen. Meanwhile, Sobchak—he rose high with “Vozrozhdenie” [Rebirth]—is making St. Petersburg TV, a marathon to collect means to rebuild the city. And his New Years speech to Leningrad residents cannot even be compared to M.S.’ yawn-inducing one. 3 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1991 http://www.nsarchive.org January 8, 1991 Today the front page of Izvestiya featured Shalnev’s correspondence from New York on Fitzwater’s speculation whether the February 11-13th meeting between Gorbachev and Bush will take place as planned. For some time now, American newspapers have been going on about this. Matlock (he visited me Saturday), Braithwaite (on Thursday) and today the Japanese Ambassador have asked me whether the meeting will take place. I decisively averted their doubts, referring to a letter from Gorbachev to Bush about Shevardnadze’s resignation, as well as the telephone conversation between the two presidents on January 1st. But alongside Shalnev’s note, an article appeared by the Izvestiya’s diplomatic correspondent, Yusin, titled “Will there be a summit?” It cites a senior official within the Foreign Ministry, saying that worries about the meeting are not groundless, because the Soviet Union deceived the West with conventional weapons.
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