Supreme Soviet Investigation of the 1991 Coup the Suppressed Transcripts
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Socialism and Current Crisis of Capitalism
providing benefits for the workers EDITORIAL who are paying into this plan." According to that law Mr. This is the last question to be Obama, it states, very, very asked of Mr. Obama: '7s the directly that: "The primary forced bankruptcy of General responsibility of the pension fund Motors and the elimination of "fiduciaries" is to run this plan tens of thousands of jobs, just solely in the interests of an arranged collection grab for participants and beneficiaries and the favored U.S. financiers that for the exclusive purpose of are calling the shots? PRESIDENT OBAMA AND THE BAIL OUT OF US AUTOMKERS This financial robbery of US and Canadian taxpayers hard- earned money is nothing more than the Greatest Auto Theft in history! Besides this unheard of Billions Robbery, it is also dumping 40,000 of the last 60,000 auto trade union jobs into the mass grave dug by Obama's appointee, James Dimon. Mr. Dimon is the CEO of J.P. Morgan and Citibank. While GM trade union workers are losing their jobs and retirement benefits, their life savings, but the GM shareholders are getting rich and most expect to get back a stunning $6 BILLION! Even under the present US Laws this is illegal! Helping Mr. Dimon is also the official Obama's appointee — This cartoon is from the Toronto Daily Star newspaper' showing Steven Rattner, Obama's "Auto the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) leadership that did not stand Czar" - the man who ordered up strongly enough during this financial robbery. Looking on is General Motors to go bankrupt. -
REVISTA ROMÂNĂ De STUDII ELECTORALE
Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă REVISTA ROMÂNĂ de STUDII ELECTORALE Vol. VI, nr. 2, 2018 Revista Română de Studii Electorale Publicaţie bianuală editată de Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă (continuă Revista Expert Electoral) ISSN (print): 2601-8454 ISSN (L): 2601-8454 Consiliul știinţific: Rafael López-Pintor Paul DeGregorio – Universitatea Autonomă din Madrid Pierre Garrone – Asociaţia Mondială a Organismelor Electorale Robert Krimmer – Comisia de la Veneţia Toby James – Ragnar Nurkse School of Innovation and Governance, Tallinn University of Technology Ştefan Deaconu – School of Politics, Philosophy, Language and Communication Studies, University of East Anglia Sergiu Mişcoiu – Universitatea din Bucureşti Daniel Barbu – Facultatea de Studii Europene, Universitatea Babeş-Bolyai Marian Muhuleţ – Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă, Universitatea din București Zsombor Vajda – Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă Constantin-Florin Mituleţu-Buică – Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă – Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă Consiliul redacţional: Alexandru Radu Daniel Duţă – director editorial Andrada-Maria Mateescu – redactor-șef Bogdan Fartușnic – redactor-șef adjunct Octavian Mircea Chesaru Camelia Runceanu Realizat la Autoritatea Electorală Permanentă Str. Stavropoleos nr. 6, sector 3, Bucureşti [email protected]; [email protected] Tel/Fax: (021)310.13.86 www.roaep.ro CUPRINS Daniel BARBU – Regim şi scrutin. Cum au cristalizat alegerile din 2004 sistemul politic românesc Alexandru ...................................................................................................................................................................... -
Russia's Economic Resurgence
A DIFFERENT COUNTRY RUSSIA’S ECONOMIC RESURGENCE LÚCIO VINHAS DE SOUZA CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. CEPS Paperbacks present analysis and views by leading experts on important questions in the arena of European public policy, written in a style geared to an informed but generalist readership. The author, Lúcio Vinhas de Souza, is the official responsible for Russia at the Directorate–General for Economic and Financial Affairs of the European Commission. The views expressed in this report are those of the author writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS, the European Commission or any other institution with which he is associated. Cover photo: Construction site in Moscow, September 2007 ISBN 13: 978-92-9079-767-8 © Copyright 2008, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................................................................. -
The Blind Leading the Blind
WORKING PAPER #60 The Blind Leading the Blind: Soviet Advisors, Counter-Insurgency and Nation-Building in Afghanistan By Artemy Kalinovsky, January 2010 COLD War INTernaTionaL HISTorY ProjecT Working Paper No. 60 The Blind Leading the Blind: Soviet Advisors, Counter-Insurgency and Nation-Building in Afghanistan By Artemy Kalinovsky THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann and Mircea Munteanu Series Editors This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. The project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to accelerate the process of integrating new sources, materials and perspectives from the former “Communist bloc” with the historiography of the Cold War which has been written over the past few decades largely by Western scholars reliant on Western archival sources. It also seeks to transcend barriers of language, geography, and regional specialization to create new links among scholars interested in Cold War history. Among the activities undertaken by the project to promote this aim are a periodic BULLETIN to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for young historians from the former Communist bloc to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars; and publications. -
Historical Dictionary of Russian and Soviet Intelligence
Russia • Military / Security Historical Dictionaries of Intelligence and Counterintelligence, No. 5 PRINGLE At its peak, the KGB (Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti) was the largest HISTORICAL secret police and espionage organization in the world. It became so influential DICTIONARY OF in Soviet politics that several of its directors moved on to become premiers of the Soviet Union. In fact, Russian president Vladimir V. Putin is a former head of the KGB. The GRU (Glavnoe Razvedvitelnoe Upravleniye) is the principal intelligence unit of the Russian armed forces, having been established in 1920 by Leon Trotsky during the Russian civil war. It was the first subordinate to the KGB, and although the KGB broke up with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the GRU remains intact, cohesive, highly efficient, and with far greater resources than its civilian counterparts. & The KGB and GRU are just two of the many Russian and Soviet intelli- gence agencies covered in Historical Dictionary of Russian and Soviet Intelligence. Through a list of acronyms and abbreviations, a chronology, an introductory HISTORICAL DICTIONARY OF essay, a bibliography, and hundreds of cross-referenced dictionary entries, a clear picture of this subject is presented. Entries also cover Russian and Soviet leaders, leading intelligence and security officers, the Lenin and Stalin purges, the gulag, and noted espionage cases. INTELLIGENCE Robert W. Pringle is a former foreign service officer and intelligence analyst RUSSIAN with a lifelong interest in Russian security. He has served as a diplomat and intelligence professional in Africa, the former Soviet Union, and Eastern Europe. For orders and information please contact the publisher && SOVIET Scarecrow Press, Inc. -
United We Stand, Divided We Fall: the Kremlin’S Leverage in the Visegrad Countries
UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL: THE KREMLIN’S LEVERAGE IN THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES Edited by: Ivana Smoleňová and Barbora Chrzová (Prague Security Studies Institute) Authors: Ivana Smoleňová and Barbora Chrzová (Prague Security Studies Institute, Czech Republic) Iveta Várenyiová and Dušan Fischer (on behalf of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association, Slovakia) Dániel Bartha, András Deák and András Rácz (Centre for Euro-Atlantic Integration and Democracy, Hungary) Andrzej Turkowski (Centre for International Relations, Poland) Published by Prague Security Studies Institute, November 2017. PROJECT PARTNERS: SUPPORTED BY: CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 2 CZECH REPUBLIC 7 Introduction 7 The Role of the Russian Embassy 7 The Cultural Sphere and Non-Governmental Organizations 8 The Political Sphere 9 The Extremist Sphere and Paramilitary Groups 10 The Media and Information Space 11 The Economic and Financial Domain 12 Conclusion 13 Bibliography 14 HUNGARY 15 Introduction 15 The Role of the Russian Embassy 15 The Cultural Sphere 16 NGOs, GONGOs, Policy Community and Academia 16 The Political Sphere and Extremism 17 The Media and Information Space 18 The Economic and Financial Domain 19 Conclusion 20 Bibliography 21 POLAND 22 Introduction 22 The Role of the Russian Embassy 22 Research Institutes and Academia 22 The Political Sphere 23 The Media and Information Space 24 The Cultural Sphere 24 The Economic and Financial Domain 25 Conclusion 26 Bibliography 26 SLOVAKIA 27 Introduction 27 The Role of the Russian Embassy 27 The Cultural Sphere 27 The Political Sphere 28 Paramilitary organisations 28 The Media and Information Space 29 The Economic and Financial Domain 30 Conclusion 31 Bibliography 31 CONCLUSION 33 UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL: THE KREMLIN’S LEVERAGE IN THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES IN THE VISEGRAD THE KREMLIN’S LEVERAGE DIVIDED WE FALL: UNITED WE STAND, INTRODUCTION In the last couple of months, Russian interference in the internal affairs if the Kremlin’s involvement is overstated and inflated by the media. -
The Democratic Russia Movement: Myths and Reality
The Democratic Russia Movement: Myths and Reality LEV PONOMAREV It is common knowledge that the Democratic Russia Movement has become the first political organization able to unite the democratic forces in Russia, and thus challenge in an efficient way the political monopoly of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). However, the political and economic crises in the country have affected the success of this large organization. Cracks in its unity have appeared, as well as threats of defection from many of its remaining constituent groups. These visible shortcomings have been taking place amid constructive and unifying processes which, though less apparent, are of great importance for the democratic process in Russia. Unfortunately, as is the case in most other countries, the sensationalist free press reports more readily on the foibles than on the merits, which is why a distorted, peculiar mythology towards Democratic Russia has been gradually developing in the population at large. This article will comment on some of these myths and clarify the position of the Move- ment in a number of key problems. Myth One: Democratic Russia has split , disappeared, died. Democratic Russia was legalized and received its narre at its Constituent Congress in the autumn of 1990. The goal of this Congress was to unite all the democratic anticommunist organizations, groups and groupings which had appeared in 1988-89 in preparation for the elections to the Congresses of People's Deputies of the USSR and of the Russian Federated Republic (RSFSR). Among these groups it is worth mentioning the clubs and associations of voters (the Moscow Association of Voters, the club of voters at the USSR Academy of Sciences, and regional clubs of voters), regional people's fronts (Moscow, Ivanovo, the Moscow club "Perestroika"), as well support groups for individual people's deputies such as Boris Yeltsin, Andrei Sakharov, Telman Gdlyan-some of which become numerous enough to become real movements. -
Teaching International Communism Lewis F
Washington and Lee University School of Law Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons Powell Speeches Powell Papers 1-8-1961 Teaching International Communism Lewis F. Powell Jr. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/powellspeeches Part of the Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons, Educational Psychology Commons, Elementary and Middle and Secondary Education Administration Commons, and the International and Comparative Education Commons I i ) RICHMOND PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM January 18, 1961 Instruction On International Connnunism The purpose of this memorandum is to present an analysis of what is presently (1960-61) being taught in the Richmond Public Scho.ol System on International Connnunism. The analysis will be confined to the secondary grades, which in Richmond consist of five years of instruction from the eighth through the twelfth grades. There has never been a specific course in Richmond on International Connnunism. The courses in history and government, discussed below, contain some limited discussion of Imperial Russia or the Soviet Union or both, and there is some sketchy - almost incidental - treatment of International Connnunism and the problems created by it. As the result of a study initiated in the spring of 1960, it was concluded that the available instruction is in adequate to meet the imperative needs of our time. Inquiry through professional channels indicated that there is no recognized text book on this subject for secondary school use, and that there appear to be relatively few secondary schools • ~ in the United States which undertake much more than incidental instruction in this area. The Richmond Public School System is moving to meet this need in the following_ manner. -
Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
Briefing June 2016 Russia's 2016 elections More of the same? SUMMARY On 18 September, 2016 Russians will elect representatives at federal, regional and municipal level, including most importantly to the State Duma (lower house of parliament). President Vladimir Putin remains popular, with over 80% of Russians approving of his presidency. However, the country is undergoing a prolonged economic recession and a growing number of Russians feel it is going in the wrong direction. Support for Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and ruling party United Russia has declined in recent months. Nevertheless, United Russia is likely to hold onto, and even increase its parliamentary majority, given the lack of credible alternatives. Of the tame opposition parties currently represented in the State Duma, polls suggest the far-right Liberal Democrats will do well, overtaking the Communists to become the largest opposition party. Outside the State Duma, opposition to Putin's regime is led by liberal opposition parties Yabloko and PARNAS. Deeply unpopular and disunited, these parties have little chance of breaking through the 5% electoral threshold. To avoid a repeat of the 2011–2012 post-election protests, authorities may try to prevent the blatant vote-rigging which triggered them. Nevertheless, favourable media coverage, United Russia's deep pockets and changes to electoral legislation (for example, the re-introduction of single-member districts) will give the ruling party a strong head-start. In this briefing: What elections will be held in Russia? Which parties will take part? Will elections be transparent and credible? The State Duma – the lower house of Russia's parliament. -
The Collapse of the Soviet Union (Part 1) Introduction
IntroductionKramer SPECIAL ISSUE: The Collapse of the Soviet Union (Part 1) Introduction ✣ The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 was remarkable because it occurred so suddenly and with so little violence, especially in Russia itself. Even now, more than a decade after the fact, the abrupt and largely peaceful end of Communist rule in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union seems nearly miraculous. History offers no previous instances in which revolutionary polit- ical and social change of this magnitude transpired with almost no violence. When large, multiethnic empires disintegrated in the past, their demise usu- ally came after extensive warfare and bloodshed.1 As late as mid-August 1991, just before an attempted coup d’état in Moscow, few if any observers expected that the Soviet Communist regime—and the Soviet state as a whole—would simply dissolve in a nonviolent manner. Many long-standing Western theo- ries of revolution and political change will have to be revised to take account of the largely peaceful upheavals that culminated in the breakup of the Soviet Union. Despite the enormous signiªcance of the Soviet collapse, Western schol- ars have not yet adequately explained why and how it occurred. Although a plethora of articles and books on the subject have been published over the past eleven years, the cumulative results of this research have been modest.2 The basic chronology of events from 1985 through 1991 is well-known, but the details of many crucial episodes (such as the failed coup of August 1991) are as murky as ever. There has not yet been a systematic, in-depth assessment 1. -
In March 1972 the Leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet
MueRecognitionller in Return for Détente? Recognition in Return for Détente? Brezhnev, the EEC, and the Moscow Treaty with West Germany, 1970–1973 ✣ Wolfgang Mueller In March 1972 the leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Leonid Brezhnev, unexpectedly suggested that the Soviet Union might be willing to recognize the European Economic Community (EEC). Until that point, the Soviet Union had refused to recognize the EEC and had regularly and vigorously attacked it as a “community of monopolists” and a stalking horse for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Brezhnev’s predecessor, Nikita Khrushchev, had conveyed similar signals re- garding possible recognition in 1962, but he never turned the idea into reality. In contrast, some ten years later, Brezhnev inspired the start of negotiations between the EEC and the Soviet bloc’s Council of Mutual Economic Assis- tance (CMEA). This article draws on Soviet archival documents as well as Western and Russian publications and memoirs to analyze the background, circumstances, and consequences of Brezhnev’s initiative. The article gives special attention to the following questions: What convinced Brezhnev and his colleagues in 1972 to change their hitherto uniformly negative assessment of the EEC? Was this change the result of a major policy reassessment or simply a byproduct of other considerations? How was the initiative linked with broader Soviet foreign policy goals? Why was it not ultimately successful? In answering these questions, the article traces the external and internal factors that inspired the Soviet initiative, including the EEC enlargement process, East-West détente, CMEA integra- tion, Ostpolitik, and Soviet and East European economic and political develop- ments. -
Michael Pye Phd Thesis
IN THE BELLY OF THE BEAR? SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS DURING THE REIGN OF MOHAMMAD REZA PAHLAVI Michael Pye A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2015 Full metadata for this item is available in St Andrews Research Repository at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/9501 This item is protected by original copyright IN THE BELLY OF THE BEAR? SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS DURING THE REIGN OF MOHAMMAD REZA PAHLAVI CANDIDATE: MICHAEL PYE DEGREE: DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DATE OF SUBMISSION: 26TH OF MAY 2015 1 ABSTRACT The question mark of the project's title alludes to a critical reexamination of Soviet- Iranian relations during the period and aims to offer an original contribution to scholarship in the field by exploring an aspect of Pahlavi foreign relations that lacks any detailed treatment in the literature presently available. In pursuit of this goal, research has been concentrated on recently-released western archival documentation, the Iranian Studies collection held at the University of St Andrews, and similarly materials from the Russian Federal Archive for Foreign Relations, to which the author was granted access, including ambassadorial papers relating to the premiership of Mohammad Mosaddeq. As far as can be ascertained, the majority of the Russian archival evidence presented in the dissertation has not been previously been utilised by any Western-based scholar. At core, the thesis argues that the trajectory of Pahlavi foreign relations specifically (and to a certain degree Mohammad Reza's regency more broadly) owed principally to a deeply-rooted belief in, and perceived necessity to guard against, the Soviet Union's (and Russia's) historical 'objectives' vis-à-vis Iran.