Teaching International Communism Lewis F
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Supreme Soviet Investigation of the 1991 Coup the Suppressed Transcripts
Supreme Soviet Investigation of the 1991 Coup The Suppressed Transcripts: Part 3 Hearings "About the Illegal Financia) Activity of the CPSU" Editor 's Introduction At the birth of the independent Russian Federation, the country's most pro-Western reformers looked to the West to help fund economic reforms and social safety nets for those most vulnerable to the change. However, unlike the nomenklatura and party bureaucrats who remained positioned to administer huge aid infusions, these reformers were skeptical about multibillion-dollar Western loans and credits. Instead, they wanted the West to help them with a different source of money: the gold, platinum, diamonds, and billions of dollars in hard currency the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and KGB intelligence service laundered abroad in the last years of perestroika. Paradoxically, Western governments generously supplied the loans and credits, but did next to nothing to support the small band of reformers who sought the return of fortunes-estimated in the tens of billions of dollars- stolen by the Soviet leadership. Meanwhile, as some in the West have chronicled, the nomenklatura and other functionaries who remained in positions of power used the massive infusion of Western aid to enrich themselves-and impoverish the nation-further. In late 1995, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development concluded that Russian officials had stolen $45 billion in Western aid and deposited the money abroad. Radical reformers in the Russian Federation Supreme Soviet, the parliament that served until its building was destroyed on President Boris Yeltsin's orders in October 1993, were aware of this mass theft from the beginning and conducted their own investigation as part of the only public probe into the causes and circumstances of the 1991 coup attempt against Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. -
New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War
Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issue 16 New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War Translation and Introduction by Sergey Radchenko1 n a freezing November afternoon in Ulaanbaatar China and Russia fell under the Mongolian sword. However, (Ulan Bator), I climbed the Zaisan hill on the south- after being conquered in the 17th century by the Manchus, Oern end of town to survey the bleak landscape below. the land of the Mongols was divided into two parts—called Black smoke from gers—Mongolian felt houses—blanketed “Outer” and “Inner” Mongolia—and reduced to provincial sta- the valley; very little could be discerned beyond the frozen tus. The inhabitants of Outer Mongolia enjoyed much greater Tuul River. Chilling wind reminded me of the cold, harsh autonomy than their compatriots across the border, and after winter ahead. I thought I should have stayed at home after all the collapse of the Qing dynasty, Outer Mongolia asserted its because my pen froze solid, and I could not scribble a thing right to nationhood. Weak and disorganized, the Mongolian on the documents I carried up with me. These were records religious leadership appealed for help from foreign countries, of Mongolia’s perilous moves on the chessboard of giants: including the United States. But the first foreign troops to its strategy of survival between China and the Soviet Union, appear were Russian soldiers under the command of the noto- and its still poorly understood role in Asia’s Cold War. These riously cruel Baron Ungern who rode past the Zaisan hill in the documents were collected from archival depositories and pri- winter of 1921. -
Socialism and Current Crisis of Capitalism
providing benefits for the workers EDITORIAL who are paying into this plan." According to that law Mr. This is the last question to be Obama, it states, very, very asked of Mr. Obama: '7s the directly that: "The primary forced bankruptcy of General responsibility of the pension fund Motors and the elimination of "fiduciaries" is to run this plan tens of thousands of jobs, just solely in the interests of an arranged collection grab for participants and beneficiaries and the favored U.S. financiers that for the exclusive purpose of are calling the shots? PRESIDENT OBAMA AND THE BAIL OUT OF US AUTOMKERS This financial robbery of US and Canadian taxpayers hard- earned money is nothing more than the Greatest Auto Theft in history! Besides this unheard of Billions Robbery, it is also dumping 40,000 of the last 60,000 auto trade union jobs into the mass grave dug by Obama's appointee, James Dimon. Mr. Dimon is the CEO of J.P. Morgan and Citibank. While GM trade union workers are losing their jobs and retirement benefits, their life savings, but the GM shareholders are getting rich and most expect to get back a stunning $6 BILLION! Even under the present US Laws this is illegal! Helping Mr. Dimon is also the official Obama's appointee — This cartoon is from the Toronto Daily Star newspaper' showing Steven Rattner, Obama's "Auto the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) leadership that did not stand Czar" - the man who ordered up strongly enough during this financial robbery. Looking on is General Motors to go bankrupt. -
Marxists and the Churches in Yugoslavia
Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 4 Issue 2 Article 3 3-1984 Marxists and the Churches in Yugoslavia Paul Mojzes Rosemont College, Rosemont, PA Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Eastern European Studies Commons Recommended Citation Mojzes, Paul (1984) "Marxists and the Churches in Yugoslavia," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 4 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol4/iss2/3 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MARXISTS AND THE CHURCHES IN YUGOSLAVIA by Paul Mojzes Paul Mojzes (United Methodist) was born and educated in Yugoslavia where he had two years of Law School at Belgrade University before moving to the United States wh ere he received the A. B. degree from Florida Southern College and Ph. D. in church history with ernphasis on · Eastern Europe from Boston University. He is professor of religious studies at Rosemont College and the writer of numerous studies on Eastern Europe. He is one of the; vice chairpersons of CAREE and the editor of OPREE. He has frequently visited Eastern Europe, especially Yugoslavia. A. Purpose The purpose of this article is to present the relationship between religion and Marxism in Yugoslavia. For practical purposes the term religion will be identified in this paper with institutional religion, namely Christian Churches and to a lesser degree Islam while the term Marxism will coincide with Yugoslav Communism. -
United We Stand, Divided We Fall: the Kremlin’S Leverage in the Visegrad Countries
UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL: THE KREMLIN’S LEVERAGE IN THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES Edited by: Ivana Smoleňová and Barbora Chrzová (Prague Security Studies Institute) Authors: Ivana Smoleňová and Barbora Chrzová (Prague Security Studies Institute, Czech Republic) Iveta Várenyiová and Dušan Fischer (on behalf of the Slovak Foreign Policy Association, Slovakia) Dániel Bartha, András Deák and András Rácz (Centre for Euro-Atlantic Integration and Democracy, Hungary) Andrzej Turkowski (Centre for International Relations, Poland) Published by Prague Security Studies Institute, November 2017. PROJECT PARTNERS: SUPPORTED BY: CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 2 CZECH REPUBLIC 7 Introduction 7 The Role of the Russian Embassy 7 The Cultural Sphere and Non-Governmental Organizations 8 The Political Sphere 9 The Extremist Sphere and Paramilitary Groups 10 The Media and Information Space 11 The Economic and Financial Domain 12 Conclusion 13 Bibliography 14 HUNGARY 15 Introduction 15 The Role of the Russian Embassy 15 The Cultural Sphere 16 NGOs, GONGOs, Policy Community and Academia 16 The Political Sphere and Extremism 17 The Media and Information Space 18 The Economic and Financial Domain 19 Conclusion 20 Bibliography 21 POLAND 22 Introduction 22 The Role of the Russian Embassy 22 Research Institutes and Academia 22 The Political Sphere 23 The Media and Information Space 24 The Cultural Sphere 24 The Economic and Financial Domain 25 Conclusion 26 Bibliography 26 SLOVAKIA 27 Introduction 27 The Role of the Russian Embassy 27 The Cultural Sphere 27 The Political Sphere 28 Paramilitary organisations 28 The Media and Information Space 29 The Economic and Financial Domain 30 Conclusion 31 Bibliography 31 CONCLUSION 33 UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL: THE KREMLIN’S LEVERAGE IN THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES IN THE VISEGRAD THE KREMLIN’S LEVERAGE DIVIDED WE FALL: UNITED WE STAND, INTRODUCTION In the last couple of months, Russian interference in the internal affairs if the Kremlin’s involvement is overstated and inflated by the media. -
Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
Briefing June 2016 Russia's 2016 elections More of the same? SUMMARY On 18 September, 2016 Russians will elect representatives at federal, regional and municipal level, including most importantly to the State Duma (lower house of parliament). President Vladimir Putin remains popular, with over 80% of Russians approving of his presidency. However, the country is undergoing a prolonged economic recession and a growing number of Russians feel it is going in the wrong direction. Support for Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and ruling party United Russia has declined in recent months. Nevertheless, United Russia is likely to hold onto, and even increase its parliamentary majority, given the lack of credible alternatives. Of the tame opposition parties currently represented in the State Duma, polls suggest the far-right Liberal Democrats will do well, overtaking the Communists to become the largest opposition party. Outside the State Duma, opposition to Putin's regime is led by liberal opposition parties Yabloko and PARNAS. Deeply unpopular and disunited, these parties have little chance of breaking through the 5% electoral threshold. To avoid a repeat of the 2011–2012 post-election protests, authorities may try to prevent the blatant vote-rigging which triggered them. Nevertheless, favourable media coverage, United Russia's deep pockets and changes to electoral legislation (for example, the re-introduction of single-member districts) will give the ruling party a strong head-start. In this briefing: What elections will be held in Russia? Which parties will take part? Will elections be transparent and credible? The State Duma – the lower house of Russia's parliament. -
The Political and Social Thought of Lewis Corey
70-13,988 BROWN, David Evan, 19 33- THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT OF LEWIS COREY. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1969 Political Science, general University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT OF LEWIS COREY DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By David Evan Brown, B.A, ******* The Ohio State University 1969 Approved by Adviser Department of Political Science PREFACE On December 2 3 , 1952, Lewis Corey was served with a warrant for his arrest by officers of the U, S, Department of Justice. He was, so the warrant read, subject to deportation under the "Act of October 16 , 1 9 1 8 , as amended, for the reason that you have been prior to entry a member of the following class: an alien who is a member of an organi zation which was the direct predecessor of the Communist Party of the United States, to wit The Communist Party of America."^ A hearing, originally arranged for April 7» 1953» but delayed until July 27 because of Corey's poor health, was held; but a ruling was not handed down at that time. The Special Inquiry Officer in charge of the case adjourned the hearing pending the receipt of a full report of Corey's activities o during the previous ten years. [The testimony during the hearing had focused primarily on Corey's early writings and political activities.] The hearing was not reconvened, and the question of the defendant's guilt or innocence, as charged, was never formally settled. -
The Communist Propagandistic Model: Towards a Cultural Genealogy Cioflâncă, Adrian
www.ssoar.info The communist propagandistic model: towards a cultural genealogy Cioflâncă, Adrian Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Cioflâncă, A. (2010). The communist propagandistic model: towards a cultural genealogy. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 10(3), 447-482. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-446622 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de The Communist Propagandistic Model 447 The Communist Propagandistic Model Towards A Cultural Genealogy∗ ADRIAN CIOFLÂNCĂ The communist state is often labeled by scholars a ”propaganda-state”1. The explanation for this stays with the prevailing role of mass communication and indoctrination, which constantly defined the relation between the regime and the society at large. The communist regime granted propaganda a central position, thus turning it into a valuable mean to achieve radical ends: the total transformation of the society and the creation of a ”new man”. Consequently, massive, baroque, arborescent propaganda outfits were institutionally developed. Furthermore, the verbalization of ideology became a free-standing profession for millions of people all over Eastern Europe2. In other words, the communist political culture turned the propaganda effort consubstantial with the act of governing, with the results of the latest being often judged from the standpoint of the propagandistic performances. -
Communism on Trial: the Slansky Affair and Anti-Semitism in Post-WWII Europe
Communism on Trial: The Slansky Affair and Anti-Semitism in Post-WWII Europe Helaine Blumenthal Summer 2009 Helaine Blumenthal is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at the University of California, Berkeley Acknowledgments I would like to thank Professors John Connelly and John Efron for their comments and advice regarding this paper. Their critiques and suggestions have enabled me to explore avenues of investigation that have truly enriched the scope of this project. Abstract: In 1952, hardly a decade after the Holocaust, Communist Czechoslovakia staged one of the post-WWII era’s most blatant acts of state-sponsored anti-Semitism. The Prague Political Purges put on trial fourteen defendants. Eleven of the fourteen were of Jewish origin. All were found guilty, and eleven of the fourteen were condemned to death. The remaining three were sentenced to life imprisonment. All of the defendants were devoted Communists, having shed any religious, ethnic, or national identity in their pursuit of a socialist utopia. Yet, the trial’s main ideological thrust was anti-Semitism. The Slansky Trial of 1952 came as a sharp blow to Jews across a spectrum of political, religious, and national affiliations. The Purge Trials forced many Jews to reexamine their positions vis-à-vis Zionism, Communism, and the Left as a traditionally popular choice for Jews. The trial held unique significance as Jews sought to redefine what it meant to be Jewish in a post-Holocaust world. Despite the trial’s overt use of anti-Semitic tropes, historians have yet to properly explore how Jews, both within and beyond the Iron Curtain, experienced the trial. -
Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: an Analysis
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 4-1967 Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis Christine Deichsel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Deichsel, Christine, "Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis" (1967). Master's Theses. 3240. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3240 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. YUGOSLAV IDEOLOGY AND ITS IMPORTANCE TO THE SOVIET BLOC: AN ANALYSIS by Christine Deichsel A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo., Michigan April 1967 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In writing this thesis I have benefited from the advice and encouragement of Professors George Klein and William A. Ritchie. My thanks go to them and the other members of my Committee, namely Professors Richard J. Richardson and Alan Isaak. Furthermore, I wish to ex press my appreciation to all the others at Western Michi gan University who have given me much needed help and encouragement. The award of an assistantship and the intellectual guidance and stimulation from the faculty of the Department of Political Science have made my graduate work both a valuable experience and a pleasure. -
Brecht's Marxist Aesthetic Douglas Kellner
Brecht's Marxist Aesthetic Douglas Kellner http://www.gseis.ucla.edu/faculty/kellner/kellner.html Brecht's relationship to Marxism is extremely important and highly complex. From the 1920s until his death in 1956, Brecht identified himself as a Marxist; when he returned to Germany after World War II, he chose the German Democratic Republic (GDR), where his actress wife Helene Weigel and he formed their own theater troupe, the famed Berliner Ensemble, and were eventually given a state theater to run. Yet Brecht's relationship to orthodox Marxist officials and doctrine was often conflictual, and his own work and life were highly idiosyncratic. Of a strongly anti-bourgeois disposition from his youth, the young Brecht was also initially repelled by Bolshevism. He experienced the German revolution of 1918 with some ambivalence and dedicated himself to literary and not political activity during the turbulent early years of the Weimar republic. He recorded in his Diaries, for example, a negative response to a talk he heard on 1920 on the Soviet Union in which he was repelled by the concept of socialist order he heard discussed. He indicated a negative impression of Bolshevism and conclude his entry by noting that he rather have a new car than socialism! Yet from the beginning of his literary career, Brecht was an enemy of the established bourgeois society. Brecht composed a strongly anti-bourgeois play Baal (1918-19), which had a complex relation to expressionism (Kellner, "Literature"), and in 1919 wrote Drums in the Night, a play that dealt with the disillusionment after World War I and the German revolution. -
Part I the Origins of Stalinism
Part I The Origins of Stalinism Stalin’s Role 1 Stalin and his Stalinism: Power and Authority in the Soviet Union, 1930–1953 Ronald Grigor Suny Excerpted from Ronald Grigor Suny, “Stalin and his Stalinism: Power and Authority in the Soviet Union, 1930–53,” in Ian Kershaw and Moshe Lewin, eds., Stalinism and Nazism: Dictatorships in Comparison (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Editor’s Introduction In explaining Stalinism, many historians focus on Joseph Stalin himself – his mindset, his methods, and his personality. Characterizations of Stalin highlight both his Machiavellian thinking and his malicious nature. Stalin is thus portrayed as an evil genius – someone whose cunning and ability to wield power were matched only by his vindictiveness toward potential rivals. In this view, the brutality and terror of the Stalinist system derived principally from Stalin himself.As an omnipotent but paranoid leader, Stalin arrested and executed millions of innocent people, including many of his fellow Communist Party members. Through this exercise of mass terror, he ensured that no one opposed his policies or challenged his personal dictatorship. Such explanations generally emphasize Stalin’s ruthless maneuvering to account not only for his bloody reign but for his rise to power in the first place. Apart from his guile, Stalin seemed an unlikely successor to Lenin. He lacked the theoretical brilliance and oratorical skills of Trotsky and other leading Communists. Many Party members saw him primarily as a functionary – someone skilled in organizational matters though unsuited for leadership. But Stalin proved to be an extremely effective political infighter. By aligning first with one group and then another, he succeeded in discrediting and eliminating rivals, until he emerged in the late 1920s 14 RONALD GRIGOR SUNY as the supreme leader of the country.1 Stalin was aided in his rise to power by his appointment as the Communist Party’s General Secretary – the person in charge of personnel matters.