Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: an Analysis
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
War Communism and Bolshevik Ideals" Is Devoted to a Case I N Point: the Dispute Over the Motivation of War Communism (The Name Given T O
TITLE : WAR COMMUNISM AND BOLSHEVIK IDEAL S AUTHOR : LARS T . LIH THE NATIONAL COUNCI L FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEA N RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 PROJECT INFORMATION : ' CONTRACTOR : Wellesley Colleg e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR : Lars T. Li h COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 807-1 9 DATE : January 25, 199 4 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on work products derived from research funded b y Council Contract. The Council and the U.S. Government have the right to duplicate written reports and other materials submitted under Council Contract and to distribute such copies within th e Council and U.S. Government for their own use, and to draw upon such reports and materials for their own studies; but the Council and U.S. Government do not have the right to distribute, o r make such reports and materials available, outside the Council or U.S. Government without th e written consent of the authors, except as may be required under the provisions of the Freedom o f information Act 5 U.S. C. 552, or other applicable law. The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research, made available by the U. S. Department of State under Title VIII (th e Soviet-Eastern European Research and Training Act of 1983) . The analysis and interpretations contained in th e report are those of the author. NCSEER NOTE This interpretive analysis of War Communism (1918-1921) may be of interest to those wh o anticipate further decline in the Russian economy and contemplate the possible purposes an d policies of a more authoritarian regime . -
The Foreign Trade Regime in the Comecon Countries Today
THE FOREIGN TRADE REGIME IN THE COMECON COUNTRIES TODAY KAzmuExz GRzmows~i* I. THE ScoPE OF REFORM Recently, in three important aspects, foreign trade techniques in socialist Europe were changed significantly. Economic expan- sion, the growing sophistication of national economies in the en- tire area and the need for closer cooperation, both among the members of the Council for Mutual Economic Aid (hereinafter Comecon) and with the free economy countries, have rendered the system of artificial separation of import and export activities from the production of goods obsolete. Accordingly, foreign trade has been made largely the responsibility of the producers again in an effort to involve them directly in more efficient competition for foreign consumers.' Second, in the effort to promote growing effi- dency within the Eastern Bloc, the General Conditions of Delivery of 19582 and the international code of sales and deliveriess were * Professor of Law and Political Science, Duke University. This article is part of a forthcoming book entitled, East-West Economic Relations, to be published by the author in 1972. 1. See generally K. Grzybowski, Soviet Private International Law 46 (1965); K. Grzybowski, The Socialist Commonwealth of Nations: Organizations and Institutions 29, 57 (1964); S. Pisar, Coexistence and Commerce: Guidelines for Transactions between East and West 243-816 (1970); Hoya, The Comecon Gen- eral Conditions-A Socialist Unification of International Trade Law, 70 Colum. L. Rev. 253 (1970). 2. Obshchie Usloviia Postavok Tovarov mczhdu Vneshnetorgovymi Organi- zatsiiami Stran-Uchastnits Soveta Ekonomicheskoi Vraimopomoshchi (General Conditions for the Delivery of Goods Between Foreign Trade Organizations of Member-Countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance), in Mnogos- toronnee Ekonomicheskoe Sotrudnichestvo Sotsialisticheskikh Gosudantv 121, 297 (Institut Gosudarstvi Prava Ak-ademii Nauk SSR 1967). -
Ho Chi Minh's Ideology on National Unity in Vietnam's Revolution
The Indonesian Journal of Southeast As ian Studies Vol. 4, No. 1, July 2020, pp. 15-23 ISSN 2580-6580, E-ISSN 2597-9817 DOI: 10.22146/ikat.v4i1.56279 Ho Chi Minh's Ideology on National Unity in Vietnam's Revolution Tran Thi Dieu * University of Social Science and Humanities, Vietnam Abstract For any country in the stage of development, unity is always considered as palpable pilar for a stable and sustainable goal of welfare. This study focuses on the case of Vietnam by analysing Ho Chi Minh’s ideology. He is the initiator and builder of Vietnamese nation known as the ideology on great unity which continues to be expressed from theory to practice. Great national unity is both the goal and the top task of the revolution which may be seen thoroughly in all paths, guidelines and policies of the Party during the Party Congresses. This article further discusses the basis for the formulation of the national unity based on Ho Chi Minh’s ideology, explain why Ho Chi Minh can solve the national-class relationship, and draw out the implication for Vietnam in the stage of current development. Keywords: Ho Chi Minh; unit; national unity Introduction For any country in the stage of development, unity is always considered as palpable pilar for a stable and sustainable goal for the country’s welfare. Depending on the historical, natural and social conditions, the spirit of unity in each country is built based on its own philosophies. This study focuses on nation building of Vietnam, a country with many challenges geographically, historically and economically. -
Yalta Conference
Yalta Conference 1 The Conference All three leaders were attempting to establish an agenda for governing post-war Europe. They wanted to keep peace between post-world war countries. On the Eastern Front, the front line at the end of December 1943 re- mained in the Soviet Union but, by August 1944, So- viet forces were inside Poland and parts of Romania as part of their drive west.[1] By the time of the Conference, Red Army Marshal Georgy Zhukov's forces were 65 km (40 mi) from Berlin. Stalin’s position at the conference was one which he felt was so strong that he could dic- tate terms. According to U.S. delegation member and future Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, "[i]t was not a question of what we would let the Russians do, but what Yalta Conference in February 1945 with (from left to right) we could get the Russians to do.”[2] Moreover, Roosevelt Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Joseph Stalin. Also hoped for a commitment from Stalin to participate in the present are Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov (far left); United Nations. Field Marshal Sir Alan Brooke, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Andrew Cunningham, RN, Marshal of the RAF Sir Charles Portal, RAF, Premier Stalin, insisting that his doctors opposed any (standing behind Churchill); General George C. Marshall, Chief long trips, rejected Roosevelt’s suggestion to meet at the of Staff of the United States Army, and Fleet Admiral William Mediterranean.[3] He offered instead to meet at the Black D. Leahy, USN, (standing behind Roosevelt). -
Edvard Kardelj in Nacionalno Vprašanje
UNIVERZA V LJUBLJANI FAKULTETA ZA DRUŽBENE VEDE MARKO KOPRIVC Mentor: red. prof. dr. Igor Lukšič EDVARD KARDELJ IN NACIONALNO VPRAŠANJE diplomsko delo Ljubljana 2005 2 KAZALO 1. UVOD ……………………………………………...………………………… 3 1.1. CILJI DIPLOMSKEGA DELA ………………………………………………. 3 1.2. METODOLOŠKI DEL ……………………………………………………….. 4 2. MARXOVO IN ENGELSOVO RAZUMEVANJE NACIONALNEGA VPRAŠANJA …………………………………………………………...…… 5 3. PRISPEVEK EDVARDA KARDELJA K SLOVENSKEMU NACIONALNEMU VPRAŠANJU ……………………………...…………. 10 3.1. OBDOBJE PRVE JUGOSLAVIJE IN RAZVOJ STALIŠČ KPJ IN EDVARDA KARDELJA DO NACIONALNEGA VPRAŠANJA …...…….. 10 3.1.1. ZAČETEK TEORETIČNEGA DELOVANJA EDVARDA KARDELJA ………………………………...…………………..……… 13 3. 1. 2. NACIONALNO VPRAŠANJE KOT ZNANSTVENO VPRAŠANJE .. 14 3.1.3. USTANOVNI KONGRES KPS ……………………………….………. 16 3.1.4. RAZVOJ SLOVENSKEGA NARODNEGA VPRAŠANJA ….……… 19 3.2. KARDELJ IN NACIONALNO VPRAŠANJE V ČASU NOB ……………... 23 3. 2.1. ZAČETEK VOJNE IN USTANOVITEV OSVOBODILNE FRONTE ……………………………………………………………….. 24 3.2.2. JOSIP BROZ TITO: NACIONALNO VPRAŠANJE V LUČI NARODNOOSVOBODILNEGA BOJA ………………….…………... 27 3.2.3. PRVO ZASEDANJE AVNOJ-A ……………………….……………... 27 3.2.4. ZBOR ODPOSLANCV SLOVENSKEGA NARODA ……….………. 29 3.2.5. DRUGO ZASEDANJE AVNOJ-A …………………………………… 30 3.2.6. PRVO ZASEDANJE SNOS-A ……………………………….………. 31 3.2.7. USTANOVITEV SLOVENSKE NARODNE VLADE ………..……… 32 3.3. KARDELJ IN NACIONALNO VPRAŠANJE V DRUGI JUGOSLAVIJI … 33 3 3.3.1. BOJ ZA DOLOČITEV MEJ……...……………...………………….…. 33 3.3.2. OPREDELITEV NACIONALNEGA VPRAŠANJA V JUGOSLAVIJI V ZAČASNI POVOJNI SKUPŠČINI ………………... 36 3.3.3. OPREDELITEV MEDNACIONALNIH ODNOSOV V USTAVI FLRJ IZ LETA 1946 ………………...………………….…… 37 3.3.4. USTAVNI ZAKON FLRJ IZ LETA 1953 – KORAK NAZAJ PRI UDEJANJANJU PRAVIC NARODOV IN REPUBLIK ……...…. 40 3.3.5. KARDELJEV PREDGOVOR K DRUGI IZDAJI KNJIGE »RAZVOJ SLOVENSKEGA NARODNEGA VPRAŠANJA« …..…... 43 3.3.6. POLARIZACIJA NA ZAGOVORNIKE CENTRALIZMA IN FEDERALIZMA IN SPREJEM »KOMPROMISNE« USTAVE …..…………………….……………………………………. -
TOWI Nw866 O Uj
TOWI Nw866 o uJ HAIII: 9 THE DECHOUKAOE HAS ONLY JUST BEOUN! PERU: IHIT BLOOD THAT HAS BEEI{ SPITT SHAtt NEUER BE FORGOIIE]II F{r**ffiffi sliti;::l$ 1986t6 Hoiti The Dechoukage Has Only Just Begun! Crisis in Haiti and the Tasks of Revolutionaries by the Haitian Internationalist Revolutionary- Group A Call to the Haitian Revolutionary Movement by the Haitian Revolutionary Internationalist Group and the Haitian Workers Party t6 People Are Disposed to Take Care of Business - Talks with Haitian Workers Party l8 Peru This Blood That Has Been Spilt Shall Never Be Forgotten 34 Flames Leap to Puno 37 Support for People's War in Peru Echoes on Every Continent 39 Excerpts From Worldwide Campaign Speech Five Years of People's War in Peru 44 RIM Committee Greets Peru Campaign 46 A "Shining Trench of Combat" Statement on the Massacre of Our Comrades in Peru's Prisons by the RIM Committee 28 "Day of Herois111" - Statement by the PCP Central Committee- 32 Forward Along the Path Charted by Mao Tsetung!42 Interview with Afghan Revolutionary 48 Romania: From Goulash Communism to Capitalist Austerity 58 The Weapon of Criticism: Book Reviews 64 A llorld to I,I4n is a quarterly published by World to Win, whose address is: BCM world to win London WCIN 3XX. U.K. This issue was printed by Russell Press, Bertrand Russeil House, Forest Road West, Nottingham, U.K. AUGUST, I986. Subscribe to A World to Win From Kurdiston to Colombio - people oll oround the world reod A World to Win Avoiloble in English, 'a.,ry%i_*{ Forsi, Sponish, ltolion, ond Turkish. -
Nasserism 1 Nasserism
Nasserism 1 Nasserism Nasserism Ideology Arab nationalism, Pan-Arabism, Arab socialism Nasserism is an Arab nationalist political ideology based on the thinking of the former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. It was a major influence on pan-Arab politics in the 1950s and 1960s, and continues to have significant resonance throughout the Arab World to this day. It also metamorphosed into other nationalist movements during the 1970s. However, the scale of the Arab defeat in the Six Day War of 1967 severely damaged the standing of Nasser, and the ideology associated with him. Nasser himself died in 1970, and certain important tenets of Nasserism were revised or abandoned totally by his successor as Egyptian President, Anwar El-Sadat. During Nasser's lifetime, Nasserist groups were encouraged and often supported financially by Egypt, to the extent that many became seen as willing agents of the Egyptian Government. Ideology Nasserism is an Arab nationalist and pan-Arab ideology, combined with a vaguely defined socialism, often distinguished from Eastern bloc or Western socialist thought by the label 'Arab socialism'. Though opposed ideologically to Western capitalism, Arab socialism also developed as a rejection of communism, which was seen as incompatible with Arab traditions, and the religious underpinnings of Arab society. As a consequence, Nasserists from the 1950s to the 1980s sought to prevent the rise of communism in the Arab World, and advocated harsh penalties for individuals and organizations identified as attempting to spread communism within the region. Though mindful of the Islamic and Christian heritage of the Arab World, as with Ba'athism, Nasserism is largely a secular ideology.[1] [2] Just as with other manifestations of Arab nationalism, this led to direct conflict with Islamic orientated Arab political movements from the 1950s onwards, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood. -
Farming As a Way of Life: Yugoslav Peasant Attitudes
JOEL M. HALPERN Farming as a Way of Life: Yugoslav Peasant A t titudes The village and the city, the farm and the factory, the developers and the developed-these are the too frequently evoked dualities used to de- scribe some of the complex processes of change being acted out in our time.' In those countries which have experienced the major portion of their industrialization since World War 11, we cannot easily draw any firm lines separating villager from urbanite because they are both chang- ing, although not always at the same rate or in identical ways. The pre-industrial city which served as an administrative market and religious center, or a combination of these, has undergone enormous changes, but the continuity with the past has usually been more clearly This essay draws on two of my articles published earlier: "Yugoslav Peasant Society in Transition-Stability in Change," Anthropological Quarterly, XXXVI (July, 1963) and "Peasant Culture and Urbanization in Yugoslavia," Human Organization, XMV:2 (Summer, 1965). It is based on research carried out in Yugoslavia during 1961-1962 and in the summer of 1964, supported by grants from the National Science Foundation and counterpart funds from the Depart- ment of State. The present discussion includes a preliminary survey of some of the field data, a more complete analysis of which will be published later. Part of the field data was gathered by Yugoslav students, with organizational support from university authorities in Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana, and Sarajevo. Vida and Theodore Tarnovsky assisted in the United States, and helpful comments on a preliminary version of the essay were received from Dimitri Shimkin and Jozo Tomasevich. -
New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War
Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issue 16 New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War Translation and Introduction by Sergey Radchenko1 n a freezing November afternoon in Ulaanbaatar China and Russia fell under the Mongolian sword. However, (Ulan Bator), I climbed the Zaisan hill on the south- after being conquered in the 17th century by the Manchus, Oern end of town to survey the bleak landscape below. the land of the Mongols was divided into two parts—called Black smoke from gers—Mongolian felt houses—blanketed “Outer” and “Inner” Mongolia—and reduced to provincial sta- the valley; very little could be discerned beyond the frozen tus. The inhabitants of Outer Mongolia enjoyed much greater Tuul River. Chilling wind reminded me of the cold, harsh autonomy than their compatriots across the border, and after winter ahead. I thought I should have stayed at home after all the collapse of the Qing dynasty, Outer Mongolia asserted its because my pen froze solid, and I could not scribble a thing right to nationhood. Weak and disorganized, the Mongolian on the documents I carried up with me. These were records religious leadership appealed for help from foreign countries, of Mongolia’s perilous moves on the chessboard of giants: including the United States. But the first foreign troops to its strategy of survival between China and the Soviet Union, appear were Russian soldiers under the command of the noto- and its still poorly understood role in Asia’s Cold War. These riously cruel Baron Ungern who rode past the Zaisan hill in the documents were collected from archival depositories and pri- winter of 1921. -
Socialist Planning
Socialist Planning Socialist planning played an enormous role in the economic and political history of the twentieth century. Beginning in the USSR it spread round the world. It influenced economic institutions and economic policy in countries as varied as Bulgaria, USA, China, Japan, India, Poland and France. How did it work? What were its weaknesses and strengths? What is its legacy for the twenty-first century? Now in its third edition, this textbook is fully updated to cover the findings of the period since the collapse of the USSR. It provides an overview of socialist planning, explains the underlying theory and its limitations, looks at its implementation in various sectors of the economy, and places developments in their historical context. A new chap- ter analyses how planning worked in the defence–industry complex. This book is an ideal text for undergraduate and graduate students taking courses in comparative economic systems and twentieth-century economic history. michael ellman is Emeritus Professor in the Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands. He is the author, co- author and editor of numerous books and articles on the Soviet and Russian economies, on transition economics, and on Soviet economic and political history. In 1998, he was awarded the Kondratieff prize for his ‘contributions to the development of the social sciences’. Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015. http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ebook.jsf?bid=CBO9781139871341 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2015 Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 128.122.253.212 on Sat Jan 10 18:08:28 GMT 2015. -
Socialism in Europe and the Russian Revolution India and the Contemporary World Society Ofthefuture
Socialism in Europe and II the Russian Revolution Chapter 1 The Age of Social Change In the previous chapter you read about the powerful ideas of freedom and equality that circulated in Europe after the French Revolution. The French Revolution opened up the possibility of creating a dramatic change in the way in which society was structured. As you have read, before the eighteenth century society was broadly divided into estates and orders and it was the aristocracy and church which controlled economic and social power. Suddenly, after the revolution, it seemed possible to change this. In many parts of the world including Europe and Asia, new ideas about individual rights and who olution controlled social power began to be discussed. In India, Raja v Rammohan Roy and Derozio talked of the significance of the French Revolution, and many others debated the ideas of post-revolutionary Europe. The developments in the colonies, in turn, reshaped these ideas of societal change. ian Re ss Not everyone in Europe, however, wanted a complete transformation of society. Responses varied from those who accepted that some change was necessary but wished for a gradual shift, to those who wanted to restructure society radically. Some were ‘conservatives’, others were ‘liberals’ or ‘radicals’. What did these terms really mean in the context of the time? What separated these strands of politics and what linked them together? We must remember that these terms do not mean the same thing in all contexts or at all times. We will look briefly at some of the important political traditions of the nineteenth century, and see how they influenced change. -
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation
YUGOSLAV-SOVIET RELATIONS, 1953- 1957: Normalization, Comradeship, Confrontation Svetozar Rajak Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London School of Economics and Political Science University of London February 2004 UMI Number: U615474 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615474 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ” OF POUTICAL «, AN0 pi Th ^ s^ s £ £2^>3 ^7&2io 2 ABSTRACT The thesis chronologically presents the slow improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, starting with Stalin’s death on 5 March 1953, through their full normalization in 1955 and 1956, to the renewed ideological confrontation at the end of 1956. The normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations brought to an end a conflict between Yugoslavia and the Eastern Bloc, in existence since 1948, which threatened the status quo in Europe. The thesis represents the first effort at comprehensively presenting the reconciliation between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, between 1953 and 1957. It will also explain the motives that guided the leaderships of the two countries, in particular the two main protagonists, Josip Broz Tito and Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, throughout this process.