Marxists and the Churches in Yugoslavia
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New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War
Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issue 16 New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War Translation and Introduction by Sergey Radchenko1 n a freezing November afternoon in Ulaanbaatar China and Russia fell under the Mongolian sword. However, (Ulan Bator), I climbed the Zaisan hill on the south- after being conquered in the 17th century by the Manchus, Oern end of town to survey the bleak landscape below. the land of the Mongols was divided into two parts—called Black smoke from gers—Mongolian felt houses—blanketed “Outer” and “Inner” Mongolia—and reduced to provincial sta- the valley; very little could be discerned beyond the frozen tus. The inhabitants of Outer Mongolia enjoyed much greater Tuul River. Chilling wind reminded me of the cold, harsh autonomy than their compatriots across the border, and after winter ahead. I thought I should have stayed at home after all the collapse of the Qing dynasty, Outer Mongolia asserted its because my pen froze solid, and I could not scribble a thing right to nationhood. Weak and disorganized, the Mongolian on the documents I carried up with me. These were records religious leadership appealed for help from foreign countries, of Mongolia’s perilous moves on the chessboard of giants: including the United States. But the first foreign troops to its strategy of survival between China and the Soviet Union, appear were Russian soldiers under the command of the noto- and its still poorly understood role in Asia’s Cold War. These riously cruel Baron Ungern who rode past the Zaisan hill in the documents were collected from archival depositories and pri- winter of 1921. -
Teaching International Communism Lewis F
Washington and Lee University School of Law Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons Powell Speeches Powell Papers 1-8-1961 Teaching International Communism Lewis F. Powell Jr. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/powellspeeches Part of the Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons, Educational Psychology Commons, Elementary and Middle and Secondary Education Administration Commons, and the International and Comparative Education Commons I i ) RICHMOND PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM January 18, 1961 Instruction On International Connnunism The purpose of this memorandum is to present an analysis of what is presently (1960-61) being taught in the Richmond Public Scho.ol System on International Connnunism. The analysis will be confined to the secondary grades, which in Richmond consist of five years of instruction from the eighth through the twelfth grades. There has never been a specific course in Richmond on International Connnunism. The courses in history and government, discussed below, contain some limited discussion of Imperial Russia or the Soviet Union or both, and there is some sketchy - almost incidental - treatment of International Connnunism and the problems created by it. As the result of a study initiated in the spring of 1960, it was concluded that the available instruction is in adequate to meet the imperative needs of our time. Inquiry through professional channels indicated that there is no recognized text book on this subject for secondary school use, and that there appear to be relatively few secondary schools • ~ in the United States which undertake much more than incidental instruction in this area. The Richmond Public School System is moving to meet this need in the following_ manner. -
The Political and Social Thought of Lewis Corey
70-13,988 BROWN, David Evan, 19 33- THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT OF LEWIS COREY. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1969 Political Science, general University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT OF LEWIS COREY DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By David Evan Brown, B.A, ******* The Ohio State University 1969 Approved by Adviser Department of Political Science PREFACE On December 2 3 , 1952, Lewis Corey was served with a warrant for his arrest by officers of the U, S, Department of Justice. He was, so the warrant read, subject to deportation under the "Act of October 16 , 1 9 1 8 , as amended, for the reason that you have been prior to entry a member of the following class: an alien who is a member of an organi zation which was the direct predecessor of the Communist Party of the United States, to wit The Communist Party of America."^ A hearing, originally arranged for April 7» 1953» but delayed until July 27 because of Corey's poor health, was held; but a ruling was not handed down at that time. The Special Inquiry Officer in charge of the case adjourned the hearing pending the receipt of a full report of Corey's activities o during the previous ten years. [The testimony during the hearing had focused primarily on Corey's early writings and political activities.] The hearing was not reconvened, and the question of the defendant's guilt or innocence, as charged, was never formally settled. -
The Communist Propagandistic Model: Towards a Cultural Genealogy Cioflâncă, Adrian
www.ssoar.info The communist propagandistic model: towards a cultural genealogy Cioflâncă, Adrian Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Cioflâncă, A. (2010). The communist propagandistic model: towards a cultural genealogy. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 10(3), 447-482. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-446622 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de The Communist Propagandistic Model 447 The Communist Propagandistic Model Towards A Cultural Genealogy∗ ADRIAN CIOFLÂNCĂ The communist state is often labeled by scholars a ”propaganda-state”1. The explanation for this stays with the prevailing role of mass communication and indoctrination, which constantly defined the relation between the regime and the society at large. The communist regime granted propaganda a central position, thus turning it into a valuable mean to achieve radical ends: the total transformation of the society and the creation of a ”new man”. Consequently, massive, baroque, arborescent propaganda outfits were institutionally developed. Furthermore, the verbalization of ideology became a free-standing profession for millions of people all over Eastern Europe2. In other words, the communist political culture turned the propaganda effort consubstantial with the act of governing, with the results of the latest being often judged from the standpoint of the propagandistic performances. -
Communism on Trial: the Slansky Affair and Anti-Semitism in Post-WWII Europe
Communism on Trial: The Slansky Affair and Anti-Semitism in Post-WWII Europe Helaine Blumenthal Summer 2009 Helaine Blumenthal is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at the University of California, Berkeley Acknowledgments I would like to thank Professors John Connelly and John Efron for their comments and advice regarding this paper. Their critiques and suggestions have enabled me to explore avenues of investigation that have truly enriched the scope of this project. Abstract: In 1952, hardly a decade after the Holocaust, Communist Czechoslovakia staged one of the post-WWII era’s most blatant acts of state-sponsored anti-Semitism. The Prague Political Purges put on trial fourteen defendants. Eleven of the fourteen were of Jewish origin. All were found guilty, and eleven of the fourteen were condemned to death. The remaining three were sentenced to life imprisonment. All of the defendants were devoted Communists, having shed any religious, ethnic, or national identity in their pursuit of a socialist utopia. Yet, the trial’s main ideological thrust was anti-Semitism. The Slansky Trial of 1952 came as a sharp blow to Jews across a spectrum of political, religious, and national affiliations. The Purge Trials forced many Jews to reexamine their positions vis-à-vis Zionism, Communism, and the Left as a traditionally popular choice for Jews. The trial held unique significance as Jews sought to redefine what it meant to be Jewish in a post-Holocaust world. Despite the trial’s overt use of anti-Semitic tropes, historians have yet to properly explore how Jews, both within and beyond the Iron Curtain, experienced the trial. -
Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: an Analysis
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 4-1967 Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis Christine Deichsel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Deichsel, Christine, "Yugoslav Ideology and Its Importance to the Soviet Bloc: An Analysis" (1967). Master's Theses. 3240. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3240 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. YUGOSLAV IDEOLOGY AND ITS IMPORTANCE TO THE SOVIET BLOC: AN ANALYSIS by Christine Deichsel A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo., Michigan April 1967 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In writing this thesis I have benefited from the advice and encouragement of Professors George Klein and William A. Ritchie. My thanks go to them and the other members of my Committee, namely Professors Richard J. Richardson and Alan Isaak. Furthermore, I wish to ex press my appreciation to all the others at Western Michi gan University who have given me much needed help and encouragement. The award of an assistantship and the intellectual guidance and stimulation from the faculty of the Department of Political Science have made my graduate work both a valuable experience and a pleasure. -
Brecht's Marxist Aesthetic Douglas Kellner
Brecht's Marxist Aesthetic Douglas Kellner http://www.gseis.ucla.edu/faculty/kellner/kellner.html Brecht's relationship to Marxism is extremely important and highly complex. From the 1920s until his death in 1956, Brecht identified himself as a Marxist; when he returned to Germany after World War II, he chose the German Democratic Republic (GDR), where his actress wife Helene Weigel and he formed their own theater troupe, the famed Berliner Ensemble, and were eventually given a state theater to run. Yet Brecht's relationship to orthodox Marxist officials and doctrine was often conflictual, and his own work and life were highly idiosyncratic. Of a strongly anti-bourgeois disposition from his youth, the young Brecht was also initially repelled by Bolshevism. He experienced the German revolution of 1918 with some ambivalence and dedicated himself to literary and not political activity during the turbulent early years of the Weimar republic. He recorded in his Diaries, for example, a negative response to a talk he heard on 1920 on the Soviet Union in which he was repelled by the concept of socialist order he heard discussed. He indicated a negative impression of Bolshevism and conclude his entry by noting that he rather have a new car than socialism! Yet from the beginning of his literary career, Brecht was an enemy of the established bourgeois society. Brecht composed a strongly anti-bourgeois play Baal (1918-19), which had a complex relation to expressionism (Kellner, "Literature"), and in 1919 wrote Drums in the Night, a play that dealt with the disillusionment after World War I and the German revolution. -
Part I the Origins of Stalinism
Part I The Origins of Stalinism Stalin’s Role 1 Stalin and his Stalinism: Power and Authority in the Soviet Union, 1930–1953 Ronald Grigor Suny Excerpted from Ronald Grigor Suny, “Stalin and his Stalinism: Power and Authority in the Soviet Union, 1930–53,” in Ian Kershaw and Moshe Lewin, eds., Stalinism and Nazism: Dictatorships in Comparison (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Editor’s Introduction In explaining Stalinism, many historians focus on Joseph Stalin himself – his mindset, his methods, and his personality. Characterizations of Stalin highlight both his Machiavellian thinking and his malicious nature. Stalin is thus portrayed as an evil genius – someone whose cunning and ability to wield power were matched only by his vindictiveness toward potential rivals. In this view, the brutality and terror of the Stalinist system derived principally from Stalin himself.As an omnipotent but paranoid leader, Stalin arrested and executed millions of innocent people, including many of his fellow Communist Party members. Through this exercise of mass terror, he ensured that no one opposed his policies or challenged his personal dictatorship. Such explanations generally emphasize Stalin’s ruthless maneuvering to account not only for his bloody reign but for his rise to power in the first place. Apart from his guile, Stalin seemed an unlikely successor to Lenin. He lacked the theoretical brilliance and oratorical skills of Trotsky and other leading Communists. Many Party members saw him primarily as a functionary – someone skilled in organizational matters though unsuited for leadership. But Stalin proved to be an extremely effective political infighter. By aligning first with one group and then another, he succeeded in discrediting and eliminating rivals, until he emerged in the late 1920s 14 RONALD GRIGOR SUNY as the supreme leader of the country.1 Stalin was aided in his rise to power by his appointment as the Communist Party’s General Secretary – the person in charge of personnel matters. -
June, 1972 A. Ross Johnson and Arnold L. Horelick, 'Communist Political Succession'
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified June, 1972 A. Ross Johnson and Arnold L. Horelick, 'Communist Political Succession' Citation: “A. Ross Johnson and Arnold L. Horelick, 'Communist Political Succession',” June, 1972, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, RAND Report R-1958-DOS, June 1972, Secret. Abridged version publicly released in January 2003 with redaction only of classified source citations. Obtained and contributed by A. Ross Johnson. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/208715 Summary: This 1972 RAND Report, prepared for the Department of State, describes possible alternative domestic and international “futures” and presents a framework for formation of U.S. policy toward post-Tito Yugoslavia. It includes appendices assessing Yugoslav developments and reviewing the history of U.S.-Yugoslav relations. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation. Original Language: English Contents: Scan of Original Document June 1972 - - - ~--,-- --- ---.--- - - - Communist Political Succession (U) A. Ross Johnson and Arnold L. Horelick .. _,;_.-- ~ < • A Report prepared for DEPARTMENT OF STATE Rand SANTA MONICA, CA. 904% COPY NO. 1.'; ',I' · ..... · ,. This research is supported by the Office of External Research Department of State under Contract 1722-22000!~-SCC-10499. Views or Conclusions con tained in this study should not be interpreted as representing the official opinion or policy of Rand or of the Department 01· State. Note This study is one of a munber done by academic and other institutions for the Department of State as part of the Department 1 s program of external research. The progrmn is designed to supplement the Depart ment's in-house research capabilities and provide independent expert views to analysts and policy officers on problems with significant foreign policy implications. -
Communism Versus Academic Freedom Author(S): Arthur O
Communism versus Academic Freedom Author(s): Arthur O. Lovejoy Source: The American Scholar, Vol. 18, No. 3 (SUMMER 1949), pp. 332-337 Published by: The Phi Beta Kappa Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41205209 Accessed: 23-03-2015 16:52 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Phi Beta Kappa Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Scholar. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 192.12.13.14 on Mon, 23 Mar 2015 16:52:27 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Communismversus Academic Freedom ArthurO. Lovejoy The question here under discussionis a society,is to furnishto othermen the re- specificand limitedone. It is not the ques- sultsof the investigationsof disinterested tionwhether the CommunistParty should expertsin the severalprovinces of thought be "outlawed,"or its membersbe denied and knowledge.The existenceof the pro- the ordinaryrights of citizenship.That is fessionrests upon the assumptionthat it is a questionwhich concernsall citizensas useful,and even needful,for societyto citizens,and it will be settledby thepolitical maintainsuch a body of trainedinvestiga- and judicial processes of constitutionaltors, and to be informedas to the con- democraticgovernment. -
Our Unswerving Loyalty a Documentary Survey of Relations Between the Communist Party of Australia and Moscow, 1920–1940
OUR UNSWERVING LOYALTY A documentary survey of relations between the Communist Party of Australia and Moscow, 1920–1940 OUR UNSWERVING LOYALTY A documentary survey of relations between the Communist Party of Australia and Moscow, 1920–1940 David W. Lovell and Kevin Windle (editors) Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/oul_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Our unswerving loyalty : a documentary survey of relations between the Communist Party of Australia and Moscow, 1920-1940 / editor David Lovell, Kevin Windle. ISBN: 9781921313950 (pbk.) 9781921313967 (web) Notes: Includes index. Bibliography. Subjects: Communist International. Communist Party of Australia. Communism--Australia. Australia--Politics and government--1901-1945. Soviet Union--Relations--Australia. Australia--Relations--Soviet Union. Other Authors/Contributors: Lovell, David W., 1956- Windle, Kevin, 1947- Dewey Number: 335.4230994 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by Teresa Prowse Printed by University Printing Services, ANU This edition © 2008 ANU E Press Contents Preface and Acknowledgements vii Abbreviations ix Glossary of individuals, organizations and tactics xi Some key dates in the history of Australian communism to 1943 xxiii Dates of key Comintern meetings xxv The organization of the Comintern xxvii Reproducing the documents: some conventions xxix Notes on the texts and translations xxxi A note on currency xxxiii Piecing together the past: the Comintern, the CPA, and the archives 1 David W. -
Historicalmaterialism Bookseries
Otto Bauer (1881–1938) Historical Materialism Book Series Editorial Board Sébastien Budgen (Paris) David Broder (Rome) Steve Edwards (London) Juan Grigera (London) Marcel van der Linden (Amsterdam) Peter Thomas (London) volume 121 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hm Otto Bauer in 1931 Otto Bauer (1881–1938) Thinker and Politician By Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp Translated by Maciej Zurowski leiden | boston This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the cc-by-nc License, which permits any non-commercial use, and distribution, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Published with the support of Austrian Science Fund (fwf) First published in German by Peter Lang as Otto Bauer: Studien zur social-politischen Philosophie. © by Peter Lang GmbH. Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Frankfurt am Main, 2005. The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016031159 Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 1570-1522 isbn 978-90-04-31573-0 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-32583-8 (e-book) Copyright 2017 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. This work is published by Koninklijke Brill NV. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. Koninklijke Brill nv reserves the right to protect the publication against unauthorized use and to authorize dissemination by means of offprints, legitimate photocopies, microform editions, reprints, translations, and secondary information sources, such as abstracting and indexing services including databases.