United We Stand, Divided We Fall: the Kremlin’S Leverage in the Visegrad Countries
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European Parliament: 7Th February 2017 Redistribution of Political Balance
POLICY PAPER European issues n°420 European Parliament: 7th February 2017 redistribution of political balance Charles de Marcilly François Frigot At the mid-term of the 8th legislature, the European Parliament, in office since the elections of May 2014, is implementing a traditional “distribution” of posts of responsibility. Article 19 of the internal regulation stipulates that the Chairs of the parliamentary committees, the Deputy-Chairs, as well as the questeurs, hold their mandates for a renewable 2 and a-half year period. Moreover, internal elections within the political groups have supported their Chairs, whilst we note that there has been some slight rebalancing in terms of the coordinators’ posts. Although Italian citizens draw specific attention with the two main candidates in the battle for the top post, we should note other appointments if we are to understand the careful balance between nationalities, political groups and individual experience of the European members of Parliament. A TUMULTUOUS PRESIDENTIAL provide collective impetus to potential hesitations on the part of the Member States. In spite of the victory of the European People’s Party (EPP) in the European elections, it supported Martin As a result the election of the new President of Schulz in July 2104 who stood for a second mandate as Parliament was a lively[1] affair: the EPP candidate – President of the Parliament. In all, with the support of the Antonio Tajani – and S&D Gianni Pittella were running Liberals (ADLE), Martin Schulz won 409 votes following neck and neck in the fourth round of the relative an agreement concluded by the “grand coalition” after majority of the votes cast[2]. -
A Case of Youth Activism in Matica Slovenská
65 ETHNOLOGIA ACTUALIS Vol. 15, No. 1/2015 MARTIN PRIE ČKO Between Patriotism and Far-Right Extremism: A Case of Youth Activism in Matica slovenská Between Patriotism and Far-Right Extremism: A Case of Youth Activism in Matica slovenská MARTIN PRIE ČKO Department of Ethnology and World Studies, University of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava [email protected] ABSTRACT This case study discusses a youth branch of Matica slovenská, a pro-Slovak culture organization. It is based on in-depth research of the structure of the organization and it focuses on basic characteristics of functioning of this social movement such as funding, membership base, political orientation, civic engagement, patriotic activities and also the causes of negative media presentation. Presented material pointed to a thin boundary between the perception of positive manifestations of patriotism and at the same time negative (even extremist) connotations of such manifestations in Slovak society. This duplicate perception of patriotic activities is reflected not only in polarization of opinion in society but also on the level of political, media and public communication. Thus, the article is a small probe from the scene of youth activism with an ambition to point out to such a diverse perception of patriotic organizations/activities in present-day Slovak society. KEY WORDS : Matica slovenská, youth, activism, state-supported organisation, patriotism, Far-Right Introduction Young Matica (MM – Mladá Matica) represents a subsidiary branch of Slovak Matica (MS – Matica slovenská), which is a traditional cultural and enlightenment organisation with DOI: 10.1515/eas-2015-0009 © University of SS. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
Supreme Soviet Investigation of the 1991 Coup the Suppressed Transcripts
Supreme Soviet Investigation of the 1991 Coup The Suppressed Transcripts: Part 3 Hearings "About the Illegal Financia) Activity of the CPSU" Editor 's Introduction At the birth of the independent Russian Federation, the country's most pro-Western reformers looked to the West to help fund economic reforms and social safety nets for those most vulnerable to the change. However, unlike the nomenklatura and party bureaucrats who remained positioned to administer huge aid infusions, these reformers were skeptical about multibillion-dollar Western loans and credits. Instead, they wanted the West to help them with a different source of money: the gold, platinum, diamonds, and billions of dollars in hard currency the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and KGB intelligence service laundered abroad in the last years of perestroika. Paradoxically, Western governments generously supplied the loans and credits, but did next to nothing to support the small band of reformers who sought the return of fortunes-estimated in the tens of billions of dollars- stolen by the Soviet leadership. Meanwhile, as some in the West have chronicled, the nomenklatura and other functionaries who remained in positions of power used the massive infusion of Western aid to enrich themselves-and impoverish the nation-further. In late 1995, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development concluded that Russian officials had stolen $45 billion in Western aid and deposited the money abroad. Radical reformers in the Russian Federation Supreme Soviet, the parliament that served until its building was destroyed on President Boris Yeltsin's orders in October 1993, were aware of this mass theft from the beginning and conducted their own investigation as part of the only public probe into the causes and circumstances of the 1991 coup attempt against Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. -
International Migration in the Czech Republic and Slovakia and the Outlook for East Central Europe
International Migration in the Czech Republic and Slovakia and the Outlook for East Central Europe DUŠAN DRBOHLAV* Faculty of Science, Charles University, Prague Abstract: The contribution is devoted to the international migration issue in the Czech Republic and Slovakia (Czechoslovakia). Besides the contemporary trends, the international migration situation is briefly traced back to the communist era. The probable future scenario of international migration development - based especially on migration patterns that Western Europe has experienced - is also sketched, whilst mainly economic, social, political, demographic, psychological and geographical aspects are mentioned. Respecting a logical broader geopolitical and regional context, Poland and Hungary are also partly dealt with. Statistics are accompanied by some explanations, in order to see the various „faces“ of international migration (emigration versus immigration) as well as the different types of migration movements namely illegal/clandestine, legal guest-workers, political refugees and asylum seekers. Czech Sociological Review, 1994, Vol. 2 (No. 1: 89-106) 1. Introduction The aim of the first part of this contribution is to describe and explain recent as well as contemporary international migration patterns in the Czech Republic and Slovakia (and the former Czechoslovakia). The second part is devoted to sketching a possible future scenario of international migration development. In order to tackle this issue Poland and Hungary have also been taken into account. In spite of the general importance of theoretical concepts and frameworks of international migration (i.e. economic theoretical and historical-structural perspectives, psychosocial theories and systems and geographical approaches) the limited space at our disposal necessitates reference to other works that devote special attention to the problem of discussing theories1 [see e.g. -
Socialism and Current Crisis of Capitalism
providing benefits for the workers EDITORIAL who are paying into this plan." According to that law Mr. This is the last question to be Obama, it states, very, very asked of Mr. Obama: '7s the directly that: "The primary forced bankruptcy of General responsibility of the pension fund Motors and the elimination of "fiduciaries" is to run this plan tens of thousands of jobs, just solely in the interests of an arranged collection grab for participants and beneficiaries and the favored U.S. financiers that for the exclusive purpose of are calling the shots? PRESIDENT OBAMA AND THE BAIL OUT OF US AUTOMKERS This financial robbery of US and Canadian taxpayers hard- earned money is nothing more than the Greatest Auto Theft in history! Besides this unheard of Billions Robbery, it is also dumping 40,000 of the last 60,000 auto trade union jobs into the mass grave dug by Obama's appointee, James Dimon. Mr. Dimon is the CEO of J.P. Morgan and Citibank. While GM trade union workers are losing their jobs and retirement benefits, their life savings, but the GM shareholders are getting rich and most expect to get back a stunning $6 BILLION! Even under the present US Laws this is illegal! Helping Mr. Dimon is also the official Obama's appointee — This cartoon is from the Toronto Daily Star newspaper' showing Steven Rattner, Obama's "Auto the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) leadership that did not stand Czar" - the man who ordered up strongly enough during this financial robbery. Looking on is General Motors to go bankrupt. -
Teaching International Communism Lewis F
Washington and Lee University School of Law Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons Powell Speeches Powell Papers 1-8-1961 Teaching International Communism Lewis F. Powell Jr. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/powellspeeches Part of the Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons, Educational Psychology Commons, Elementary and Middle and Secondary Education Administration Commons, and the International and Comparative Education Commons I i ) RICHMOND PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM January 18, 1961 Instruction On International Connnunism The purpose of this memorandum is to present an analysis of what is presently (1960-61) being taught in the Richmond Public Scho.ol System on International Connnunism. The analysis will be confined to the secondary grades, which in Richmond consist of five years of instruction from the eighth through the twelfth grades. There has never been a specific course in Richmond on International Connnunism. The courses in history and government, discussed below, contain some limited discussion of Imperial Russia or the Soviet Union or both, and there is some sketchy - almost incidental - treatment of International Connnunism and the problems created by it. As the result of a study initiated in the spring of 1960, it was concluded that the available instruction is in adequate to meet the imperative needs of our time. Inquiry through professional channels indicated that there is no recognized text book on this subject for secondary school use, and that there appear to be relatively few secondary schools • ~ in the United States which undertake much more than incidental instruction in this area. The Richmond Public School System is moving to meet this need in the following_ manner. -
Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
Briefing June 2016 Russia's 2016 elections More of the same? SUMMARY On 18 September, 2016 Russians will elect representatives at federal, regional and municipal level, including most importantly to the State Duma (lower house of parliament). President Vladimir Putin remains popular, with over 80% of Russians approving of his presidency. However, the country is undergoing a prolonged economic recession and a growing number of Russians feel it is going in the wrong direction. Support for Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and ruling party United Russia has declined in recent months. Nevertheless, United Russia is likely to hold onto, and even increase its parliamentary majority, given the lack of credible alternatives. Of the tame opposition parties currently represented in the State Duma, polls suggest the far-right Liberal Democrats will do well, overtaking the Communists to become the largest opposition party. Outside the State Duma, opposition to Putin's regime is led by liberal opposition parties Yabloko and PARNAS. Deeply unpopular and disunited, these parties have little chance of breaking through the 5% electoral threshold. To avoid a repeat of the 2011–2012 post-election protests, authorities may try to prevent the blatant vote-rigging which triggered them. Nevertheless, favourable media coverage, United Russia's deep pockets and changes to electoral legislation (for example, the re-introduction of single-member districts) will give the ruling party a strong head-start. In this briefing: What elections will be held in Russia? Which parties will take part? Will elections be transparent and credible? The State Duma – the lower house of Russia's parliament. -
Esamizdat 2010-2011 08 Txt.Pdf
eSamizdat eSamizdat - (VIII) dicembre eSamizdat, Rivista di culture dei paesi slavi registrata presso la Sezione per la Stampa e l’Informazione del Tri- bunale civile di Roma. No 286/2003 del 18/06/2003, ISSN 1723-4042 Copyright eSamizdat - Alessandro Catalano e Simone Guagnelli DIRETTORE RESPONSABILE Simona Ragusa CURATORI Alessandro Catalano e Simone Guagnelli COMITATO SCIENTIFICO Giuseppe Dell’Agata, Nicoletta Marcialis, Paolo Nori, Jirˇ´ı Pelan,´ Gian Piero Piretto, Stanislav Savickij COPERTINA, IMPAGINAZIONE E PROGETTO GRAFICO Simone Guagnelli Indirizzo elettronico della rivista: http://www.esamizdat.it e-mail: [email protected] Sede: Via Principe Umberto, 18 – 00185 Roma Sono autorizzate la stampa e la copia purche´ riproducano fedelmente e in modo chiaro la fonte citata. Libri e materiale cartaceo possono essere inviati a Alessandro Catalano, Via Principe Umberto, 18 – 00185 Roma o a Simone Guagnelli, Via Carlo Denina, 22 – 00179 Roma. Articoli e altri contributi elettronici vanno inviati in formato word o LATEX all’indirizzo [email protected] I criteri redazionali sono scaricabili all’indirizzo: www.esamizdat.it/criteri redazionali.htm www.esamizdat.it SECOLO UNIONE SOVIETICA XX IL SAMIZDAT TRA MEMORIAL’ DITORIACLANDESTINAE E UTOPIAIN CECOSLOVACCHIANELLA E SECONDA METÀ DEL A cura di Alessandro Catalano e Simone Guagnelli Paolo Nori, Un intervento variopinto i-vii I NTRODUZIONE 2010-2011 (VIII) Alessandro Catalano, Simone Guagnelli, “La luce dell’est: il - samizdat come costruzione di una comunità parallela” A RCHEOLOGIA DEL SAMIZDAT Samizdat e Valentina Parisi, “Samizdat: problemi di definizione” - Tomáš Glanc, “Il samizdat come medium”, traduzione dal ceco - di Francesca Lazzarin Indice di Annalisa Cosentino, “Forme del samizdat” - Andrej Ju. Ar´ev, “Le preferenze estetiche del samizdat”, - traduzione dal russo di Maria Isola Jirinaˇ Šiklová, “Il samizdat come mezzo di stratificazione so- - ciale e possibilità di sopravvivenza della cultura di una na- zione. -
Political Conflict and Power Sharing in the Origins of Modern Colombia
Political Conflict and Power Sharing in the Origins of Modern Colombia Sebastián Mazzuca and James A. Robinson Colombia has not always been a violent country. In fact, for the first half of the twentieth century, Colombia was one of the most peaceful countries in Latin America, standing out in the region as a highly stable and competitive bipartisan democracy. When faced with the critical test for political stability in that epoch, the Great Depression of 1930, Colombia was the only big country in South America in which military interventions were not even considered. While an armed coup interrupted Argentina’s until then steady path to democracy, and Getulio Vargas installed the first modern dictatorship in Brazil, Colombia cele brated elections as scheduled. Moreover, the ruling party lost the contest, did not make any move to cling to power, and calmly transferred power to the opposition. However, Colombia was not born peaceful. That half-century of peaceful political existence was a major novelty in Colombian history. Colombia’s nine- teenth century was politically chaotic even by Hispanic American standards: the record includes nine national civil wars, dozens of local revolts and mutinies, material destruction equivalent to the loss of several years of economic output, and at least 250,000 deaths due to political violence. How did Colombia make the transition from political chaos to political order? What were the causes of conflict before the turn of the century, and what were the bases of internal peace after it? The emergence of order in Colombia was temporally correlated with a major transformation of political institutions: the introduction of special mechanisms for power sharing between Liberals and Conservatives, Colombia’s two dominant political forces. -
The Evolution of the Party Systems of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic After the Disintegration of Czechoslovakia
DOI : 10.14746/pp.2017.22.4.10 Krzysztof KOŹBIAŁ Jagiellonian University in Crakow The evolution of the party systems of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic after the disintegration of Czechoslovakia. Comparative analysis Abstract: After the breaking the monopoly of the Communist Party’s a formation of two independent systems – the Czech and Slovakian – has began in this still joint country. The specificity of the party scene in the Czech Republic is reflected by the strength of the Communist Party. The specificity in Slovakia is support for extreme parties, especially among the youngest voters. In Slovakia a multi-party system has been established with one dominant party (HZDS, Smer later). In the Czech Republic former two-block system (1996–2013) was undergone fragmentation after the election in 2013. Comparing the party systems of the two countries one should emphasize the roles played by the leaders of the different groups, in Slovakia shows clearly distinguishing features, as both V. Mečiar and R. Fico, in Czech Republic only V. Klaus. Key words: Czech Republic, Slovakia, party system, desintegration of Czechoslovakia he break-up of Czechoslovakia, and the emergence of two independent states: the TCzech Republic and the Slovak Republic, meant the need for the formation of the political systems of the new republics. The party systems constituted a consequential part of the new systems. The development of these political systems was characterized by both similarities and differences, primarily due to all the internal factors. The author’s hypothesis is that firstly, the existence of the Hungarian minority within the framework of the Slovak Republic significantly determined the development of the party system in the country, while the factors of this kind do not occur in the Czech Re- public. -
Vulnerabilityindex
VulnerabilitySUBVERSIVE RUSSIAN INFLUENCE IN CENTRAL EUROPE Index 100 100 100 100 51 57 38 30 CZECH REPUBLIC SLOVAKIA HUNGARY POLAND Credits Globsec Policy Institute, Klariská 14, Bratislava, Slovakia www.globsec.org GLOBSEC Policy Institute (formerly the Central European Policy Institute) carries out research, analytical and communication activities related to impact of strategic communication and propaganda aimed at changing the perception and attitudes of the general population in Central European countries. Authors: Daniel Milo, Senior Research Fellow, GLOBSEC Policy Institute Katarína Klingová, Research Fellow, GLOBSEC Policy Institute With contributions from: Kinga Brudzinska (GLOBSEC Policy Institute), Jakub Janda, Veronika Víchová (European Values, Czech Republic), Csaba Molnár, Bulcsu Hunyadi (Political Capital Institute, Hungary), Andriy Korniychuk, Łukasz Wenerski (Institute of Public Affairs, Poland) Layout: Peter Mandík, GLOBSEC This publication and research was supported by the National Endowment for Democracy. © GLOBSEC Policy Institute 2017 The GLOBSEC Policy Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies with the authors of this publication. Table of Contents Executive Summary 4 Country Overview 7 Methodology 9 Thematic Overview 10 1. Public Perception 10 2. Political Landscape 15 3. Media 22 4. State Countermeasures 27 5. Civil Society 32 Best Practices 38 Vulnerability Index Executive Summary CZECH REPUBLIC: 38 POLAND: 30 PUBLIC PERCEPTION 36 20 POLITICAL LANDSCAPE 47 28 MEDIA 34 35 STATE COUNTERMEASURES 23 33 CIVIL SOCIETY 40 53 SLOVAKIA: 51 53 HUNGARY: 57 50 31 40 78 78 60 39 80 45 The Visegrad group countries in Central Europe (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic and Slovakia – V4) are often perceived as a regional bloc of nations sharing similar aspirations, aims and challenges.