SIRC Annual Report 1994-95
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The North American White Supremacist Movement: an Analysis Ofinternet Hate Web Sites
wmTE SUPREMACIST HATE ON THE WORLD WIDE WEB "WWW.HATE.ORG" THE NORTH AMERICAN WIDTE SUPREMACIST MOVEMENT: AN ANALYSIS OF INTERNET HATE WEB SITES By ALLISON M. JONES, B.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School ofGraduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment ofthe Requirements for the Degree Master ofArts McMaster University © Copyright by Allison M. Jones, October 1999 MASTER OF ARTS (1999) McMASTER UNIVERSITY (Sociology) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: "www.hate.org" -- The North American White Supremacist Movement: An Analysis ofInternet Hate Web Sites AUTHOR: Allison M. Jones, B.A. (York University) SUPERVISOR: Professor V. Satzewich NUMBER OF PAGES: v, 220 ii Abstract This thesis is a qualitative study ofNorth American white supremacist organisations, and their Internet web sites. Major issues framing the discussion include identity and racism. The thesis takes into consideration Goffman's concepts of'impression management' and 'presentation ofself as they relate to the web site manifestations of 'white power' groups. The purpose ofthe study is to analyse how a sample ofwhite supremacist groups present themselves and their ideologies in the context ofthe World Wide Web, and what elements they use as a part oftheir 'performances', including text, phraseology, and images. Presentation ofselfintersects with racism in that many modern white supremacists use aspects ofthe 'new racism', 'coded language' and'rearticulation' in the attempt to make their fundamentally racist worldview more palatable to the mainstream. Impression management techniques are employed in a complex manner, in either a 'positive' or 'negative' sense. Used positively, methods may be employed to impress the audience with the 'rationality' ofthe arguments and ideas put forth by the web site creators. -
Hate Crimes and Hate Group Activity in Canada
HATE CRIMES AND HATE GROUP ACTIVITY IN CANADA Mark Sandler* When I arrived in Fredericton, I expected to be asked questions such as “just how bad is hate group activity in Canada?”, and “how does freedom of speech limit the application of the criminal law to hate propaganda?” Instead, the first question I was met with was “what do you think of Professor Yaqzan and his comments about the male-female relationship?” Though I had not intended to address Professor Yaqzan, my combative nature and my strongly held views compel me to weave some comments about him, in some subtle way, into my presentation. I will attempt, here, to persuade you of three things. First, few appreciate the prevalence of hate group activity in Canada. Second, the criminal law is the most appropriate vehicle to combat that hate group activity in Canada. Third, freedom of speech does not prevent a democracy from dealing with the wilful promotion of hatred and racially motivated crimes. Whereas legitimate defenders of freedom of speech raise legitimate concerns about inhibiting this basic freedom, freedom of speech is also being used by the racists in our midst to disguise the true nature of their activity, and to seek immunity for hate propaganda that undermines the very fabric of our society. On 1 July 1990,1 had the misfortune of witnessing a Neo-Nazi rally held in Metcalfe, Ontario, near the nation’s capital. One hundred to two hundred and fifty Neo-Nazi “skinheads” congregated in a blasphemous celebration of Canada Day. Racists came together from Toronto, Montréal, Hamilton, Eastern and Western Canada, the United States, England and elsewhere. -
A Thesis Presented to by December, 1997
DIGITAL FREEDOM: THE CANADIAN RIGHT WING ON THE INTERNET A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Graduate Studies The University of Guelph by SEAN P. HIER In partial fulfillment of revirements for the degree of Master of Arts December, 1997 @ Sean Hier, 1997 NationaI Library Bibliothique nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence ailowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retauis ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts f?om it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRACT DIGITAL FREEDOM: THE CANADIAN RIGHT WING ON THE INTERNET Sean P. Hier Advisor: University of Guelph, 1997 Professor Stanley Barrett This thesis is an investigation of the Canadian right wing, with a particular focus on how right wing groups are utilizing the internet for advertising and recruitment. An investigation of the Freedom-Site, a Web site based in Toronto, was undertaken over a period of approximately four months. -
Right-Wing Extremism in Canada
Right Wing Extremism in Canada An Environmental Scan Dr. Barbara Perry University of Ontario Institute of Technology Ryan Scrivens Simon Fraser University Research Funded by Kanishka Project Contribution Program 2 Table of Contents 1. Background 3 1.1 Defining the Right 4 1.2 Analytical Framework 6 1.3 Methodologies 9 2. Right Wing Extremism in Canada 12 2.1 Historical Context 12 2.2 Contemporary Categories of Right Wing Extremism 16 2.3 Distribution of Right Wing Extremist Groups 32 2.4 Nature and Threat of Violence 34 3. Right Wing Extremist Group (Dis)Organization 41 3.1 Endogenous Facilitating Factors 41 3.2 Endogenous Inhibiting Factors 53 4. A Climate for Hate? 62 4.1 Exogenous Facilitating Factors 62 4.2 Exogenous Inhibiting Factors 74 5. The Next Steps 82 5.1 Diverting people from getting involved 83 5.2 Responding to hate speech and incitement 84 5.3 Managing threats to public order 87 5.4 Ending violent behaviour and fragmenting movements 88 5.5 Supporting and empowering victims 89 5.6 Raising awareness of the problem 92 5.7 Pushing public agencies to act 94 5.8 Conclusion: Creating safe and inclusive communities 96 References 98 Appendices I Applying Black’s Framework: Themes, Criteria and Data Collection 122 II Right Wing Extremist Groups in Canada: Past and Present 125 III Right Wing Ideologues, Gurus and Lone Wolves 129 IV Incidents Related to Right Wing Extremists, 1980-2014 135 V Recognizing Sovereigntists 162 VI Matrices for Recognizing Radicalization 166 3 1. Background In April of 2009, the U.S. -
The Dictionary Legend
THE DICTIONARY The following list is a compilation of words and phrases that have been taken from a variety of sources that are utilized in the research and following of Street Gangs and Security Threat Groups. The information that is contained here is the most accurate and current that is presently available. If you are a recipient of this book, you are asked to review it and comment on its usefulness. If you have something that you feel should be included, please submit it so it may be added to future updates. Please note: the information here is to be used as an aid in the interpretation of Street Gangs and Security Threat Groups communication. Words and meanings change constantly. Compiled by the Woodman State Jail, Security Threat Group Office, and from information obtained from, but not limited to, the following: a) Texas Attorney General conference, October 1999 and 2003 b) Texas Department of Criminal Justice - Security Threat Group Officers c) California Department of Corrections d) Sacramento Intelligence Unit LEGEND: BOLD TYPE: Term or Phrase being used (Parenthesis): Used to show the possible origin of the term Meaning: Possible interpretation of the term PLEASE USE EXTREME CARE AND CAUTION IN THE DISPLAY AND USE OF THIS BOOK. DO NOT LEAVE IT WHERE IT CAN BE LOCATED, ACCESSED OR UTILIZED BY ANY UNAUTHORIZED PERSON. Revised: 25 August 2004 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS A: Pages 3-9 O: Pages 100-104 B: Pages 10-22 P: Pages 104-114 C: Pages 22-40 Q: Pages 114-115 D: Pages 40-46 R: Pages 115-122 E: Pages 46-51 S: Pages 122-136 F: Pages 51-58 T: Pages 136-146 G: Pages 58-64 U: Pages 146-148 H: Pages 64-70 V: Pages 148-150 I: Pages 70-73 W: Pages 150-155 J: Pages 73-76 X: Page 155 K: Pages 76-80 Y: Pages 155-156 L: Pages 80-87 Z: Page 157 M: Pages 87-96 #s: Pages 157-168 N: Pages 96-100 COMMENTS: When this “Dictionary” was first started, it was done primarily as an aid for the Security Threat Group Officers in the Texas Department of Criminal Justice (TDCJ). -
From Slime Mould to Rhizome: an Introduction to the Groupuscular Right
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228608268 From Slime Mould to Rhizome: An Introduction to the Groupuscular Right Article in Patterns of Prejudice · April 2003 DOI: 10.1080/0031322022000054321 CITATIONS READS 40 301 1 author: Roger Griffin Oxford Brookes University 105 PUBLICATIONS 532 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: The Weimar Republic and Post-Soviet Russia: Similarities and Differences View project Volume on fascism for Polity's 'key concept series' View project All content following this page was uploaded by Roger Griffin on 03 June 2014. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. From slime mould to rhizome: an introduction to the groupuscular right1 Patterns of Prejudice, vol. 37, no. 1, (March 2003), pp. 27-50 Professor Roger Griffin Department of History Oxford Brookes University Gipsy Lane Campus Headington Oxford OX3 0BP ABSTRACT Conventional academic research into the legacy of inter-war fascism has generally neglected the myriad minuscule and often ephemeral formations of the extreme right which have sprung up since 1945, to concentrate instead on abortive attempts to emulate the success of the Nazi and Fascist party-based mass movements, and more recently on non-revolutionary ‘neo-populist parties’. However, when examined closely many of them can be observed to behave as fully developed, highly specialized, and largely autonomous grouplets that simultaneously -
Sol Littman Fonds
Library and Archives Bibliothèque et archives Canada Canada Political and Social Division du patrimoine Heritage Division politique et social SOL LITTMAN FONDS R2958 Finding Aid No. 2386 / Instrument de recherche no 2386 Prepared in 2005 by L. Tapper of the Social Préparé en 2005 par L. Tapper de la Section Archives Section des Archives sociales ii TABLE OF CONTENTS MICROFILM SHELF LIST .................................................... iii HELMUT RAUCA and RELATED MATERIAL SERIES .............................1 WAR CRIMES INCLUDING THE UKRAINIAN14TH WAFFEN-SS DIVISION SERIES . 7, 76 SUSPECTED WAR CRIMINAL CASE FILES .................................43, 75 HOLOCAUST DENIAL and HISTORICAL REVISIONISM SERIES...................51 LITTMAN’S PUBLICATIONS, ARTICLES, SPEECHES and NOTEBOOKS ............57 RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS and ARTICLES SERIES.............................61 iii WAR CRIMES INCLUDING THE UKRAINIAN 14th WAFFEN-SS DIVISION MICROFILM SHELF LIST M-8842 The records of the Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of German Police (Reichsführer SS und Chef der Deutschen Polizei). Published by the American Historical Association and General Services Administration, Washington, 1958 (Ref.: microfilm T175, roll 74) M-8843 Group XV, Ordner 439: (Der ress an SS-O’ Gruf Berger, 2/5/1944) Miscellaneous Non-Biographical Material (Schumacher Material). Published by the American Historical Association and General Services Administration, Washington, 1958 (Ref.: microfilm T580, roll 89) M-8844 Records of German Field Commands Panzer Armies, 1944. Published by the American Historical Association for the Study Of War document, Washington, 1960 (incomplete copy) (Ref.: microfilm T-313, roll 400) M-8845 Records of German Field Commands Panzer Armies, 1944. Published by the American Historical Association for the Study Of War document, Washington, 1960. (Ref.: microfilm T-313, roll 401) M-8846 Records of German Field Commands Panzer Armies, 1944. -
Appendix A: Canadian Right-Wing Ideologues, Gurus and Lone Actors
Appendix A: Canadian Right-Wing Ideologues, Gurus and Lone Actors Andrews, Don (1942–present), a Canadian white supremacist who waged war with Toronto, ON’s communists in the 1970s, was the frst individual to be charged in Canada with wilfully promoting hatred. He also co-founded the Edmund Burke Society with Paul Fromm and Leigh Smith in 1967, and he founded the Nationalist Party of Canada in 1977 (Lauder 2002), which he still leads. In 1974, Andrews ran for Toronto Mayor, coming in a distant second. Most recently, Andrews ran for the 2014 Toronto mayoral election (Hong 2014), but he was unsuccessful. Arcand, Adrien (1899–1967) is the most notorious anti-Semitic in Quebec history, forming the Parti National Society Chretien in 1934 and expanding his organization to Toronto, ON under the group name National Christian Party of Canada in 1938, later known as the National Unity Party in 1949 (Barrett 1987). Beattie, John (1942–present) founded the Toronto-based Canadian Nazi Party in 1965, and he later organized the British People’s League in the late 1980s (Lauder 2002). In 1989, he hosted an outdoor © Te Editor(s) (if applicable) and Te Author(s) 2019 173 B. Perry and R. Scrivens, Right-Wing Extremism in Canada, Palgrave Hate Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25169-7 174 Appendix A: Canadian Right-Wing Ideologues, Gurus and Lone Actors white-pride concert that attracted neo-Nazi skinheads and members of the Canadian Airborne Regiment, and he recently ran for municipal ofce in Minden Hills, ON’s cottage country (Humphrey 2014). -
Rising Tide of White Supremacy in Canada January 2019
Rising Tide of White Supremacy in Canada January 2019 1 Rising Tide of White Supremacy in Canada Abstract White Supremacy activism and rhetoric have long been found in Canada. A rampant resurgence of the ideology can be seen in Canada. A historic and modern-day overview of White Supremacy is presented herein. 2 Introduction On Saturday morning, October 27th, 2018, Jewish worshippers attended services at the Tree of Life synagogue located in a historically Jewish suburb of Pittsburgh. A white supremacist named Robert Bowers walked into the synagogue carrying his AR-15 semi- automatic rifle coupled with three handguns. He screamed “All Jews must die,” - murdering 11 people; their ages ranging from 54-97. On the heels of this heinous Pittsburgh incident, it becomes exceedingly important that we, as a community, collectively re-assess and evaluate the implications of the white supremacist movement in Canada. Right-wing extremist ideology and white nationalism is on the rise in Canada. Many perceive this to be a relatively new phenomenon, but truth be known, white supremacists and their alt- right modern day alter-egos have been active for decades. The concept of white racism is not new-fangled and fresh. The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) traces far-right violence back to race riots in Nova Scotia in the 1780s, racial segregation in Ontario schools in the 1840s and violence against Chinese and Japanese immigrants at the turn of the 20th century, not to mention generations of discrimination against Indigenous peoples. (Boutilier, 2018) Canada’s right-wing extremist movement is a motley crew of white supremacists, anti- government “sovereigntists” and pro-militia crusaders who, despite being disorganized and prone to booze-fuelled in-fighting, are more extensive and more active than most people think. -
Chapter 4 WHITE PRIDE WORLDWIDE
WHITE PRIDE WORLDWIDE Chapter 4 WHITE PRIDE WORLDWIDE THE END OF HIGH school couldn’t come soon enough. After graduation, a friend from my Vancouver College days named Sean and I left for a two-month summer vacation to England and Spain. The trip was completely separate from my skinhead lifestyle, as the two of us never discussed music or politics, but there were still opportunities for me to explore these areas on my own. I arrived in England first and stayed with relatives for a week until Sean arrived. Without delay, I began exploring London in search of any skinhead clothing, vinyl, or iconic souvenirs that would up my status. The first stop was the Last Resort on Petticoat Lane, deep in East London. This store sold everything skinhead related, from Doc Marten boots to Harrington jackets; Crombie, Ben Sherman, and Fred Perry shirts; and T-shirts printed with every skinhead band, image, or logo. The coolest shirt—and one that evaded my search—was the cover for the album Strength Thru Oi! featuring the menacing pose of Nicky Crane. The album cover was a play on the Third Reich’s Strength Through Joy program, which built seaside spas for workers and their families to enjoy ten thousand at a time, and made the resorts accessible via the autobahns and Volkswagens, or “people’s car.” Nicky Crane was greatly feared throughout London. He was deeply involved in the British Movement, an ultra-nationalist racist organization; was co-founder, with Ian Stuart, of Blood & Honour, a white power music network that organized concerts and published 69 THE CURE FOR HATE a magazine; and ran security for Skrewdriver. -
Populism, White Nationalism and Conservative Political Parties
Problematizing Canadian exceptionalism: A study of right- populism, white nationalism and Conservative political parties OÑATI SOCIO-LEGAL SERIES, VOLUME 10, ISSUE 6 (2020), 1166–1192: GOVERNING THE POLITICAL: LAW AND THE POLITICS OF RESISTANCE DOI LINK: HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.35295/OSLS.IISL/0000-0000-0000-1127 RECEIVED 11 JANUARY 2019, ACCEPTED 04 MAY 2020 LAURA J. KWAK ∗ Abstract The myth that Canada has resisted the “West’s populist wave” persists despite evidence that demonstrates otherwise. This article traces how the assumption that Canada has avoided the rise of right-wing populism and white nationalism is tethered to the fiction that Canada has been a raceless society. After briefly reviewing the myth of racelessness and the history of right-populism in Canada, the article explores how the Reform Party of Canada conceptualized “the people” in racialized terms. This article examines how the Conservative Party of Canada’s appeals to symbolic “diversity” and denial of systemic oppression have enabled more overt forms of racism. By examining the recent rise of hate crimes, this article makes the case that a direct link can be traced between the Conservative government’s seemingly neutral discourses about the preservation of Canadian “heritage” and “common values” and the re-emergence of right-wing populism and the re-emboldening of white nationalism in Canada. Key words Right-populism; racial governance; Conservative Party of Canada; Canada Resumen El mito de que Canadá ha resistido la “ola populista de Occidente” perdura a pesar de que se puede demostrar lo contrario. Este artículo expone que la aceptación generalizada de que Canadá ha evitado el auge del populismo de derechas y del nacionalismo blanco está unida a la ficción de que Canadá ha sido una sociedad sin razas. -
Author Q&A Interview
1 INTERVIEW: 'RACE TRAITOR' AUTHOR ELISA HATEGAN Wednesday, 18 March 2015 This week, the former member of the Canadian White supremacist group Heritage Front who went on to help bring it down announced that she was stepping away from political activity. And what activity it has been! Before she made the announcement, we were able to get in touch with her about her book on her life, Race Traitor: The True Story of Canadian Intelligence Service’s Greatest Cover-Up, that we encourage everyone to pick up! In the 1990s, a young Romanian immigrant Elisa Hategan was a prominent figure within neo- Nazi circles in Canada as a member of the racist Heritage Front and with her work with Holocaust denier Ernst Zundel. She was a speaker at rallies, a writer of several articles and she has also appeared on television programs like The Montel Williams Show. When things started to take a dark turn with the Heritage Front however, and she began to rethink her own perspectives about who she is and what direction she was going in, she not only left her old group, she provided enough information to anti-racist activists and government agencies to bring the Heritage Front down. Problem is, when you are providing help to a government agency that is working against you, that tends to make things that much worse. Over a decade after she left the hate behind, she has written a book about her life and experiences, Race Traitor: The True Story of Canadian Intelligence Service’s Greatest Cover-Up. You did something unique in writing this book.