DIGITAL FREEDOM: THE CANADIAN RIGHT WING ON THE INTERNET

A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Graduate Studies

The University of Guelph

by

SEAN P. HIER

In partial fulfillment of revirements for the degree of Master of Arts December, 1997

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DIGITAL FREEDOM: THE CANADIAN RIGHT WING ON THE INTERNET

Sean P. Hier Advisor: University of Guelph, 1997 Professor Stanley Barrett

This thesis is an investigation of the Canadian right wing, with a particular focus on how right wing groups are utilizing the internet for advertising and recruitment. An investigation of the Freedom-Site, a Web site based in , was undertaken over a period of approximately four months. Data are presented primarily on six organizations found on the Freedom-Site, as well as on several rnembers of wing. It is argued that the internet not only enables right wing organizations to reach thousands of people and maintain contacts with other groups on an international scale, but that the anonymity the internet affords its users presents a danger of otherwise average citizens becoming more susceptible to the beliefs and views of the right wing in times of social and economic change. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The research for this thesis, formally and informally, stretched over a period of approximately 17 months. 1 would like to thank Dr. Tanya Basok for her early assistance which introduced me to the Canadian right wing and Vince Bollozos for his critical and enlightening outlook on the Canadian far right.

Further, 1 extend my gratitude to my parents, whose complete support for my academic career -past and future- has been insurmountable. And 1 thank Cindy Mutch, who has always been a source of support and motivation, and will undoubtedly continue to remain so throughout the years ahead.

Directly, I would like to thank Dr. Frans Schryer for his many cornments on an early draft of the study, as well as for his continued assistance throughout my academic program, and Dr. Ed

Hedican for his participation on my cornmittee. And finally, 1 owe a special debt of gratitude to Dr. Stan Barrett for his many efforts to see this project corne to fruition. Dr. Barrett's writings on and the Canadian right wing, in addition to his many other works, have provided inspiration for this project, as well as for my future academic endeavors. Without Dr.

Barrett's continued assistance, support, motivation and the occasional athletic distraction- despite his tender bones and chronological deficiency- the goals of this project would not have been realized. CONTENTS

I INTRODUCTION Conceptualization/3 Theoretical Framework/lZ Arguments/l7 Methodology/23

2 THE HISTORY OF THE CANADIAN RIGHT WING (1865-1989) Canadian KKK: Phase 1/31 Fascism in the 1930s/41 The Resurgence of Canadian Fascism/47 Canadian KKK: Phase 11/56 /6l Other Canadian Activity/67

3 CANADIAN PATRIOTS NETWORK Origin/74 Beliefs and Activities: Official Position/76 Beliefs and Activities: Unofficial Position/78 Censorship/88

4 THE Origin/94 Beliefs and Goals/lOl Phase 1: 1989-94/105 CSIS Affair/ili Phase II : 1996-Present/122

5 OTHERS ON THE FREEDOM-SITE: LOCKHART, FROMM AND CHRISTIE Lockhart/l28 Fromm/13 3 Christie/l45 6 A 12 YEAR DEBATE: THE BATTLE OVER EREEDOM OF EXPRESSION Keegstra and Zundel/lS4 Ross and Fromm/l62 Final Verdicts/l68 The Zundel-Site/l69

7 WIDER ANALYSIS Understanding /l77 Anti-Sernitism/l9O Explaining Racism/l94 Explaining the Right Wing/203

8 COMPARATIVE FRAMEWORK Austria: The Freedom Party/208 France: The Front National/212 Germany: Violence/216

9 DISCUSSION

REFERENCES

iii 1 INTRODUCTION

Suppose that you were part of a small group of people who were aware of an insidious social disease which had plagued

Canadian society and degraded the Canadian social landscape from a once great nation to a country filled with crime-prone immigrants, homosexuals who spread AIDS, white citizens who were ashamed of their racial heritage and white women who refused to give their wombs to white men, thus condemning the white race to extinction in the name of feminism. To what length would you go to expose your knowledge, to liberate others from these detrimental forces? Would you jeopardize your job, your family, your friends and your life to educate your people, white people, of the dangers of race-mixing and multiculturalism? If so, you are not alone. In a pursuit for "freedom," several, if not al1 of the members of the right wing presented in this study believe that they are one of only a small number of individuals who have escaped the liberal forces of indoctrination in Canada; indoctrinating forces which have spawned foreign aid programs, high immigration levels, employment equity and affirmative action, and as a result threaten the viability of the greatest people to every inhabit the earth: Euro-, whites- an endangered race!

As bizarre as the previous passage might seem, its authenticity concerning the worldview of the members of Canada's right wing is genuine. However, far from these sentiments remaining in the realrn of the racists' minds, these same viewpoints are today being presented publicly on the internet.

Queries such as "Nazi" or "White Power" on any search engine will produce links to dozens of right wing Web sites around the world, instantaneously. Included in these sites are those run by White

Aryan Resistance (WAR) ,I the ,? the Ku Klux Klanr3

British ~ationalists'and France's Front National.'

The right wing in Canada has been exemplified over the last forty years by men such as Ernst Zundel, Jim Keegstra, Don

Andrews, , Terry Long, Paul Fromm and James

Alexander McQuirter. Many of these men are still lingering around today, but there is a new group of individuals rising to the top of Canada's right wing network. Comprising the most recent generation of Canada's racist right are men such as

Jeurgan Newman, , Gerry Lincoln and Marc Lemire.

With the emergence of a new generation of right wing leaders, so too has there emerged a new form of right wing propagande. Ar least four major right wing Web sites are run out ~f Canada, offering links to at least a dozen organizations around the country. Since 1994 Canadian right wing organizacions have been using the internet to espouse racist attitudes and beliefs.

Recently, this phenomenon has drawn the attention of the

Human Rights Commission, as well as nurnerous "watchdog" organizations including the Nizkor B'nai and

http://www.resist.com/ http://www.stormfront.wat.com/storrnfrotlan.htrnl http://www.k-k-k.coml hrtp;//www.ngwwmall.com/ j http://w.front-net. fi/page/d.html ci ci http://www.nizkor.otg/index.html http://wwwbnaibritfi.cal HateWatch.* With few exceptions, the internet equips the right

wing with an uncensored medium where they are able to espouse their views freely and openly without reprisal.

This study is an investigation of the Freeiom-Siter9 a right

wing Web site based in Toronto. The Freedom-Site is run by the

Canadian Patriots Network and currently hosts five organizations:

the Heritage Front, the Euro-Christian Defense League, the

Canadian Association for Free Expression, Citizens for Foreign

Aid Reform and the Canadian Free Speech League. In the remainder

of this chapter 1 will present a conceptualization for the study, as well as rny theoretical position, arguments and methodology.

Chapter two offers a review of the history of right wing activity

in Canada and the following three chapters will examine the

Freedom-Site. The final four chapters will explore the debate concerning freedom of expression in Canada, as well as present a theoretical discussion of racism, the right wing and the right wing presence on the internet.

Conceptualization

I will begin by addressing three issues of contention.

First, is Canada racially tolerant? There appears to be a widely held belief among Canadians that the country has been relatively free of racism. Henry and Tator (1994:2) argue that white Canadians tend to dismiss the large body of evidence documenting racial prejudice and differen~ialtreatment while "fundamental racial inequality persists and continues to affect the lives and

life chances of people of colour in Canada." LaRocque (1989),

writing on Canadian native people, argues that this tendency

equates to a denial mechanism on the part of [white] society that

racism exists to a significant degree in Canada. And although

attitudinal surveys suggest that Canada has become more racially

tolerant since World War II, as Buchignani (1983) points out,

this is of little comfort to natives, immigrants, and other

disadvantaged persons who continue to express very serious

concerns about racial prejudice and discrimination in Canada.

Second, has Canada been immune from a significant degree of

organized right wing activity? More often than not, when any

conversation turns to the right wing or "hate groups," images of

hooded Klansmen burning crosses arise in che rninds of many people. Personally, I have found that there is a cornmon belief

held by Canadians that right wing activity in North America has been restricted to the southern United States. However, nurnerous

studies (Betcherman, 1975; Sher, 1983; Barrett, 1987; Robin,

1993; Kinsella, 1994) have illustrated the magnitude and extent of Canada's right wing network throughout the majority of this

century. Li (1995:6) offered an explanation for this ambivalence among Canadians by declaring that "Racial supremacist groups are commonly dismisseci as irrational and fanatic in an otherwise democratic society." Yet Barrett (1987:357-60) demonstrated that

130 right wing organizations have existed in Canada since the second world war, 60 of which openly embraced racism, fascism and/or anti-Semitism. Further, Barrett (1984a:374) concluded his discussion of fascism in Canada by stating that "....at least incipient fascism has existed in Canada, in both the pre- and post-World War II eras."

And third, is the program set out by the organized righc wing incommensurable wich the beliefs and opinions of wider society? Patel (1980:15) suggested that "the phenomenon of racism has pervaded and becorne ernbedded in al1 areas of society, particularly its institutions and structures, which give rise to a basic conflict that is manifested in raciai violence."

Further, Shadd (1989) declared chat "racism is one of che bedrock institutions of Canadian society. . . .e.mbedded in the very fabric of our thinking, Our personality." It was these arguments which led Buchignani (1989:204) to conclude that "....ir would be undoubtedly easier to muster support for Canadian seals chan for

Canadian racial minorities." But how does racism relate to the right wing? Barrett (1984c, 1987) argued that organized right wing groups can be seen as a crystallized form or an overr manifestation of a more wiae-spread racism which perrneates mainstream society. And it was this line of reasoning which prompted Shadd (1989:4) to suggest that "instead of iocusing energy on helping the victims of racism, some of these people should examine the problem from the stand point of their own situations and privilege~."'~

lo Nader (1 972) argued that anthropologists should "study up," suggesting that anthropologists should focus on the dominant end of society's power differential and snidy not just the victims. but the victimizers of social problems. Further, Barrett (1984d) outlined three components of the "rebirth of anthropology" suggesting that, in addition to a dialectical perspective. anthropologists should start to study social problems and inequality in urban-indusmal societies. Before we proceed any further, it will be necessary to clarify what racism is. Above al1 else, racism is a political phenornenon. Jones (1972), for example, argued that al1 white people are racist, to varying degrees, because having white automatically places an individual on the dorninanc end of society's [racial] power differential. P-lthough Jones's argumenï is controversial, he identifies a central component of racism: differential power. Liberal scholars (Rex, 1970; Banton, 1967 j , reacting to the radical Marxists' argument that race is epiphenomenal to class, have suggested that racism exists to a large extent on its own, somewhat independent of the rlass dimension. Although the Liberal position is intriguing, and they are correct to separate race from a secondary dimension of ciass, they fail to offer an explanation for why racism exists. Recent

Marxist scholarship (Miles, 1993) has come to recognize the political and ideological dimensions of racism, and this approach will be discussed below.

Racism is usually differentiated from ethnocentrism.

Whereas racism generally refers to a hierarchical ranking of human beings based on their biological inheritance, ethnocentrisrn refers to the tendency to judge ocher group's life-ways based on our own group's standards. Sirnply stated, ethnocentrism is a "we-group" phenornenon (Cox, 1948). Scholars writing on racism have been inclined to tease apart racism and ethnocentrism, making a clear distinction between biology and culture or between race and ethnicity. In fact, to make the point that race is a folk concept, the term is often placed in quotations. But to separate nature and culture into two distinct, mutually exclusive

categories is problematic.

Contemporary physical anthropologists usually conceive of race in terms of random gene frequencies, most often drift and

mutation, confounded with secondary agencies such as ecology or

outbreeding (Shipman, 1994) . However, the anthropological emphasis on genetic variation is relatively recent. In

considering anthropology's historical view of race, Montagu

(1942: 33) c'aimed that ". . . 'race' is, to a large extent, a special creation of the anthropologist." By engaging in the

classification of human groups based on observable, physical

characteristics, Montagu claims, anthropology, more than anything

else, reinforced the erroneous and widely held belief chat there

are groups of humans, races, whose biological heredity dictates

the parameters of their social and mental performance. Despite

the fact that a plethora of literature has been devoted to dispelling the notion of biological determinism, common usage of, and a belief in, different races of humankind, which in turn produces a belief in the interdependency of biogenic, psychological, intellectual and cultural attributes, abounds.I1

Whereas biologists recognize the tremendous biological overlap of different hüman groups and would argue against any discrete category of classification concerning different races, the social category of race does tend to classify human groups into discrete categories. The social conception of race differs

Biologists and physical anthmpologists would be inclined to further argue that population is a more useful concept than race. Whichever concept is used. however, there is agreement that hurnan groups represent a continuum and that genetic variation is as great within groups as it is between them. primarily from the biological one in that it assumes that hurnan

differences, primarily skin color, are an indicator for

differential social and intellectual potential. And given the

distinction between what I have identified as the biological and

the social conception of race, a curious pattern has emerged in

the sociological literature. Given the fact that biological race

has been proven to be a nebulous classificatory unit, several

authors have diverted attention away £rom race to other social

categories, notably ethnicity. By juxtaposing race and

ethnicity, scholars have drawn a distinction between biological

and cultural differences. 1s this a useful approach?

Writing on race relations in Australia, de Lepervanche

(1980) argued that although racial discrimination is still

widespread, governments and academics are talking less about it.

She offers the explanation that perhaps it is because many

members of the dominant groups are ashamed of their racist pasts,

or because reclassifying the colored population as ethnic makes

everyone feel more equal. Furriher, Abu-Lughod (1992:144)

suggests that the concept of culture operates much like race, but

with one important qualification: culture allows for multiple,

rather than binary differences. She proceeds to write that "The most important of culture's advantages ....is that it removes

difference from the realm of the natural and the innate." The

importance of the latter point must not be underestimated.

It rnay be argued that differential treatment which could

conceptually be labeled as ethnocentric is just as damaging to minority groups as differential treatment based on the notion of race. And there is no transhistorical law which shows that ethnocentrism is any less darnaging than racism in the course of day to day group interaction. Considering the social construction of the notion of race, exemplified by the notion of

~he"Jewish race," we can see how ethnicity, or even religion, can operate similar to race. As such, teasing racism and ethnocentrism apart is not entirely useful in a pragmatic sense, despite its theoretical value. Both race and ethnicity are social constructions which classify humans into discrete rategories. However, let me make one qualification. The nature/culture or race/ethnic distinction is trernendously important when we consider such things as social engineering programs or Eugenics movements. Indeed, it would be difficult to argue that sterilization is advocated purely on the notion of cultural variation. And despite the limited utility of the concept of biological race for scientific purposes, the social construction of race, although often based on religion or ethnicity, does not reduce the damaging effects of such an attribute when it is used as the basis for differential treatment.

To summarize, race as a biological category is socially significant and that to divert attention away frorn the social construction of race because of its erroneous belief in biological determinacy is to divert attention away from the subject matter of sociology. As Rex (1970:22) writes, "social myth is part of reality," and as such, a sociology of race relations must take into account such things as beliefs, views and stereotypes. Further, Wieviorka (1995:l) begins his book by writing that "The sociology of racism can only be developed by resolutely distancing itself from studies of, and polernics on, races." Therefore, despite the fact that race as a biological category is of limited scientific use, the social construction of race, and that of ethnicity, continues to occupy a central position of importance in social interaction.

One further conceptual clarification will be necessary. To this point, 1 have repeatedly referred to the right wing. Whac does this concept imply? On the familiar left-right continuum

(or liberal-conservative), conventional analyses suggest that the extreme left and the extreme right (communist-fascist) occupy polarized positions on the . Generally, the left wing "harbours the notion that the people are trapped by oppressive, dehurnanizing institutions of capitalist society, and plans to 'liberatet these people by making them aware of their irnpoverished existence" (McCloskey and Chong, 1985:340). In contrast, whereas the left wing calls for liberation, the right wing calls for "control, self-abnegation and the reversal of decadent trends." In this study, 1 will focus on the right wing.

Barrett (1987:9, 10) divides the right wing into two parts: fringe and radical. The fringe right refers to "people who share the view that the Tory party is controlled by socialists posing as conservatives, who oppose Third World immigration, foreign aid, homosexuals' rights, and the changing sexual norms of society, but who at the same time do not condone violence and reject al1 accusations that they are Fascists, racists, and anti- Semites." In contraçt, Barrett defines the radical right as

"those individuals who define themselves as racists, Fascists, and anti-Semites, and who are prepared to use violence to realize their objectives." Despite the conceptual distinction between the two concepts, it should be realized that throughout the process of conducting fieldwork for this project, it became clear that many right wing groups adopt public positions which conceptually fall into the fringe right category, usually prornoting pro-white rights or pro-European heritage in an effort to appeal to a wider audience, but whose true beliefs and intentions are far less benign. Theoretically, the far right and the far left represent opposite poles on the familiar left-right political continuum.

Yet when we move beyond the substance of their specific goals and desires, a nebulous distinction between these two seemingly opposed positions emerges. The far right differs from mainstream conservatism in the sense that they seek an overhaul of the existing social order, rather than to work within it. Whereas the far feft seeks liberation and a transformation of society desiring egalitarianism, the far right desires to return to a time in history that they perceive as easier, when pxivilege and stratification prevailed which was based largely on skin color and/or race. Indeed, as we will see the differences in the approaches taken by the far left Anti-Racist-Action group and far right Heritage Front are minimal. Theoretical Framework

Before 1 present my arguments for the study, 1 will cfarify my theoretical position on racism. Several scholars (van den

Berghe, 1967, 1981; Banton, 1967; Rex, 1970, 1986) have made significant contributions to the study of race and/or ethnic relations, but it is my intention here to outiine only those approaches that fa11 within a Marxist framework. In doing so, I will begin by outlining the radical and colonial Marxist appxoaches, followed by a third Marxist approach that 1 will incorporate into this study: the sophisticated Marxist approach.

Radical Marxist-oriented writers such as Cox (1948) argue that racism is an ideological mechanism which serves to reinforce class stratification between the [white] bourgeois and the

[black] proletariat. Cox identified the rise of capitalism as the oeginning of racial antagonism and suggested chat race is epiphenomenal to class, serving as a justification for class stratification and [white] bourgeois privilege. Identifying the origin of race prejudice and modern race relations as 1492-3, Cox argued that racism originated from the need to exploit slave labor. As Cox (1948:349) writes in 2 footnote, "race prejudice is not simply a dislike f~rthe physical appearance or the attitudes of one person by another; it rests basically upon a calculated and concerted determination of a white ruling class to keep some people or peoples of color and theFr resources exploitable." Therefore, Cox sees race prejudice as a systematic justification for, and the proletarization of, subjugated black iabor. In order to maintain this systern of exploitation, Cox sugqests, racism serves to obscure class consciousness and divide

the white and black proletariat, in addition to producing a false

sense of [working] class consciousness, which explains why xhite

workers, and not just the white bourgeois, are racialists. One

of the fundamental errors of this approach is the assurnption ïnat race is epiphenomenal to class. Inherent in Cox's approach is

the assumption that if the class system wâs to be eradicated

racism would disappear, because to Cox race ana racism are sirnply

rnechanisms to justify class stratification and white-bourgeois

privilege, not independent or autonomous social dimensions.

Writers such as Prager (1972) have moved beyond the râdical

variant of Marxism offered by Cox and recognized the relative

autonomous nature of racism. In his colonial model, Praqer

argued that racism Setween blâcks and xhites in Arnerica has become institutionalized and ernbedded into the very fabric of

society and thus should not be seen simply as a mechanisrn to

justify capitalist exploitation, but rather as a somewhat

autonomous social dimension. As Prager (1972 : 132) wrices :

Unlike the radical theory which views racism as a tool or mechanism to perpetuate the domination and exploitation of ~he ruling class, the colonial theory sees racism both as a central component to the maintenance of privilege and a rational ideological response to the realities of the colonial system.

Prager rejects the radical Marxist interpretation of racism as emerging from colonialism, while accepting the basic tenets of

the radical Marxist model and suggests that an institutional form

of racism exists which may even pre-date colonialism. But he suggests that, in addition to being a colonial society, America is an advanced industrial society. To understand patterns of capitalist exploitation, then, colonialisrn must be seen as interrelated to capitalist exploitation. At the kart of

Prager's theory is the assumption that white privilege is rnaintained by colonial relations, and as such, this is where he fails. Prager runs into the same problem as Cox, simply substituting colonialism with capitalism.

As we have seen, both Cox and Prager conceptualized race relations in terms of black/white economic competition. Prager correctly moved beyond the radical position presented by Cox which equates racism to a secondary dimension of the ruling class's subordination of the working class, but he failed to escape the economic deterrninism that saturates the radical approach. Recent writers such as Ng (1991) have argued that race is not epiphenomenal to class, but rather that it is an interdependent analytic category with other social indicators, notably gender and class. Although Ng identifies the relative autonomy of race, and she correctly argues that the meaning of race (and ethnicity) is constantly changing, she fails to demonstrate how this change occurs, and in essence how racism is reproduced. 1 now introduce a third variety of Marxist theory, the sophisticated Marxist approach (Spoonley, Macpherson, Pearson and Sedgwick, 1984), which has successfully dealt with Ngts shortcomings. Whereas the radical Marxists argue that the ruling class pursues cheap labor through the proletarization of the coloured population, the sophisticated Marxists have persuasively argued that in today's postmodern world, characterized by transnational business and international investment, transnational capital seeks profitability and cheap labor on a global scale (Spoonley,

Macpherson, Pearson and Sedgwick, 1984). Since World War II, the process of capital accumulation has been restructured and continually modified on an international scale. This phenomenon has led to uneven economic development and uneven levels of labor migration, resulting in the creation of an international division of labor.

Given the globalizing nature of business and investment, migrant labor patterns intensified to satisfy a growing demand for manual, unskilled and relatively inexpensive labor in the international mode of production. However, given the changing nature of the labor market, conventional models of race relations are inadequate to deal with todayrs migrant labor patterns and international population movements. As Pearson (1984) suggests, we need a mode1 of intergroup relations which acknowledges the social and cultural diversity of the present-day international labor force, while simultaneously accounting for the race issue.

In an irnpressive attempt to accomplish this goal, Miles (1984) draws attention to the political and ideological dimensions of labor migration.12 International capitalism, Miles suggests, l2 Miles (1984) argues that there can never be a theory of race relations, but only reactions to individual instances of racial situations. His reasoning for this is that because race and racism are concepts used by scientific researchers and by the lay population, and because scientific researchers can neither agree nor adequately define what each concept rneans, there cm never be a theory of race relations. Further. Miles's argument for the illusive nature of racism is somewhat more sophisticated than Ng's (199 1) argument to treat race, class and gender as interdependent sociaI indicators and to treat racism as an ever-changing social phenomenon. Although 1 accept Ng's argument, she fails to demonstrate how racism is constantly brings different groups of people into direct and indirect contact at increasing rates, and their differences are explained within ideological relations. In fact, Miles contends that migrant labor occupies a central position in the reproduction of racism in capitalist societies.

There exists an intimate relationship between labor migration and the capitalist mode of production. As the latter advanced in technological and industrial efficiency, the former mobilized and has taken on an international character. But what are the social ramifications of such a mobile reserve arrny of labor? It will be remembered that Cox suqgested that an antagonism exists within the [white and black] working class.

Under the sophisticated Marxist approach this contention holds true. With high levels of migrant labor, demands for housing, food, healthcare and other resources increase. But there exists an inverse relationship between levels of manual migrant labor and available resources. Responding to this phenamenon, there has been a tendency for countries to reclassify migrafit laborers as "guests" of their host country. Nonetheless, when the guests occupy positions in the labor force while a significant degree of the indigenous population is unemployed (regardless of the desirability of those positions) or under-employed, and while they consume resources which are, or are perceived to ber in short supply, racist and xenophobic ideology mobilizes in the form of a convenient scapegoat. Further, the reaction of a host changing, and simply refers to eastem Canadian history, citing a few examples of historic racism. Therefore, 1 favor Miles's sophisticated Marxist approach which adequately deals with the illusive nature of racism, and demonstrates how racism changes over time and space. population who perceives themselves as disadvantaged is only intensified when the migrant laborers come from a less developed

country (Gibson, 1983). The whole process is intensified when

the "guests" do not leave.

1 will incorporate Miles's variant of the sophisticated

Marxist approach into this stuuy, but 1 will modify Miles's approach to a certain extent. Recently, Miles and Satzewich

(1990) have focused their attention on highly-skilled migrants and the State's role in the reproduction of racism. Current

immigration trends in Canada suggest that immigrants with a significant amount of net-worth have been given top priority for admittance to the country. It is my argument, presented fully in chapter 7, that the State's preference for highly-skilled

immigrants in-part contributes to the reproduction of racism, because the indigenous population sees non-white immigrants

holding jobs and assets in times of economic hardship and significant levels of unemployment . As the presence of successful foreigners in the market place increases, resentment among the indigenous population intensifies.

Arguments

It is one of the fundamental assumptions of this study that

the organized right wing cannot be separated £rom the society in which it exists. To understand both the phenomenon of racism and

the right wing we must look to the broader social context which perpetuates al1 forms of social inequality. To do this I will address two research questions. First, what are the beliefs and goals of the organizations found on the Freedorn-Site? Within the last two years, the Canadian right wing has done two things: it has simultaneously become more and less visible in the public eye. Groups falling to the political right nave become more outspoken by utilizing the internet as a prirnary means for advertising and recruitment; yet they have become less outspoken by adopting new covers (or labels) for their organizations such as "special interest groups for white people."13 In addition, groups which have in the past been classified as the radical or ultra right wing are appearing on the internet with groups which have historically been seen as far less extreme. This approach has been adopted by the right wing because by presenting a more extreme view than established conservative parties, but refraining from extreme expressions of hatred, many [white]

Canadians find their messages appealing in changing social sna economic times.

The second question: what is the relationship between ~he right wing, wider society and the internet? In order io answer this question, three explanations are warranted. First, it wili be necessary to explain racisrn from a theoretical point of view.

Second, 1 will illustrate how a theoretical explanation for racism relates to the right wing. And third, 1 will show how the internet facilitates not only contact between right wing groups around the world, but the possibility of an indirect support for

l3 This is by no means the approach taken by al1 right wing goups. Indeed, several are still taking the direct, overt approach espousing hatred against biacks, Jews and third world immigrants. the right wing by people who are not affiliated with these groups . Racism can be divided into three components: racial

prejudice, racial discrimination and racial ideology, signifying

racial attitudes, racial behaviors and a form of

institutionalized racism, respectively. The latter offers the most explanatory promise. San Juan (1992:76) defines racial

ideology as "the deterministic description of real or supposedly

negative characteristics to a particular group whose social

significance implies differential exclusion in the realrn of

politics, economy and other areas of public life." Further,

Patel (1980) identifies three categories of sociological approaches to racism: deviant-individual, social-forces and

institutional-structural. The first refers to isolated or random

incidents of racism such as swastikas being painted on a

synagogue or random attacks on immigrants. The second includes

such incidents that fa11 under the deviant-individual type, Dut that are the result of changes in the social environment such as

rising unemployment levels. It is the assumption of the first two types that overt expressions of racism are temporary. The third type offers a much broader perspective. Institutional- structural racism suggests that racist acts are neither isolated incidents nor are they reactions to social change, but rather an integral part of the social fabric. Nonetheless, it may be reasonably argued that the third perspective encompasses the first two and the importance of this cornbined approach must not be underestimated. Arguing within the confines of the institutional-structural type, Barrett (1984c, 1987) suggests that not only does a pervasive structural racism permeate Canadian society, perpetuating itself through social institutions such as immigration, employment, education, media, the police and the

State, but that the organized right wing is a manifestation of this larger, more widely distributed racism. This approach is certainly intriguing and by all means accurate, but Barrett fails to show how racism adapts when confronted with social change (and how the right wing takes advantage of a changing social environment). Although he recognizes that racisrn Fs reproduced over time and space (1984~;1987:341-2), and he recoqnizes the political and ideological dimensions of racism, he fails to explain how racism adapts, and perhaps even grows stronger, in the face of a changing social climatc.

If we are to accept the argument that the program set out by the right wing is not incompatible with the beliefs and values of wider society, certainly there musE be something that keeps people from openly embracing right wing politics in Canada.

Henry and Tator (1994) offer the explanation of "dernocratic racism," suggesting that Canadians are caught between democratic principles on the one hand, and racist beliefs on the other.

These sets of values consist of a commitment to egalitarianism, fairness and equality that conflicts with negative feelings held against people of colour which carry with them the potential for discrimination and differential treatment. But Henry and Tator fail to explain why people do not openly embrace racist sentiments and what actually reinforces democratic racism in

Canada. Therefore, 1 suggest that there exists a social conditioning process whereby people are so afraid of being labeled a racist or bigot that they refrain from overt expressions of racism. Certainly, rnany of the members of the right wing believe that the only reason people do not openly embrace their organization is because of a fear of losing their jobs, families and/or friends. But why would being labeled a racist be so repelling if, as Henry and Tator suggest, most people harbour racist feelings? The answer to this question falls within the parameters of a Marxist-oriented framework which suggests that racism reinforces differential power and [white] privilege and 1 will present a Canadian example in chapter 7, as well as several European examples in chapter 8.

Accepting Barrett's argument that a form of institutionalized racism is compatible xïth the right wing, I will attempt to illustrate how racism is reproduced over time and space. My argument, which comes together in chapter 7 and 8, is that the global nature of international business and investment has changed the character of international population rnovements.

In Canada, there has in recent times been an increased preference to favor immigrants with a certain amount of net-worth in an effort to stimulate the economy and the job market. With an increasing amount of non-white foreigners coming to Canada, many of whom are achieving a relatively high degree of success, I will argue that resentment among the general population builds, and this resentment is only confounded by the presence of refugees and asylum seekers (see chapter 8). With an increase in the level of intolerance in wider society, there exists a greater danger of a more widespread support for the right wing.

Given the argument that Canadian society is not immune from the beliefs and goals of the right wing, we can now address the implicâtl-ons of a right wing presence on the internet. As 1 will argue throughout the study, several right wing groups are rnaking a concerted effort to present an image on the internet which appeals to the general public. Slogans such as pro-white and

Euro-Canadian heritage have increasingly been substituted for negative sentiments directed at blacks and Jews. However, 1 will demonstrate that regardless of these efforts, the groüps are far less benign. Yet if we are to accept the argument of Henry and

Tator which suggests that people are caught between a democratic and a racist set of values, and if we further accept rny suggestion that people do not openly embrace right wing ideology

~GTfear of social reprisal, we must question what would happen if that social inhibitor was removed. The internet provides a medium, it will be argued, whereby people can stay in-touch with the right wing without becoming openly and dixectly involved.

(see chapter 9)

To summarize, there are three arguments, al1 interrelated, for this project. First, I will argue that it is inadequate to simply assume that a form of institutionalized racism perpetuates itself because this conceptualization does not account fox the changing nature of racism. By assuming that certain institutions perpetuate racism on their own is to assume that racism is a static social dimension that does not take on different forms over time. Conversely, 1 will argue that the nature of racism is illusive and ever-changing, and as such, 1 will offer an explanation for current social trends perpetuating racist ideology. Second, 1 will argue that the right wing adapts to social trends (exemplified by the internet) in an attempt to appeal to a widnr audience. By playing on the insecurities that many white people feel in troubled times, coupled with an increased presence of foreigners in the country, the appeal of the messages presented by the right wing is increased. And third, 1 will argue that the internet is one way that people can stay in-touch and indirectly support the right wing without openly becoming involved.

Methodology

In one of the first interviews that I conducted for this project, 1 was asked why on earth would 1 want to study racist organizations when there is so much opportunity for other areas of investigation? Interestingly, throughout the duration of the project 1 made numerous efforts, to varying degrees of success, to answer this question. Over a period of approximately four months 1 sat through several interviews listening to how al1 immigrants are criminals, that the white race is being systematically exterminated and that the Holocaust is a lie.

Further, 1 spent another two months continually reading literature which argued that blacks are inferior to al1 other races, Jews are conspiring to take over the world and that al1 homosexuals spread AIDS. As the study progressed, 1 drifted

further away from finding an answer to this question.

The study began as an investigation of the racist

subculture/counterculture in Ontario. Very little research has

been conducted on Skinheads, and of the literature which does

exist, most of it is concerned with Arnerican Skinhead groups. As

such, the first three interviews 1 conducted were with teenagers

identifying themselves as [racist] Skinheads in Hamilton,

Ontario. However, in the course of speaking with these

individuals it was my impression that their association to

Skinheadism was a transitional teenage flirtation, rather than a

serious cornmitment to right wing politics. The information I was

able to collect in these interviews was superficial and the

future of a Skinhead-focused project looked dismal.

From this point 1 decided to undertake an investigation of

right wing activity on the internet. Nurnerous right wing groups were promoting their beliefs electronically, and my project seemed not only original, but absolutely necessary in order to achieve an acceptable degree of understanding of Canada's right wing today. In surveying the material on the internet, 1 discovered a right wing Web site being run out of Toronto: the

Freedom-Site. Outside of several newspaper articles, research on the Freedom-Site in particular, and on the right wing presence on the internet in general, was scarce.

The decision to investigate the Freedom-Site presented two initial problems. First, was the project feasible? At this time, there was not an abundance of information being presented on the Freedom-Site, certainly not enough to complete a comprehensive study. This, in part, led to the second problem:

How is an internet Web site investigated? An initial E-mail correspondence with the Webmaster of the Freedom-Site made it clear that interviews with the leaders or directors of the organizations would be necessary. Information gathered £rom interviews, coupled with material presented on the internet, as well as further information that 1 could manage to collect from members and secondary sources, seemed sufficient to proceed.

An investigation of the Freedom-Site was undertaken from late 1996 to the summer of 1997. Given the fact that the

Freedom-Site is the most comprehensive right wing Web site on the internet and that it is the most sophisticated right wing Web

Site being run out of ~ntario,~~it may not Se entirely representative of the diversity of right wing groups which use the internet in particular, and of right wing groups in general.15

However, as I will clearly show throughout the study, the connections maintained with the internet on a national and international scale are incredibly significant.

The information revealed in this study is derived from several sources. These sources included Web pages on the

Freedom-Site, as well as other material on the internet, government publications, Canadian Security Intelligence Service and Security Intelligence Review Comrnittee reports, interviews

I4 Some readen might argue that the Zundel-Site is more sophisticated than the Freedom-Site, but the Freedom-Site is continualIy upgrading at a rate at least twice as fast as the Zundel-Site. Second, the Zundel- Site, despite baring Ernst Zundel's name, is not run out of Ontario. I5 Although a significant number of Canadian right wing groups are now on the intemet, several have still not appeared on the internet. The Nationalist Party of Canada, for example, is not on-line. with leaders and members of right wing organizations, as well as other relevant individuals associated in some respect to the right wing, existing literature, in-house publications and several newspaper articles. Of the many sources of information, three proved most useful: Web pages on the Freedom-Site, in-house publications (collected on-line and off-line) and interviews.

First, the individual Web sites of the six organizations on the

Freedom-Site comprised a primary focus for this project. These

Web pages contain numerous text files, as well as links to other relevant material. Further, I have managed to acquire a complete collection of the Canadian Patriots Network mailing list for the past 10 rnonths, in addition to several past radio programs on

Radio Freedom (See chapter 3) .

Second, 1 have acquired a complete collection of The

Heritage Front Report for the first half of 1997, as well as a11 issues of its predecessor, Up Front. Further, 1 have a one-year collection of The Free Speech Monitor published by the Canadian

Association for Free Expression, the C-FAR Newsletter published by Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform and a larger, but not sequential, collection of the Canadian Free Speech League's

Friends of Freedom newsletter. Arguably, in-house publications provided the most useful source of information for this study.

Third, to supplement the information revealed on the

Freedom-Site or in the organizations' publications, 23 interviews were conducted with 18 people, 15 of which were either leaders or members of Canada's right wing. Generally, an effort was made to contact top-end mernbers and/or leaders of the groups. Of the interviews, 19 were conducted as unstructured, face-to-face interviews. Prior to any interview, 1 would memorize a list of questions 1 desired answers to, but often the most valuable information 1 acquired was derived by letting the interviewee guide the interaction. 1 took minimal notes during interviews, and 1 did not use a tape recorder. Following each interview, 1 would relate my findings into a tape recorder and later make notes. And in addition to face-to-face interviews, four interviews were conducted using E-mail, to compensate for geographical distances.

Although interviews were a valuable sources of information, there was a barrier which at least moderately inhibited their usefulness: my age. Of al1 the people interviewed for this project, only 3 were born in the same decade that 1 was. In fact, many of the right wing members that 1 interviewed were comrnitted to the movement before I was alive. This presented both an advantage and a disadvantage. Given the large age gaps, it worked to rny advantage because many members were automatically placed in a dominant social position which they seerned to like.

Nurnerous individuals saw me as a young kid trying to complete a class project for school. In fact, one man 1 met found it to be incredibly amusing that a "kid" like myself was interested in the right wing, as he believed tnat as 1 age and learn what it is like to live in "the real world," 1 will corne to appreciate his views and probably desire a position in the organization that he is affiliated with. In contrast, the age gap was a disadvantage because it lost me a certain degree of respect. Several of the more extreme members felt that given my limited life experiences, and considering that I had been indoctrinated by a liberal education for several years, 1 could not possibly understand their worldview. Further, 1 neither held a Ph.D. nor did I have any previous research experience which only made matters worse.

Nonetheless, when an interview appeared to ~e heading in a negative direction, by taking an inquisitive role, more often than not things could be salvaged. Yet this is not to suggest that al1 members cared one way or the other about any of my persona1 characteristics On more than one occasion I met with individuals who were just happy to have someone interested in their activities.

Field research for this project began in early 1997.

Following a period of procrastination, and following a few E-mail correspondences, in an effort to test the feasibility of the project 1 contacted a spokesperson for the Heritage Front which resulted in my first interview. The following interview put me face-to-face with one of the most notorious figures in the far right network and this interview set the course for the project. Interviews over the next three months were taken at random, relying predominately on referrals from interviewees. 1 began interviewing in January, 1997 and withdrew in May, 1997.16

l6 Most interviews were conducted in January and February, and interviews stopped almost entirely from mid-March to mid-April. Before I proceed to examining the Freedom-Site, 1 will set the project in its proper context by reviewing the history of right wing activity in Canada. Following this, we will be prepared to examine the latest groups and individuals of the

Canadian right wing. 2 TEE HISTORY OF THE CANADIAN RIGHT WXNG

Organized riqht wing tctivity has existed in Canada, albeit in varying degrees of severity and extremity, since the appearance of the (KKK) in the early twentieth century. Numerous groups and leaders have emerged, and often reernerged, promoting everything from nationalism to virulent anti-Semitism. The Ku Klux Klan originated in the United States in the mid-1800s, and since the 1920s has surfaced several times, and in several forms, in Canada. Fascist movements dominated the

Canadian far right in the 1930s, exemplified, but not characterized, by Adrian Arcand's National Social Christian

Party. In the post-World War II era, right wing movements remained relatively dormant, but the 1960s marked the beginning of a revived force of organized right wing activity in the country. With the introduction of the and the Edmund Burke Society in the latter half of the 1960s, the stage was set for an explosion of far right groups in the 1970s and 1980s.

In this chapter 1 will outline the history of the Canadian right wing. Reference to the American far right will be made periodically, as no understanding of the Canadian right wing is complete without reference to activity in the United States- especially the KKK in the pre and post-W.W.11 period. Two things must be noted. First, this review of organized racism, although comprehensive, is by no means exhaustive. 1 have selected, at my own discretion, certain groups and individuals that 1 feel best illustrate the history of the Canadian right wing (which includes

American racist groups and individuals). Second, the sequence of right wing activity provided here is for the rnost part chronologically arranged. For example, organizations such as the

KKK appear in more than one section. Further, although certain years and decades are identified as high points for various groups and individuals, it should be clear that these dates sirnply serve as an organizational aid; they do not represent definitive dates signifying the origin and disappearance of various right wing groups.

Canadian Ku Klux Klan: Phase 1

When the Ku Klux Klan was created in 1865, appàrently as a social club for six ex-confederate soldiersl, it consisted of loosely organized bands of white Christians sporadically terrorizing southern citizens. Following the Arnerican Civil War, the southern United States were characterized by a depressed economy, widespread poverty, an influx of prosperous northerners and the Union's Reconstruction Program. Among other things,

Reconstruction in the South introduced new civil rights for blacks, brought a reduction in [official] slavery and presented an abrupt challenge to the status quo and the privileges previously afforded to white skin. At this tirne, the KKK was a self-perceived moral force, working to uphold law and order

(Barrett, 1987: 120) . However, as the KKK' s rnembership numbers

Althougfi most accounts of the origin of the Ku Klux Klan tend to agree that the organization began as a social club, theories have been put forth ranging fiom a social club to a secret order of Chinese Opium smuggIers. grew from through and response the new changes introduced the social and political clirnate the South, the

KKK assumed undeniable anti-black targeting black southerners and white sympathizers blacks ' civil rights. the end the first phase Reconstruction was nearly complete. this many leaders the pro-Slavery Southern Democratic Party) in the eleven former rebel States had been returned to political office. In response

the social transformations initiated Reconstruction, SO- called Codes were introduced the South, characterized restrictions blacks ' right vote, hold office, testify court against whites and assemble without [white official] permission (Connecticut Education Association, 1981). Reacting to the Black Codes, Washington refused to seat southern Senators and representatives in Congress and the Senate in the latter days of 1865. Further, the return to systemic inequality in the

South provided the ammunition needed for the Radical Republicans

the North achieve overwhelming victory the

Congressional elections of 1866 (Turner, Stanton, Vahala and

Williams, 1982). This, in turn, resulted in Congress passing the

Reconstruction Acts of 1867, rnaking Black Codes illegal, abolishing the ex-Confederate state governments and dividing ten of the eleven former rebel Stâtes into five military dist~icts.~

Southern reaction to the Reconstruction Acts, among other things, led to the National Convention of the Ku Klux Klan, held

It seems more plausible that the Radical Republicans sought to destroy the southern Aristocncy. rather than to emancip& southern blacks. in Nashville in 1867. It was at this tirne that Colonel Nathan

Bedford Forrest was named Grand Wizard of what came to be known

as the Invisible Empire of the Ku Klux Klan. The KKK of 1867 uas

a highly political organization, employing violent means CO reach

their political goals and influence local politicians (Robin,

1992). In addition to their dealings in political affairs, from

1867 to 1869 the KKK was implicated in lynchlngs, kiilings,

kidnappings, robberies, arsons and numerous instances of the

pernicious act of "'car and feathering."

By 1869 the KKK had run its course in :ho South. As Robin

(1992: 5) writes of the KKK:

Its very success in "normalizing" the South; the inabilicy of the Wizards and Dragons to control the anarchic forays of individual dens; the growth of an opinion opposed CO its increasingly random violence; and the mass arrests, confessions and convictions following the imposition of martial law resuited in its virtual disappearance by 1872.

It was in 1869 that Grand Wizard Forrest, apparently convinced

that the KKK had realized its goals, ordered the destruction of

the KKK's records and the formal dissolution of cné Invisible

~m~ire.~Coinciding with its official dissolution, zhe KKK was coming under increasing attacked by Co~gress. Martial Law had been imposed in many southern States, and in 1871 Congress had passed an anti-Klan law removing the jurisdiction of southerners over crimes concerning assault, robbery and murder, and

It is more plausible that Forrest ordered the Klan disbanded to avoid persona1 liability for the KKK's lawlessness, due in part to Congress' pressure. raiher than because he was satisfied with what the organization had accomplished in its shon existence. forbidding night-riding and the wearing of rna~ks.~The KKK of the Reconstruction years had fallen out of sight by 1869 . Monetheless, although the KKK had disbanded, bigotry and

prejudice remained in the mind of many people?

The Ku Klux Klan remained out of the public eye, but not

necessarily out of existence, until 1915. During the early

1900s, large numbers of immigrants from Asia and central and

southern Europe came to North America in a time of economic

recession. Faced with a new threat to the status quo, Colonel

William Joseph sirnmons6 led a revival of the KKK in the United

States with the assistance of Edward Young Clarke and Elizabeth Tyler.' However, unlike the Klan of the Reconstruction years, which was primarily anti-black, the KKK of the 1900s expanded Lts

scope to include anti-Jewish, anti-Catholic, anti-organized

labor, anti-Comrnunist and xenophobic attitudes (Sher, 1983; Barrett, 1987; Robin, 1992) . Throughout the 1920s, Blee (1991) contends that the American Klan managed to recruit three to six million American citizens8 and (1983), writing on his personal experiences in the KKK in the late 1960s and 1970s,

The sarne law was added to the Criminal Code of Canada. forbidding night ridding and the wearing of masks, in 1926. j It is doubtful that the various Klan dens took Forrest8sorders too seriously. Beam (1983) argued that many dens remained a significant force aRer the 1867 convention and throughout the remainder of the nineteenth century. Sirnmons derived his distinction of Colonel, not fiom the rnilitary, but from his service as the regimental commander of the "wood men of the world" (Robin. 1992). He was an Alabama farmer and Robin (1992:6) suggest that he made an uncertain living as a doctor. Caldenvood (1968) contends chat he may have been inspired to revive the Klan by D.W. Griffidi's movie "The Birth of a Nation" based on the writings of Thomas Dixon. Clarke and Tylor were publicists with no history of mcist activity who joined forces with Sirnmons to gain financially from the Klan. At this time, Blee (1987) illustrates that there existed a significant Women of the Ku Klux Klan rnovement in the United States. contends that there were nine million members under Imperia1

Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans's leadership in 1927. In addition to

the new raison d' entrée of the KKK, the Klan of the early 1900s

differed in two important ways. It not only spanned beyond the

American South and across the United States, but it also made its

way into Canada.

First surfacing in Canada in 1921 under the guidance of J.J.

Maloney, the KKK appeared in Montreal promoting the same ideology

as Sirnrnons's (and Evans's) Arnerican-based Klan. The KKK in

Quebec declared that it was not anti-Negro, anti-Catholic nor

anti-French, but rather employed the rhetoric that it stood for a

Canada for Canadians [white Protestant] and Anglo-saxons for

Anglo-Saxonism (Henson, 1977). Due to the fact that 80% of

Quebec's population was Catholic (Robin, 1992: Il), however, the

Klan soon moved to other parts of the country. Toronto, home to an established Orange orderIo, was more receptive to the KKK1s program. By 1925, R.C. Cowan had emerged in Toronto as President of the Klan, J.H. ~awkinsllas Vice President and C.L. Fowler as

Secretary. Both the Invisible Empire of the Knights of the Ku

Klux Klan of the Dominion of Canada (Also known as the Invisible

Empire of the Ku Klux Klan of Kanada) and the Hidden Knights of the Midnight Sun of the Dominion of Canada (a cornpanion group) had applied for incorporation by 1925. The KKK enjoyed moderate

Evans replaced Simmons in 1922 as Grand Wizard. Io Orangeisrn had existed in Canada at least as far back as 1833, and some evidence exists which suggests that it dates back to 1812. The Orangemen were Protestants which stood for one-language and one-schooi system. Among their ranks was John A. Macdonald (Saunders, 194 1 ). Hawkins resigned six months later only to try to set up, unsuccessfully. another branch of the KKK in Ontario. success in Ontario, but due in part to large numbers of European immigrants taking root in western Canada, the KKK received a greater welcoming in the West. The Ku Klux Klan spread across

Canada under the guidance of Fowler, Hawkins and Cowan throughout the 1920s, arriving first in British Columbia in 1922, followed by Manitoba, and Saskatchewan.

On November 17, 1922 the KKK surfaced in British Columbia with a small newspaper advertisement (Sher, 1983). Yet it was not until 1924 that the KKK took hold, and by 1925 Luther Ivan

~owelll~had ernerged as Imperia1 Klazik (organizer) of the

Canadian Knights of the Ku Klux Klan of the Realm of British

Columbia. Yet the initial arriva1 of the Klan did not appeal to the [white] citizens of British Columbia with its anti-French and anti-Catholic platform. However, when the KKK began to preach anti-Orientalism, focusing on Chinese and Japanese immigrants, popularity for the KKK grew among British Columbia's white residents.

Approximately 15 000 Chinese immigrants were admitted to western Canada in the latter half of the 1800s (Sher, 1983333).

The reason? Oriental immigration provided a large, cheap source of labor for the construction of the transcontinental railway.

However, with the completion of the railway, government support for Oriental immigration declined, despite the Eact that many

Chinese immigrants continued to occupy undesirable (to whites) occupational positions with mining companies. And British

-- - 12 Powell was a member of the Pacific Nortfiwest Ku Klux Klan in the United States who came to Canada fiom Louisiana. Columbia's government not only adopted an anti-Oriental

immigration policies13, but they also turned against current

Oriental residents. Official anti-Oriental policies continued to

be implemented in British Columbia throughout the early 1920s,

and from 1924 to 1930 only three Chinese immigrants entered the

country (Sher, 1983: 34) . Perhaps the government ' s anti-Oriental position can best be explained by the ensuinq econornic crisis and

high levels of unemployment which characterized the 1920s; Dy

fostering anti-Oriental sediment, attention was diverted away

from the government and on to a convenient scapegoat. As anti-

Oriental attitudes increased in British Columbia, the KKK was quick to nurture these sediments.l4 The Klan spread from British Columbia, arriving in Alberta

in 1923 (Henson, 1977) under the direction of J.J. Maloney.15

Whereas the Klan in British Columbia was prirnarily anti-Oriental, the Alberta KKK centered on anti-Catholicism and anti-European

immigration. In Alberta, central and eastern European immigration provided a source of cheap labor for railway companies (similar to Oriental immigration in British Columbia), in addition to the mining and lumber industry, performing the work other [white] Canadians were not willing to do. With the depression of 1929, however, European immigrants were no longer

13 For example, the Chinese Immigration Acts of 1885 placed a $50.00 head-ta on each Chinese citizen which was increased to S500.00 in 1903. Fwther, in 1901 the Victoria school board instituted a segregated school system, dividing white and Chinese students. l4Calderwood (1968) illustrates the KKK put a significant amount of pressure on the government to curtail Oriental rights, and in 1927 city council approved a parade comrnemorating the Ku Klux Klan. I5 Maloney published an antiCatholic weekly called "The Liberator." Caldenvood (1 968) illustrates that afier the Alberta KIan died out he appeared in Manitoba in 1930 and in in 193 1 promoting the Klan. needed and government, the business community, the KKK and the Orange Order adopted anti-European and anti-immigrant attitudes.

As Sher (1983: 42) writes:

Playing on the insecurity many Albertans felt in troubled times, the Klan-like its modern day descendants- sought to blame the immigrant population for every imaginable problem.

By 1930 support for the Ku Klux Klan in Alberta was losing momenturn.16 And although the KKK had realized a modest level of success in Alberta and British Columbia, its greatest strength and support was achieved in Saskatchewan. The Ku Klux Klan arrived in Regina in 1926. Peculiarly, little research exists on the Saskatchewan Klan, despite its high degree of success in that province. Whereas anti-French and anti-Catholic sentiments were not well received in the Ku Klux

Klan movement in British Columbia, these issues are what fueled the Klan in Saskatchewan (Calderwood, 1968; Kyba, 1968) . Brought to Saskatchewan by C.L. Fowler and experienced Indiana Klan organizers Lewis and Harold Scott, the Ku Klux Klan of Kanada movement was underway in Saskatchewan by the end of 1926.

Further, Hugh Finely ~rnrnonsl~was recruited by Lewis Scott to help organize the Saskatchewan movement. By the beginning of 1927, full recruitment for the KKK was underway in Regina. Mail propaganda campaigns and public meetings drew thousands of Saskatchewan's citizens to the Klan. l6 After the KKK of 1923 died out, a KIm faction called the Hooded ffiights of the Fiery Cross briefly emerged in 1929. l7 Harold Scott and Emmons were fellow Klansrnen in a KKK faction led by D.C. Stephenson in Indiana. Stephenson's KKK dissohed when he was sent to prison. Propelled primarily by anti-French and anti-Catholic issues

concerning schools, the KKK also took an anti-immigration stand

and joined the debate over the control of Saskatchewan's natural

resources, adding the new elements of race, religion and languaqe (Calderwood, 1968, 1973) . Robin (1992) contends that there were 25 000 members in Saskatchewan's KKK movement in the latter half

of the 1920s, and Henson (1977) offers a figure of 40 000

members. Regardless of the actual membership number, however,

Saskatchewan's KKK thrived well into 1927 until Lewis Scott,

Harold Scott and Hugh Emmons disappeared £rom Saskatchewan along

with a large sum of Klan membership revenues .18 This, however,

did not result in the dissolution of the KKK. Soon arriving in

Saskatchewan to revive the Canadian Klan was Ontario Klansmen,

J.H. Hawkins. It was at this time that the revived KKK declared

autonomy £rom other Canadian and American Klans. Whereas there

existed 61 local Klans in the Scotts/Emmons era, Calderwood

(1968:82) illustrates, within a year of Hawkins's arrival, this

nurnber had increased to 109. However, Hawkins was not the only

Klan organizer in Saskatchewan after Emmons and the Scotts left

town.

In 1926, J. J. Maloney, after his Klan activities failed in

Ontario, showed up in Saskatchewan, one and a half years prior to

Hawkins's arrival. Whereas Hawkins preached anti-black, anti-

Jewish and anti-Orientalism, Maloney centered his efforts on anti-Catholicism. Despite these qualitative differences,

l8 Calderwood (1975) suggests that they made off with a sum in excess of $100 000, a figure initially stated by Liberal Premier James Gardiner (Hensen, 1977); Robin (1 992) contends that the amount was between $160 000 and $500 000, a declaration originally made by Emrnons (Hensen, 1977). however, both Klans were anti-Liberal and amassed impressive support from the Saskatchewan citizenry. "As the Provincial election of 1929 approached," Calderwood (1968:101) writes, "the speeches of Klan organizers became increasingly political, and entirely anti-Liberal." On January 28, 1928 James Garfield

Gardiner, the Liberal leader in Saskatchewan, began an attack against the KKK in the Legislature, claiming that the organization was full of money nungry Americans, that they left a trial of lawlessness everywhere they went, that they stirred up prejudice and hatred and that they were un-British (Calderwood,

1968. ) . Gardiner was one of the most vocal advocates in support of eradicating of the KKK, and this proved to be his greatest political mistake 19

By mid-1928, the KKK had made it clear that it was against the Liberal Party, largely because it opposed Liberal support of the Catholic separate school board and the use of Roman Catholic textbooks in public schools .20 In fact, the KKK played a central role in debunking the Liberal Party in the election of 1929, breaking the 24-year Liberal government's Provincial hold on power (Sher, 1983) . In conjunction with the Orange ~od~e~l,the

KKK went on a massive propaganda drive in 1928 which attacked

Gardiner's government for allowing too many immigrants to assume residency in Canada, polluting the public schools with

- -- l9 Interestingly, Calderwood (1975) illustrates that the KKK had several Liberal, as well as Conservative, supporters. 20 Caldewood (1968) illustrates that several people felt that the Emmons-led Klan was actually a plot designed by the Liberals to embarrass and discredit the KKK. 21 Calderwood (1973) ihstrates that many Consenative Party members took out Orange lodge membership to secure the Orange vote. Catholicism and facilitating an environment which is conducive to

a conspiracy headed by the Pope to take over Canada (Henson,

1977).

The Ku Klux Klan thrived in Saskatchewan £rom 1927 to 1930, petering out in the early 1930s due in part to the depression, but also as a result of the loss of its nurnber one target: the

Liberal government. With the rise to power of R.B. Bennett's

Conservative government, issues concerning immigration, natural

resources and languages in schools had been settled for the Klan.

Coupled with the Depression, the KKK had entered troubled times.

Calderwood (1973) illustrates that the KKK at its height in the latter half of the 1920s had at least 125 divisions in

Saskatchewan, exercising a major influence in political matters and enjoying support £rom the religious cornm~nit~.~*Yet by 1930 the Klan in Saskatchewan was a spent force. The demise of the

KKK in Canada in the early 1930s, however, did not mark the end of far right activity in the country. Soon appearing in Quebec to initiate a Canadian fascist movement, which in turn thrived through the 1930s, was Adrian Arcand.

Fascism in the 1930s

Betcherman (1975) conducted the only major study of fascism in Quebec in the 1930s, despite the significant degree of success that fascist movernents realized in that province. 23 Barrett

(1984a: 351) queries that the reason for this may stem from the

22 Not only did the Protestant church not speak out against the Klan, but KICK membership lis&contained the names of numerous Protesrnt ministers (CaIderwood, 1973). 23 Robin (1992) conducted a study of fascist and naivist movements in Canada From 1920 to 1940. fact that Canadians are "self-congratulatory about the harmony and ordex of Canadian society, and the relative absence of racism and extrernist politics," Indeed, this explanation may account for why there exists so few in-depth studies of the Canadian right wing in general. Betcherman (1975) illustrates that, in addition to the fact that approximately 40% of Canada's Jewish population was residing in Quebec in the 1930s, (60 000 of

Canada's 156 000 Jewish residents) it was in that decade that Mussolini's and Hitler's fascist movements began to make an impact beyond Italy and Germany, respectively. Whereas

Mussolini's fascist movement centered on anti-Cornmunism,

Hitlerian fascism was based on racism in general, and anti-

Semitism in particular. Betcherman (1975:89) illustrates that although Quebec's Italian population of approximately 22 CO0 greatly admired Mussolini, it was Hitler's program that Quebec's fascism resembled most, yielding 700 card-carrying nembers. And as Barrett (1984a: 351) correctly points out, Betcherman came close to defining fascism in terms of anti-Sernitism.

By the tinte the Depression of 1929 set in, Quebec had endured a significant degree of social and economic transition. Quebec's agricultural economic base had been transformed through urbanization and industrialization in the span of less than 30 years. Labor-intensive small industry, in addition to the

Liberal government's encouragement of investment from outside of

Quebec, accompanied high levels of unemployment and a large percentage of Anglo-Saxon owned industry (Robin, 1992). The Depression, coupled with Quebec ' s acha t chez nous rnovement24, produced a social, political and economic climate ripe for

fascism.

One man paved the way for fascism in Quebec: Adrian Arcand.

In 1930, Arcand, in conjunction with Joseph Menard, began

publishing three weekly newspapers. Purporting "racial

nationalism," Arcand forrned the Order patriotique des Goglus,

hitting Montreal with a wave of fascist propaganda. The Goglus

enjoyed support from Montreal's Italian population of some 22

000, who perceived nationalism as synonymous with fascism

(Betcherman, 1975; Robin, 1992). Yet due to the fact that French

Canadians were overly sensitive to minority rights, Arcand's anti-Semitisrn was not initially well received in Quebec.

However, Arcand cleverly by-passed this barrier by promoting the view that there existed only two minorities in Canada: English in

Quebec and French in the rest of the country (Betcherman, 1975).

In whatever manner that we may characterize Arcand in the

1930s, it certainly cannot be as the leader of a fringe-movement.

In 1930, Arcand's Goglus, and his publication Le Goglus, were the means whereby R.B. Bennett's Conservative Party achieved success in the federal election. As Conservative newspapers were lacking in Quebec, the Bennett platform was in need of Arcand's services.

However, after their success in the 1930 election the Bennett government separated itself £rom Arcand (for the tirne being), a maneuver which coincided with Arcand's shift to a much more

24 This refers to French-Canadian anti-Semitism which was manifested in Quebec in the fom of boycotting Jewish businesses. extreme public position on . Further, by 1932, Arcand was in contact with fascists around the world (Betcherman, 1975), and by 1934 Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists had appeared in

Manitoba, later to be known as the Canadian Union of Fascists.

As Arcandfs writings grew more extreme, so too did the degree of anti-Semitism he exhibited. By 1933, Hitler had become dictator of Germany, and Arcand was publicly praising Germany and

Hitler, promoting a Hitler-style regime for Canada (Robin, 1992).

Although Menardfs paper had been closed by 1933, Abbe Lionel

Groulx had begun publishing L'Action Nationale which praised dictatorship and demonstrated fierce anti-Semitism. Arcand and

Groulx frequently published articles concerned with how politicians made Jews a privileged caste, Jewish merchants monopolized commerce, Jews were pro-Communist and it protested anti-Jexish immigration (Betcherman, 1975). In addition to

Groulxfs publication, other groups including Les Jeune-Canada at the University of Montreal and the Federation des Clubs Ouvriers began preaching similar messages targeting Liberals, Jews,

Communists and Bolshevists. And in 1934 Le Patroite announced che formation of Le Parti National Social Chretian (the National

Social Credit Party), comprised of Italian and German fascists.

Although fascism in Quebec achieved a high degree success, it was by no means the only province in Canada which supported a fascist movement. "Hitler's rise to power in the spring of

1933," Betcherman (1975: 45) writes, "not only inspired Arcand to transform his Patriotic Order of Goglus into a genuine fascist movement, it also caused fascist stirrings in other parts of Canada. " ïndeed, etc cher man^^ illustrates that during the first half of the 1930s, other provinces not only exhibited a greater degree of support for fascist movements, but that they were better organized. Ontario, for example, was witness to a significant uprising of fascism. In addition to Toronto's growth of Swastika clubs26, cities such as Kitchener saw at least two attempts to organize fascist groups.

In the latter half of the 1930s, the intensity of fascism in

Quebec escalated. The Taschereau Liberal government had lost credibility among Quebecfs residents and a merger between Maurice

Duplessis's Provincial Conservative Party and Liberal descendent

Paul Gouin resulted in the formation of the Union Nationale Party

(Betcherman, 1975). In early 1936, Arcand was appointed editor of the UNPfs anti-Communist weekly L'Illustration Nouville, and when Duplessis became Premier later that year, Arcand's power and influence increased. Although he was virtually unknown outside of Quebec at this tirne, the Globe and Mail, Toronto Star and Life

Magazine had printed articles about him (Betcherman, 1975).

Arcand announced that a merger had taken place between his NSCP and William Whittaker's western based Canadian Nationalist partymZ7 The organization was to be called the National

Christian Party of Canada, although it soon was renamed the

25 Betcherman, page 45. 26 Swastika clubs emerged in Toronto and around Ontario comprised mostly of men who would harass Jews while sprouting swastika badges and ambands. The Swastika Association of Canada leader was Joseph Fm. In Kitchener, a Brown shin Party was created. the Brown shirt piut in kitchener was led by a man narned Otto Becker. 27 There is no comection between this group and 's Nationalist Party formed in the late 1970s. The Canadian Nationalist Party was led by Joseph Fan in 1933. National Unity Party. The Ontario leader of the CNP, although he only served a few months, was John Ross ~a~lor.28

Arcand enjoyed a long-lasting relationship with Duplessis; however, when Hitler invaded Austria in 1938, Arcand's support in

Canada began to decline. Further, when it became clear that

Hitler's sights were set on world domination, fascism lost significant support in Canada. And a second blow to Arcand's movement came when numerous rnembersZ9 left the party. As Betcherman, (1975: 116) writes, "The trouble was that Arcand wanted to be Hitler while his party wanted him to be Mussolini."

Despite the fact that Arcand's support was declining, however, anti-Semitism in Quebec was not. Thousands of Jewish refugees poured into Canada in the late 1930s, and although Quebecers sympathized with them, they nevertheless did not want them in the province. As such, this propelled Arcand and Joseph Farr to go on a three month anti-Semitic propaganda drive, albeit with little success. And following Mosley' s arrest in Britain,

Arcand, along with other fascists including John Ross Taylor, was interned at Fredericton, New Brunswick in 1939, not to be released until 1945 (Betcherman, 1975). The post-war era offered a climate which was not conducive to the preachings of fascism in general, and anti-Semitism in particular. As such, anything resembling a fascist movement remained dormant until the 1960s. However, this did not deter

28 Taylor continued to occupy an important position in the right wing in the latter half of the 1970s and remained somewhat active in right wing circIes until his death in 1994. 29 One of these members was Dr Lambert, a man reputed for his disiribution of "The Key to the Mystery," a fiercely anti-Semitic document. Arcand. Upon his release from Fredericton he obtained employment

with Duplessis and with several other newly released fascists, he

filed an unsuccessful lawsuit against the Federal goverment. In

addition, in 1949 Arcand placed second in the Federal election,

running under the National Unity Party (Barrett, l984a: 353) .

Arcand died in 1967. 30

The Resurgence of Canadian Fascism

From 1945 to the mid-1960s, right wing activity in Canada

remained fairly dormant. From the early 1960s until the present day, however, right wing groups have enjoyed a significant degree of success. The revival of right wing activity in Canada began with John Ross Taylor. Upon his release from Fredericton, Taylor started the Natural Order, an organization which concerned itself with distributing right wing literature through the mail, and by

1964 a new figure was emerging on the right wing scene: David

Stanley. As Barrett (1984a, 1987) pointed out, Stanley had founded a nurnber of paper organizations, devoting much of his time to distributing racist and anti-Semitic literature- It was not too long before Stanley had befriended Taylor, a union which led to both men having their mail privileges revokedO3l Stanley, however, was making acquaintances with numerous individuals at this time, perhaps most notable is -

30 Barrer (1984a) States that Arcand's extensive nght wing library went to prominent right wing figure Ernst Zundel. Stanley ended up recanting his racist beliefs and apologizing to Canadian Jews (Barrett, l984a, 1987). Interestingly,- - in the Heritage Front's previous publication UR Fmnt (issue # 18, April 1995) it is stated that Taylor never regained his mail privileges. In 1965, William John Beattie founded the Canadian Nazi party (CNP). He was previously associated with Neil Carmichael's

Social Credit Action Party (renamed the Credit jubilee Party), however, with the creation of the CNP, Beattie's association with

Carmichael dissolved. John Garrity (1966:9), an infiltrator of the CNP, illustrates that, among other things, Beattie felt that

"Hitler ...was the greatest man in history next to

Christ ....Hitler never exterminated six million Jews ....[and thatj Next to the New Testament ....Mein Kampf was the greatest book ever written." Upon founding the CNP, Beattie sought recognition from, and affiliation with, , one-tirne leader of the American Nazi art^.^^ After initial reservation on the part of Rockwell, in 1966 Beattie's Canadian

Nazi Party was accepted into the World Union of National

Socialists, dominated by Rockwell's and

Collin Jordan in Britain. At this time, the CNP consisted of about a dozen active members and 100 unseen supporters (Garrity,

1966:9). However, as has been the case with so many of Canada's right wing leaders, by 1967 Beattie was in prison (Barrett,

1987). Upon his release, after serving six montns for compirinq to commit public mischief, Beattie joined forces with Martin

Weiche and Jacob Prins in London, Ontario and changed the name of the CNP to the Canadian National Socialist Party.33 And like

David Stanley before him, it was not too long before Beattie had

32 Apparently, Beanie and Rockwell met at the center of the Queensron-Lewiston bridge which separates New York State and Ontario, as each man was banned tiom the other's country (Garrity, 1966). 33 This was perhaps the fint tirne in Canada that recorded telephone messages were used to promote hawd against blacks and Jews. recanted his racist beliefs. His conversion, however, was short- lived and by the mid-1970s Beattie was actively involved in right wing activity once again. Nonetheless, after bis release from prison, neither the Canadian Nazi Party nor the Canadian National

Socialist Party gained any significant degree of rnomentum. Yet right wing activity continued to mobilize in Canada with the introduction of the Edmund Burke Society and the Western Guard.

In 1967, the Edmund Burke Society (EBS) was created in

Toronto by three men- Don Andrews, Leigh Smith and Paul Fromm- in response to their dissatisfaction with what they perceived as the mild nature of the Canadian Alliance for Free Expression. Soon after its inception, howevex, Leigh Smith left the EBS, not only to pursue a teaching career in Ottawa, but apparently because, as

Barrett (1987~51)suggests, he held conservative views concerning social issues and Canadian society, but he could not openly embrace organized right wing activity. The EBS was centered predorninately on anti-cornunism. However, the organization also embraced positions such as anti-abortion, anti-homosexual, anti- immigration (current levels), anti-welfare and anti-drugs- in essence, what was perceived as the moral degeneration of Canadian society. Although centered at the , there were branches of the EBS in the , as well as at numerous other Canadian Universities (Barrett, 1987).

Interestingly, Barrett (1984c:360; 1987:70, 71) introduces the notion that the EBS may have been set-up by the RCMP in an effort to draw out left wing sympathizers in Canada. 34

34 This is an interesting theory, considering that the Heritage Front's creation in 1989 was significantly The EBS involved itself in a variety of activities including letter-writing campaigns, public lectures, television and radio show appearances and counter-demonstrations. The EBS published the Edmund Burke Society Bulletin which was replaced by Straight

Talk. Further, the EBS was involved in violent activities, most often resulting £rom counter-demonstrations. Yet from its origin the EBS was neither explicitly racist nor anti-Semitic. Barrett

(1987) illustrates that in the early days of the EBS, there were

Jewish members among the ranks; however, as the organization aged it came to embrace racism and anti-Semitism more strongly.

The Edmund Burke Society was converted CO the Western Guard in early 1972, apparently because of its confusion with the

Arnerican right wing John Birch Society and because British

Parliamentary Edmund Burke no longer served as a useful leading figure to represent the organization (Barrett, 1987) . However, other explanations have been offered to account for the transformation. For example, Barrett (1987) contends that the

EBS may have been terminated to rid the newly formed Western Guard of police informers; or the transformation was to mark the era of a more violent and "comitted" organization, freeing itself from non-action oriented members like CO-founder Paul

Fromm. Indeed, within three months of the Western Guard's existence From had resigned. And as Barrett (1987:77) correctly points out, Fromm contends that his resignation was partly due to security reasons surrounding the Western Guard and partly due to

facilitated by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (See chapter #5). the Western Guard's prefexence for a more direct and violent approach (see Chapter #7 for Fromm's right wing involvements) . The Western Guard attracted many former Edmund Burke Society

members, as well as several new members. Among the ranks of the

Western Guard were men such as John Ross Taylor (future leader of

the Western Guard), Wolfgang Droege (present leader of the

Heritage Frontj, Jacob Prins and Martin Weiche (both previously

associated with Beattie). By 1975, the Western Guard had a

membership list of 300 people and there existed 1500 subscribers

to Straight Talk (Crysdale and Durham, 1978, as cited in Barrett,

1987). Throughout the 1970s, the Western Guard, within a year of

its inception renamed the Western Guard ~art~3~,dominated

Canada's far right in two distinct phases until its demise in the

late 1970s.

Don Andrews, CO-founder of EBS, emerged as the leader of the

Western Guard in early 1972. Barrett (1984c:361) illustrates

that when Andrews emerged as the dominant force in the Western

Guard, Straight Talk took on an explicitly racist character, centered mainly on anti-black sentiment, with anti-Semitism

occupying a secondary role. And perhaps the most overwhelming

theme of the Andrews era was anti-immigration (Barrett, 1987:82).

In addition to the publication of Straight Talk, however,

Andrews's Western Guard involved itself in numerous other activities. Following the example of the Canadian National

Socialist Party, the Western guard ran recorded telephone

- 35 The Western Guard which was a political party was to be distinguished from the Edmund Burke Society which was a political movement (Barrett, 1987). messages; distributed leaflets and painted racist slogans around the city, an activity which put Droege in prison in 1975; they harassed Jews; and several members ran for public office. Yet the Western Guard's actions against blzcks and Jews were not unilateral. For exarnple, in 1976 a man from the Jewish Defense

League, in an atternpt to plant a bomb under Andrews's porch, was run down by Andrews and later convicted in court (Barrett,

1987:88). Further, in the same year a bomb was planted in

Andrews's car, and previous to this Andrews's house was gutted by fire. It is important to note that these violent reactions to

Andrews's cornmitment to organized racism, although extreme, are by no means exclusive to this era of right wing activity, as sirnilar actions perpetrated by the Anti-Racist Action Group have transpired in reaction to the Heritage Front. (see chapter #5)

By 1976 the Andrews-led era of the was coming to ân end. It will be remembered that one reason offered for the Western Guard's creation was to rid the organization of police spies. In 1976, however, it was an RCMP paid informant who provided the testimony which led to the conviction of Don

Andrews. Andrews was found not guilty of planning to disrupt a soccer match involving an Israeli team at the University of

Toronto, but was found guilty of conspiracy to commit arson, possession of explosives and public mischief. This, in turn, sent Andrews to prison for oves two years. Interestingly, stemming from a concern that Andrews might attempt to carry-out a terrorist attack against the Israel soccer team, the RCMP decided to place a human agent in the Western Guard. This man was Robert Troop (Barrett, 1987:88, 89). Troop testified in court that in

his experiences with the Western Guard he had broken the law more

than 100 times in an effort to gain the trust of Andrews and

ather Western Guard members. The latter point is significant, as

in 1988 the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) planted

a hurnan agent in the right wing movement (in the Nationalist

Party of Canada) and this man went on to set up, fund (with

government funds) and CO-ordinate the Heritage Front over a

period of five years. (see chapter #4)

Upon his release from prison, Andrews was forbidden to

associate with the Western Guard Party, which in turn set the

stage for hiç successor: John Ross Taylor. Taylor, among other

things, held views that television contains subliminal messages

intendea to weaken the moral fabric of the white race, that Anne

Frank's Diary is fake, that the CN tower is a control center for

Jews to comunicate with Russia and that a cure for cancer has been known for years, but that the Jews have suppressed it

(Barrett, 1987: 91, 94). Taylor had slowly moved his way up the

ranks of the far right for almost forty years when he became

leader of the Western Guard Party, and upon assuming the leadership role he was quick to belittle Andrews's accomplishment . 36 Whereas Andrews ' s Western Guard Party was primarily anti-black, not surprisingly the Taylor era focused on

36 As Barren (1987:92) illustrates. when Andrews was released from prison he was ordered not to associate with the Western Guard. Upon his release, however. he was greeted unknowingly, by Pins and Taylor at his how. It seerns as though Taylor wanted to keep Andrews away From the movement by keeping hirn in prison. Interestingly, as will be illustrated more clearly in Part Two, Andrews and Wolfgang Droege share a similar type of relationship. Along with the new focus of the Western Guard Party, Taylor introduced a new publication and a new name to the organization (Barrett, 1987). Straight Talk was replaced briefly by Aryan (which was previously published in conjunction with Straight

Talk) and the Western Guard Party was renamed to the Western

Guard Universal. Nonetheless, the organization was in decline. The event which led to the final decimation of Taylor's Western

Guard Universal resulted from telephone message recordings that he had been running. The Western Guard had set up a telephone hotline as early as 1973, but in response to the Canadian Human

Rights Commission filing cornplaints concerning the telephone recordings in 1979, Taylor was the first person to ever be brought before a tribunal concerning recorded messages. 37 Taylor was found guilty and given a suspended sentence on the provision that the telephone recordings would be discontinued (Barrett,

1987) . Taylor, however, disobeyed the court order, which in turn led him to 243 days in prison. By the time he was refeased from prison, the Western Guard Universal had disbanded and two new organizations were on the horizon: the Nationalist Party and the

Ku Klux Klan.

From the ashes of the Western Guard Party/Universal arose the Nationalist Party, headed by Don Andrews. The Nationalist

Party briefly began as the National Citizens Alliance. When the organization was renamed the Nationalist Party it began

3' KinselIa (1994:239) States that Andrews was the fmt person to ever be charged under Ontario hate laws. However, Woifgang Droege told me in an interview in February, 1997 that it was Armond Siskna. Taylor was the frst to be charged with telephone messages, however, foreshadowing considerable legal trouble for the Heritage Front in 1993. publishing The White Nationalist Bulletin, which was renamed to

The Andrews Report, which in turn became The Nationalist Report.

Barrett (1987:106) claims that there were 312 active members who attended regular meetings and that membership numbers in the early 1980s ranged from 150 to 300. Outside of a publication and regular meetings, the Nationalist Party was responsible for numerous racist slogans painted on walls around the city, submitting articles to newspapers and various members made attempt to be elected to public office. And among the ranks of the Nationalist Party were previous Western Guard members Wolfgang Droege and James Alexander McQuirter . 38 Undeniably, whereas the CNP and EBS marked the beginning of far right activity in Canada for the 1970s, the creation of the

Nationalist Party in 1977 signified the beginning of far right activity for the 1980s and 1990s. However, Barrett (1987) contends that right wing members other than Taylor were skeptical of Andrews because he was power hungry and uncornfortable with other capable members being around him. 39 And £rom early on tension existed among the members. For example, McQuirter and

Andrews did not see eye to eye (Barrett, 1987) and the

Dmege was the British Columbia Organizer and McQuirter was on the executive comrnittee (Barrett. 1987). 39 Barrett (1987) ihstrates that there was a feeling around the right wing that Andrews was simply in the movement to get tenants for a boarding house that he ran. Further, the Security Intelligence Review Cornmittee Report (1 994) on the Heritage Front, is which based on information fiom and apparently a second spy, clairns that Andrews would have his tenants stand around a table where the executive committee would be seated. One by one the tenants would have to corne up and give Andrews their paycheques and he would deduct what they owed him and return the outstanding sum. Barrett (1987) stated that Andrews may have controlIed the financial affairs of the tenants for their own good, and several members of the Heritage Front that 1 interviewed did not contest this fact. However, the SIRC report firther claims that the executive committee was referred to by Andrews as his "Androids," a contention that none of the members 1 spoke with supponed. relationship between Droege and Andrews was flawed ever since

Droege withdrew from the University of Toronto soccer match plot.

This is significant considering the fact that McQuirter and

Droege soon left the Nationalist Party to pursue their own activities, and in turn their notoriety in the far rignt increased substantially. Perhaps for these reasons, coupled with

McQuirterts and Droege's attraction to the spotlight, the latter two men left the Nationalist Party in 1979 to revive the Ku Klux

Klan.

Ku Klux Klan: Phase Two

To understand the second phase of the Ku Klux Klan in

Canada, similar to the first phase, it will be useful to briefly examine Arnerican activity. Unlike Canada, the KKK in Arnerica was a significant movement following World War II, reaching its zenith with the Civil Rights Movernent in the 1960s. In 1944 the

KKK was ternporarily crippled when it was ordered to pay 1.5 million dollars in back taxes (Barrett, 1987) . However, in response to the 1954 US Supreme Court ruling on school desegregation, the American KKK recuperated and grew strong throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Landall (1993:31) contends that by 1967 the KKK in the United States supported a membership base of 55 000, declining in the early 1980s to approximately 10 000 when an explosion of new far right groups surfaced.

In addition to the creation of nurnerous far right groups in

Arnerica in the early 1980s, such as , the Order and several Skinhead groups, three incidents contributed to the decline of the Ku Klux Klan. First, in 1979, a protest march

was held in Decatur, Alabama to show opposition to the conviction

of Tomrny Lee Hines. Hines, a mentally retarded black man, was

convicted of robbing and raping three white women. In response

to what was seen as a wrongful conviction, following a pxotest

consisting of over 500 people at the court house where the

sentence was handed down, approximately 60 protesters marchea the

streets of Decatur. Not before long, the protesters were met by what Landall (1993:lS) refers to as "a wave of Klansmen in their

robes and hoods ." After a brief scuf fle with police, the

Klansmen were videotaped shooting into the protesters' march.

Second, later that same year on November 3 in Greensboro, North

Carolina several mernbers of the Ku Klux Klan and the American

Nazi party were videotaped shooting into an anti-Klan demonstration and killing £ive protesters. Remarkably, the KKK

faction responsible for the shootings was not only led by FBI

informer Edward Dawson, but was actually founded by Dawson

(Garrison, 1984). Third, in 1981 two Klansmen abducted and murdered Michael Donald, a 19 year old black man. After killing

Donald, the Klansmen hung th? corpse from a tree in Donald's home town. Of these three cases, only the Klansmen in the latter case were convicted in court. Ironically, it was also the last case which caused the most trouble for the Ku Klux Klan. Following the Criminal trial, Donald's mother subsequently won a civil filed against the United Klans of America for seven million dollars. This was combined with the fact that the case of Hines attracted National attention to a growing KKK presence in the United States and a multimillion dollar lawsuit that was filed against the Klan by the widows of the victims in the Greensboro shootings. These cases are significant because they set a precedent for future civil action against far right groups, which in turn financially crippled Tom and John Metzger's White Aryan Resistance (WAR) in 1988 (illustrated below) . With little doubt, in response to legal problems and negative attention being drawn to the KKK, then-Grand Dragon of the Louisiana Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, , resigned in 1980 to form the National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP). Duke's transformation included not only organizations, but also his entire image, a tactic emulated by

Canadian KKK leaders in the early 1980s. Duke sought to

"sanitize" the far right image by appearing in and ties, putting forth a clean-cut image and operating under the auspices of pro-white, not anti-black. Duke went on to enjoy a warm reception in the mainstream political arena and he has played a key role in the Canadian far right movement from the mid-1970s to the present day.

Whereas the American KKK was a revived force by the 1960s, the Canadian Klan was much slower to recuperate. In 1965, some minor KKK activity occurred in Amherstburg, Ontario (Barrett,

1987) and in 1974 Armand Siskna contacted David Duke to seek permission to set up a KKK faction in Toronto (Sher, 1983).

However, the KKK was set into motion in 1976 when Wolfgang Droege had corne into contact with ~uke.~ODroege, Taylor and James

Alexander McQuirter, then only 16 or 17 years old, attended

Duke's International Patriotic Congress in New Orleans in 1976.

Droege informed me that it was at this time that he formed a

friendship with Duke, a relationship ~xistingto the present daÿ.

As a result of Droege's and McQuirter's meeting with Duke,

both men decided to revive the Ku Klux Klan in Canada. From 1976

to 1978, organizational success was slow, as both Droege and

McQuirter were at this tirne still involved with Andrews's

Nationalist Party. Apparently, an initial nerger was planned

with the Nationalist Party (Kinsella, 1994), but no such union

occurred and Droege denies any such plan. By 1979, however,

Droege and McQuirter had let their memberships expire with tne

Nationalist Party, the same year that Droege organized a tour of

British Columbia for Duke (he had previously organized a visit co

Toronto for Duke). And by 1980 Droege, McQuirter and Siskna emerged as the leaders of the Ku Klux Klan in Canada. Like Duke, McQuirter claims that he desired an organization which would gain immediate attention (Barrett, 1987:127].

Further, like Duke, McQuirter presented himself respectably and challengeci comrnonly held belieis concerning what a Grand Wizard

looks and acts like. Stemming frorn his attractive appearance ami charming personality (Sher, 1983; Barrett, 1987), McQuirter enjoyed a wealth of media attention. The newly revived Klan

Wolfgang Dmege told me in an interview in March, 1997 that Duke was only involved with the KKK for the media attention. Droege Mercontends that if it were not for Bill Wilkinson, who was a member of Duke's Klan and who went on to fom a much more extreme bmch of the KKK, Duke would have won public office. thrived from 1980 to 1982, with McQuirter as Grand Wizard, Droege

as Chief organizer (Droege lived in Vancouver with his girlfriend

and future leader of the Klan, Ann Farmer in 1983 until succeeded

by Droege) and a man named Gary MacFarlane below McQuirter. In

British Columbia a fourth man, Al Hooper, served as Grand Wizard

(Sher, 1983; Barrett, 1987). And although the KKK achieved its

greatest success in Ontario, other dens appeared in Alberta,

Manitoba, Halifax, New Brunswick and the Yukon (Barrett, 1987).

Kinsella (1994:217) suggests that there were 2500 members in the

Klan in 1980.

By 1983 Droege, McQuirter and a number of other members were

in prison and the KKK had run its course. McQuirter had been

convicted (discovered by a police spy) and sentenced to eight

years for conspiring to have MacFarlane killed,41 five years for

conspiring to forge cheques, passports, birth certificates and

drivers licenses and two years for nis part in trying to

overthrow the Caribbean Island of (Barrett, 1987).

Droege was arrested in 1981 in New Orleans along with several

other rnembers for his role in the Dominica Coup (to be discussed

in chapter 4). Yet with the KKK experiencing significant

interna1 problems, a new racist phenomenon was making its way to

the forefront of the right wing: the Skinheads.

4i Interestingly. Siskna's role in the murder plot was not known until he approached the police and told them that he had contributed $900.00 for the hit (Sher, 1983). Skinheads

In a period of less than 30 years, the Skinheads have spread

across the globe, reaching their greatest numbers in the United

States, Poland, Germany, Hungary and the Czech Republic (Moore,

1994). The Anti-Defamation League contends that as of 1995 there

were 70 000 Skinheads, woxldwide. Once rharacterized by a

traditional working class ethic, within the last decade the

reputation of the Skinheads has taken on an increasingly violent,

and an increasing political, form. In the latter half of the

1980s, three trends have been evident in the North America

Skinhead movement: they have created and maintained

international links between Skinhead factions, they have attached

themselves to established far right groups and they have resort~d

to violence to achieve their goals. 42 Before exarnining these

three characteristics of the Skinheads, it wilf be useful to cake

a brief look at where they came from.

The Skinheads originated in Britain in the late 1960s our of

a youth subculture known as the Mods. Throughout the early and mid-1960s, the Mods, along with a second group called the

Rockers, dominated Britain's subculturai scene. However, the

late 1960s belonged to the Hippies. At this time, the Mods had divided into the "mainstream" (Brake, 1974:186) or "soft" Mods

(Moore, 1994:28) and the "hard" Mods. The former dressed

fashionably and were comprised of the older, more weli off

4Z It is important to note that not al1 Skinheads are racists. For example. SHARP (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice) fomed in New York in the late 1980s to combat racist Skinhead groups. This. however. is not to suggest that SHAW Skinheads are any less violent. Further, two recent articles have dealt with non- affiliated Skinheads: see Baron ( 1997) and Craig (1 997). members, whereas the latter represented the less well off, younger members, which towards the end of the 1960s became the Skinheads .

Troubled by the strong presence of long-haired, middle-class

Hippies who contradicted traditional notions of masculinity and working class values, the Skinheads adopted what they saw as a

traditional working class lifestyle, intolerant of the Hippies'

lackadaisical lifestyle. The Skinheads, identified by their

cropped hair, working class values and their dress, formed in

reaction to the Hippies, but they came to take on not only an anti-Hippie focus, but also an anti-hornosexual and anti-Indo-

Pakistani focus (Brake, 1974) . This, however, is not to suggest that the Skinheads were intolerant of al1 foreigners or non- whites. In the late 1960s, Skinhead groups were known for their preference for Jamaican music ( or ) and their Afro-

Caribbean members. Nonetheless, by the late 1970s the Skinheads assumed a predominantly racist character and became associateci with the National Front, Britainrs National Socialist art^.^^

The Skinheads began to appear in significant numbers in the

United States and Canada in the early 1980s. The Anti-Defamation

League (1995) illustrates that there were between 3300 and 3500

Skinheads in 40 States by 1993.~~In contrast to America, the

Anti-Defamation League (1995) estimates that in 1993 there were only 600 Skinheads in Canada, of which only 350 are "hard-core" j3 http://lw.ksu.edd-lashout/skn_hist.htmI *'4 Perhaps the rnost violent, and indeed the most active, Skinhead group in the US is Chicago's Romantic Violence, started by Clark Reid Martel1 in 1984. In addition to Romantic Violence there exisrs two other Skinhead groups with substantial organizational structure: Mike Lewis's WASH (White American Skinheads) and Dave Lozon's Detroit Area Skinheads (SuaII and Lowe, 1988). mernbers. Canada has been home to popular Skinhead groups such as

Aryan Resistance Movement Skins, Northern , White

Power Canada and Final Solution Skinheads. Despite the small number of Skinheads that the ADL claims to exist in Canada, and even the seemingly insignificant number in the USA (evenly distributed over 40 States, there would only be about 85 per state), however, the Skinheads have made their presence kn~wn.~~

It is remarkable to note the simultaneous rise of Skinheads around the world in such a short period of time. This is largely due to the connections Skinhead groups have formed. Links between Skinheads are maintained in two primary ways: music and magazines. First, music bands such as , RaHoWa,

Brutal Attack, Berserkr and Midtown Bootboys perpetuate what is known as the "Oi!" music movement. Take, for example, the lyrics of RaHoWals "Race Riot" found on the album Declarations of War:

Bloody riots on the streets, the niggers run amok. Tremble in fear, White man.. . .Watch your wife and daughter raped, but you can't stop those wild apes .... Standing there, skin-toned black, red suede shoes, head thrown back, golden chains around your neck. Paid in full by the government cheque. Nigger, you better start running! Nigger, your tirne 1s coming! You're nothing but a fucking welfare case. But you're threatening the future welfare of my race ....Exploiting the world through power of gold, the white man's mind is in your hold. Jew boy, you better start pur running, hook-nosed bastard. Your tirne is coming!

Second, Skinhead magazines, or what are often referred to as

Skinzines, offer a method for maintaining communications between

Skinheads. In Skinzines such as Blood and Honor (produced in

- 45 Today, there are probably far more Skinheads in Canada. For exampIe, the Heritage Front has attracted upwards of 200 Skinheads to their Toronto meetings alone. England), Awake [produced in Belgium) and White Noise published by Skrewdriver in Britain can be found racist articles, information on concerts and advertisernents selling various

Skinhead paraphernalia. And there even exist specialized distributors to market these products. For example, the SkinNet, a Canadian Skinhead Web site run out of British ~olurnbia~~, advertises 39 distributors around the world including Skull

Records in Germany, Krowbar Records in Los Angles, Resistance

Records in Detroit and perhaps the largest distributor is Gary

Lauck who publishes Skinzines and other Skinhead paraphernalia in

12 languages in Nebraska.

Recent literature dealing with Skinheads (Suall and Lowe,

1988; Moore, 1993; ADL, 1995) suggests that they have become the

"street soldiers" or the "shock troops" for more established far right groups. Certainly, within the far right movement around the world youth recruitment has played a central role. In the

USA, Skinheads have been linked to the Arnerican Nazi Party, the

Ku Klux Klan, the Order and Aryan Nations, to cite only a few examples. The most significant link that the Skinheads have formed with the far right in the USA, however, appears to be with the youth component of Tom and John Metzger's WAR, the Aryan

Youth Movement. The Metzgers were linked to the Skinheads in

1988 when it was established in court that they had provided paramilitary training to a group of Skinheads, among them David

Mazzella, and that Mazzella had been sent to Portland, Oregon to recruit Skinheads for the Aryan Youth Movement. Preceding the Metzger's trial, in Novernber of 1988 three Skinheads had beaten

to death an Ethiopian immigrant named Muiugeta Seraw, an attack

which had been orchestrated by ~azzella.~~Although the civil

suit which targeted the Metzger's left WAR bankrupt, it certainly

did not disband the organization. And violence on the part of

WAR did not stop with non-whites. In 1987, Greg Withrow, a man

who helped start the Aryan Youth Movement, publicly repudiated

his racist past. A few months later, Withrow was nailed to a

wooden board and slashed with razors following an appearance on a

Sacramento talk show (Sua11 and Lowe, 1988). He identified his

attackers as Skinheads.

In Canada, Skinheads have become aligned with groups such as

the Nationalist Party of Canada, the Church of the Creacor, Arÿan

Nations and the Heritage Front. The Anti-Defamation League

(1995) illustrates that about 70 Skinheads were in attendance at

"Aryanfest '92" in Montreal and Skinheads were present at the

Canadian Aryan Nations first annual Alberta Aryanfest in 1990.

Further, there are several Skinheads on the Canadian Scene that

have gone on to occupy high positions Canada's far right network.

Peter Mitrevski, James Dawson and Max French, al1 senior mernbers

of the Heritage Front, were Skinheads, in addition to Tony

McAleer in Vancouver and George Burdi (AKA Reverend Eric

Hawthorne) in Ontario. Burdi, who was heavily involved with the

Heritage Front in the early 1990s, assumed leadership of the

Canadian branch of the Church of the Creator, leads RaHoWa

- 47 Levin and McDevitt (1993) daim that Manella would send "reponcards" consisting of newspaper clippings of beatings to WAR in California. (Racial ~olyWar) and runs the Detroit based Resistance Records.

Further, Like thei.r Arnerican counter parts, Canadian Skinheads are no exception ghen it comes to violence. For example, in

April of 1990 Keit:h Rutherford, a retired radio broadcaster, was attacked by two sïinheads at his home as a result of a 30 year old broadcast he pad given which exposed Nazi war criminals. The attack resulted irl the loss of one of his eyes. In November,

1992 Yves Lalonde was beaten to death in Montreal by four

Skinheads because the Skinheads thought he looked like a homosexual (ADL, -995) . And following a RaHoWa concert in

Toronto in June, -993 several Skinheads attacked Sivarajah

Vinasitha&y, a nstive Sri Lankan man, which left him brain damaged and parti3ll~~aral~zed-

~lth~~ghthe greatest presence of Skinheads are found in

Canada's largest cities-Toronto, Montreal, Ottawa and Vancouver-

Skinhead activity has appeared in the smaller cities such as

Windsor, Victoria, Kingston, London and Guelph. For example, the

Guelph Anti-Fascist Organization reports that, in addition to numer-us racist posters being put up in the city and flyers being handed on ~ugust9, 1996 the home of a black women was robbed and vandalized with the words "Nazi G.A.S.HW (Guelph Area

Skinheads) scrawled al1 around the interior of the house and a noose was left hanglng from the ceiling. 48

48 Fr~ma pamphlet cal!& "1s there a Nazi problem in Guelph? Yes!" produced by the Guelph anti-fascist Organization. Other Canadian Activity

Thus far, 1 have traced the main cuxrents of the Canadian

right wing from the early 1900s to the late 1980s. 1 will

conclude this chapter with a discussion of other right wing

stirrings in the country before proceeding to illustrate the

right wing in the 1990s. 1 will begin with an overview of Ku

Klux Klan activity in western Canada, followed by a brief discussion of the Aryan Nations and the trials of Ernst Zundel

and Jim Keegstra in the mid to late 1980s.

Outside of those dens previously discussed, two KKK movements surfaced in western Canada in the 1980s. Under the

rubric of the Confederate Klan of Alberta (CKKK), Tearlach Macta

Phearsoin (AKA Ivan Ross Macphearsoin and Barry Dunsford

(Barrett, 1987)) revived the Alberta Ku Klux Klan in 1980. Prior to this time, Mac a' Phearsoin had incorporated the CKKK iri 1972, bct the Klan soon dissolved when in 1974 Mac a' Phearsoin shot a

Mexican Man who was believed to be his lover. Interestingly, when Mac a' Phearsoin re-incorporated che CKKK in 1980, a black man named Louis Proctor (Globe and Mail, August 15, 1981) was among one of the 330 members of the Alberta Klan. A second Ku

Klux Klan movernent surfaced in western Canada towards the end of

1989 when Bill Harcus and Dennis Godin started a KKK faction in

~anitoba.49 Both one-time rnembers of the NPC and Skinheads,

Harcus and Godin managed to recruit approximately 30 members,

49 In the preceding year, Tony McAleer and Scott Graham founded the Aryan Resistance Movement (ARM). Today there exists chapters of ARM across Canada and several chapters of its sister group, Women for Aryan Unity. McAleer was running a computerized telephone answering service promoting right wing beliefs which caused him numerous legal troubles in the early 1990s. start a publication and run a telephone hotline (Kinsella, 1994).

It was the latter activity, however, coupled with the fact that two police informers were planted in the organization, which led to the dissolution of their organization, Kinsella (1994:38) contends that a third man, Joe Lockhart, was involved in setting up the KKK, but in an interview 1 conducted with Lockhart in

Au~us~,1997 he denied any such involvement. The Manitoba KKK had dissolved by the early 1990s.

Whereas the KKK was in decline in Canada throughout the 1980~~despite several attempts to revive the organization, the

Aryan Nations and the Identity Church were on the rise. The

Identity Church has its roots in nineteenth century Britain and it dates back to the 1940s in the United States (Landall, 1993).

Among other things, the Identity Church believes that black people (the mud people) lack souls, Jesus was an ancestor of the white northern European peoples, Jesus was not a Jew, Anglo-

Saxons, not Jews, are the chosen people and that Jews are descended from Cain (Landall, 1993) . The Identity Church's principles are embodied in the Axyan Nations which is headed by

Reverend Richard Butler, pastor of Wesley Swift's California based Church of Jesus Christ Christian.

Butler's association with the far right began with a California-based organization called the Christian Defense League

(Barrett, 1987). After experiencing legal troubles, Butler moved to Haydon Lake, Idaho where he went on to establish the Aryan

Nations headquarters. In addition to spawning the Silent

Brotherhood (the Order), Butler's Aryan Nations aimed to bring

68 together far right organizations through World Congresses held at the Idaho compound. And it was at the sixth World Congress in

Idaho 1985 that Terry Long was aesignated leader of the Canadian branch of the Aryan Nations.

By 1986 Long's Canadian Aryan Nations was engaged in heavy recruitment and he had attracted a significant amount of attention to his Alberta headquarters. Previous to assuming leadership of the Aryan Nations, Long had become associated with the Western Canada Concept Party and had founded a branch of tne

Christian Defense League in Canada (Barrett, 1987). When Terry

Long formed the Christian Defense League, it was primarily an effort to support 3im Keegstra, an Alberta man charged under section 281 (2) (now section 319(2) ) of the Criminal Code of

Canada with wilfully promoting hatred against an identifiable group, Jews. Keegstra, one-time school teacher in Eckville and the former mayor of that town, taught his secondary school students a particular interpretation of Christianity favoring creationism, contending that anyone who accepts evolutionism is a communist, that the metric system is a communist conspiracy and that the Holocaust is a hoax (Barrett, 1987). It was the latter belief in particular which was to result, not only in Keegstra's dismissal from the school board, but also an election which saw him removed from office in 1983. And perhaps what further divided the town's people was the fact that the Keegstra trial ran consecutively with the trial of Ernst Zundel.

Somewhat of a Grandfather figure (or perhaps a Godfather) in right wing circles, despite the fact that he was seen as a loner in the early 1980~~Ernst Zundel became acquainted with the right wing through the preaching of Adrian Arcand and John Ross Taylor in Montreal in the 1960s. Zundel went on to form an organization called Concerned Parents of German Decent, create Samizdat

Publishing and form the German-Jewish Historical Commission

(Barrett, 1987:159). Although Zundel has become quite popular in right wing circles, unlike men such as Arcand, Taylor, Andrews and McQuirter, he has remained behind the scene, choosing to rely on the mail system to distribute right wing (particularly anti-

Semitic) literature. And it was the latter venture which resulted in his mail privileges beinq suspended in 1981 (Barrett,

1984a, 1987). Two of the publications which Zundel was distributing, which in turn led him to court in the mid-1980s, were The West, War and Islam and Did Six Million Really Die?.

The latter is today made available on the Zundel Web Site. 50

The Keegstra and Zundel trials are of reme en do us significance, as they both contested the lirnits of freedom of expression in Canada (discussed more fully in chapter 6). The trials, both defended by Doug christieS1, seem to be the culmination of almost 20 years of resurgent right wing activity in the country. As it turned out, both men were found guilty of violating Canada's Hate Laws, Zundel for the distribution of Did

Six Million Really Die? and Keegstra for his presentations to his secondary classes concerning the hoax of the Holocaust.

- 5o http://www.webcom.com/-e~~ndeVenglish~welcome.h~i is the lawyer of choice for Canada's right wing. He has defended Droege on nurnerous occasions, and recently he defended Paul Fromm when Fromm was fied from a Toronto school board. Further, Christie appears on the Freedom-Site promoting the Canadian Free Speech League. Perhaps more than anything else, the Keegstra and Zundel trials marked an increased awareness over the debate of freedom of expression in Canada which is far from settled today. And the

Keegstra case in particular may very well have foreshadowed the legal problems Zundel was to face, and perhaps will still face, in the latter half of the 1990s. As will be illustrated in chapter 6, the internet has created a rather heated debate over the dissemination of right wing literature through electronic means, a battle which Zundel has found himself in the rniddle.

Conclusion

As we have seen, organized right wing activity has surfaced in Canada over the last 75 years with varying degrees of intensity and success. The 1930s and the 1970s, perhaps more than any other time period of Canadian history, witnessed the most significant movements of organized right wing activity in the country. Today, however, the right wing is again surfacing.

New groups and individuals have emerged in the 1990s, but the latest right wing organizations in Canada differ from past groups in three fundamental ways: first, similar to earlier groups, they have corne to increasingly modify their advertising methods, promoting pro-white rights and pro-European heritage; second, there exists a stronger degree of solidarity among the groups, as exemplified by the Freedom-Site; and third, this solidarity is facilitated to a large exteRt by the internet, not only for the six groups, but also around the world. In the following tnree chapters 1 will present the six primary organizations found on the Freedom-Site. In chapter 3 and 4, the Canadian Patriots Network and the Heritage Front will be discussed. More than any other groups on the Freedom-Site, these two organizations qualify for the label of the radical right. In contrast, chapter 5 presents four groups which would fa11 into the fringe right category: the Euro-Christian Defense

League, the Canadian Association for Free Expression, Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform and the Canadian Free Speech League.

However, 1 will illustrate not only that there exists a rather wide gap between the organizations' official public positions and their more subtle undertones, but also that there is tremendous overlap between the "fringe" and "radical" groups. 3 THE CANADIAN PATRIOTS NETWORK

The Canadian Patriots Network (CPN) is an on-line organization devoted to bringing right wing groups together into one central network. The first of its kind, the CPN runs the

Freedom-Site under the coordination of one man: Marc Lemire.'

Lemire's first association with Canada's right wing can be traced to 1990, while he was still attending high school in Toronto. At the age of 15 Lemire came into contact with several menbers of the Keritage Front and began to attend Heritage Front meetings.

Upon becoming acquainted with Wolfgang Droege, national director and CO-founder of the Heritage Front, his involvement with the organization increased. Over the next six years Lemire was to drop out of high school and, by the age of 22, corne to occupy a central position in the Canadian right wing.

This chapter is divided into four sections. I will begin with an illustration of the origin of the Canadian Patriots

Network. The second and third sections will outline the official and unofficial beliefs promoted by the CPN. Tt will be argued that although the CPN daims to be a conservative group concerned exclusively with what they perceive as discrimination against white people, the nature of the CPN is far less benign. In the final section I will examine public reaction to the Freedom-Site and outline not only the efforts which have been made to censor the Freedom-Site, but also the negative consequences to otherwise non-affiliated parties.

- 1 1 interviewed Marc Lemire in March, 1997. Further, 1 maintained a four month E-mail correspondence with Lemire fiom November, 1996 to February, 1997. Origin

The course of Lemire's future in right wing politics was

determined in the early 1990s. With escalating problems in the

Heritage Front's infrastructure (see chapter 4), coupled with a

growing aversive presence of Skinheads, Lemire officially broke

away from the Heritage Front in mid-1993, along with Ken Barker and Les Jasinski. As an Armed Forces Reserve volunteer, Lemire was sent to Petewawa in the summer of 1994, the same time period wnich sxposed Grant Bristow, CO-founder and security director of

the Heritage Front, as a paid informant of the Canadian Security

Intelligent Service. Upon his return from Petewawa, Lemire created the Canadian Patriots Network, and his prominence in

Canada's right wing network has escalated ever since.

The Canadian Patriots Network began as the Euro-Canadian

Alliance (ECA). In November, 1993, under the auspice of the ECA, Lemire started the Euro-Canadian Action Line (ECALj, a telephone hotline offering recorded messages concerned with employment equity, freedom of expression, gun control and pro-white activisrn. The ECAL was created less than a year after the

Canadian Jewish Congress had filed its first cornplaint concerning the Heritage Front's telephone hotlins, the first in a series of complaints which culminated in hearings held by the Ontario Human

Rights Commission. Although mainly a one-man show, others occasionally provided content for the ECAL. Among these individuals were Ken Barker who ran the Equal Rights for Whites hotlineZ and Les Jasinski who ran the Canadian Christian hotline.

Lemire claims that the ECAL received approximately 400 calls per message while operating from November 1, 1993 to early September, f 994.

On September 6, 1994 the Canadian Patriots Network replaced the Euro-Canadian Alliance. The reason for the change was that

Lemire desired a group which functioned to bring together organizations with sirnilar beliefs and goals. As such, the CPN began as an amalgamation of the Euro-Canadian Action Line, the Canadian Christian hotline and a third hotline, EuroLinkS3 The three groups produced telephone hotline messages, averaging approximately 550 calls per message. However, within a month Lemire had shifted his attention to the internet.

In conjunction with a man named Christopher Saundersf4

Lemire started a Bulletin Board System (BBS) in December, 1994: Politically Incorrect.5 Politically incorrect primarily offered files concerned with freedom of expression and immigration. In

April, 1995 Politically Incorrect was joined by a second BBS operated exclusively by Lemire: Digital Freedom. Lemire offers the explanation that the latter was created to provide a greater number of text files, a greater number of messages, a REAL TIME chat service and to house Canada's largest Holocaust Revisionist

- - In 1994, along with two other members of the Heritage Front. Barker was arrested for the messages on the Equal Rights for Whites hotline. 3 Eurolink was one of several hotlines created in the fall of 1993, a time when the Heritage Hotline was shutdown by the Ontario Wurnan Rights Commission. Saunders will not do interviews. 1 made several requests for an interview, al1 of which were refused. Wolfgang Droege told me that Saunders started out in the right wing with considerable potential, but he has since drified away from the limelight. Politically Incorrect can be reached at 4 16 467 4975 data archive. It is my impression, however, that after he had

learned how to run the BBS, Lemire opened Digital Fxeedom to gain

control over his own show and to form a closer alliance with

Droege and the Heritage Front.

Throughout April, 1995 Lemire claims that Digital Freedom

attracted an average of 20 callers per week. However, he

contends that as of October, 1995 there were 2682 registered

users per week, 3486 files and that the BBS had seen over 27 000

users since it ~pened.~Further, by October, 1996 Lemire's idea

of drawing together right wing organizations was gaining

popularity, and attention, in right wing circles. As such, in

February, 1996 Lemire opened the Freedom-Site. The Freedom-Site,

officially run by the Canadian Patriots Network, hosts five prirnary organizations: the Heritage Front, the Euro-Christian

Defense League, Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform, the Canadian

Association for Free Expression and the Canadian Free Speech

League. Although each organization claims autonomy from the

others, al1 Web sites are coordinated by Lemire. Further, the

Freedom-Site currently hosts six "controversial columnists," as well as providing links to Digital Freedom and Radio Freedom.'

Beliefs and Activities: Official Position

With the creation of the Canadian Patriots Network, Lemire

concentrated his efforts on bringing similar groups together.

This figure was offered by Lemire in the Alternative Forum run by C-FAR.Lemire provided me with a tape of his presentation to the Alternative Forum on October 20, 1996. The Freedom-Site also contains a large picture gallery, an interweb chat mm, a text file and the Freedom-Store where numerous products are for sale, as well as several links to other files.. Given the impressive response that Lemire and his associates

received, around November, 1995 he set his sights on the World

Wide Web and in early 1996 the Freedom-Site opened, an achievement which appears to be the culmination of Lemire's efforts since 1993. Despite the fact that the Canadian Patriots

Network functions to strengthen the degree of solidarity among right wing organizations, the group has its own independent, although interrelated, agenda. Out of a love for his own race,

Lemire contends, he set up the Freedom-Site to provide a pro- white information service which enables white Canadians to stay informed and anonymously support traditional Euro-Canadian values without becoming openly involved in right wing politics. In addition, he feels that the internet offers a medium whereby right wing organizations can present their opinions free of media bias, while simultaneously reaching the masses.

In the handbook of the Canadian Patriots Network (1995-

1996), the group's official position is outlined. The CFN claims to be a voice for Euro-Canadians who feel that they are "directly and systematically discriminated against by the government."

Advocating a position which seeks to defeat "the enemy"

(government, media, liberals) intellectually, not physically, the

CPN takes an official stand on six issues: employment equity, foreign aid, government, upholding the Charter of Rights and

Freedoms, political correctness and the Canadian Human Rights

Act. Among other things, the Handbook argues that the

"Draconian" legislation of employment equity practices reverse discrimination against whites, foreign aid is a waste of tax payers' dollars, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is an anti-white legislative act and that the Canadian government neither represents the will of the najority nor does it practice fairness and equality concerning white people.

Under the auspice of the Canadian Patriots Network, Lemire is involved in four major activities: he distributes a regular internet mailing list, which he claims has over 500 subscribexs, coordinates the entire Freedom-Site, runs the Digital Freedom BBS and coordinates Radio Freedom. Between December 10, 1996 and

September 27, 1997 the CPN released 43 documents on their internet mailing list. These documents were prirnarily concerned with keeping subscribers updated on curent events concerning right wing groups. For example, through January and February,

1997 the CPN mailing list was devoted to chronicling Paul Fromm's legal battles with the Peel Board of Education (see Chapter 6!.

And although most of the documents concern the six primary groups listed on the Freedom-Site, several articles have been distributed which concern the other right wing groups across

North America. Further, the CPN1s releases are distributed through three organizations' BBSs in the United States, one in

Europe and one in New Zealand, reaching over 3000 pe~ple.~

Beliefs and Activities: Unofficial Position

Since the Freedom-Site opened in early 1996 there have been numerous additions to the text files, and in the past year 1 have

The names of these BBSs are not provided, but Digital Freedom offers numbers for a German BBS (O 1 1 49 913 1 201 124), as weil as a BBS in Norway (O 1 1 47 6756 5582). witnessed four major upgrades to the site. As of October, 1997 the Freedom-Site offered over 300 text files and throughout June,

1997 the Freedom-Site had seen over 84 000 visitors (CPN distribution list, July 7, 1997). 1 now turn my attention to three files offered on the Freedom-Site which suggest that the

CPN's beliefs are far more broad, and far less mild, than their official position suggests: Controversial Columnists, Digital

Freedom and Radio Freedom. These three files illustrate two things about the CPN: first, they show the extreme nature of the

CPN's belieis; and second, they illuminate the connections that the CPN maintains with other right wing groups and individuals using the internet across North America.

CONTROVERSIAL COLUMNISTS

The Controversial Colurnnists text file9 contains numemus essays dealing with Zionism, free speech, immigration and multiculturalism.

Despite the broad span of issues, however, the columnists are concerned primarily with homosexuality. Currently, the Freedom-

Site hosts six columnists: Chris Saunders, Kevin Strom, Joseph

Lockhart, Jef f Vos, ' Pelo' and Philippe Rushton. Io

On a quick glance you might think that Kevin Strom has presented an educational essay on AIDS. He claims that no sex is safe and he dispels the myth that condoms provide complete safety from sexually transmitted diseases. He goes on to illustrate the

htrp://alphanet.com/-freedom/colum. html Io Lockhart writes on what he sees as the moral degeneration of society; Pelo offers essays on kee speech; Saunders offers only one essay argued against computerized bank transactions. several ways that AIDS can be transmitted, other than sexual relations, and he even calls for AIDS education in schools.

However, Strom then proposes the solution to the spread üf XÛS that the government apparently has kept from society: deport a11 homosexuals and blacks. Strom is the leader of the National

AlliancerlIan Arnerican based right wing organization. Among other things, the National Alliance promotes a quasi-scientific position claiming that whites are naturally superior to al1 other races and that it is only natural for Aryan men and women to progress beyond any and every other race.

Building on the anti-homosexual theme in an extensive archive of anti-homosexual essaysfE Jeff Vos argues that "the gay world is inhabited by an inordinate number of the neurotic, the self-absorbed, the lonely, the alcoholic, the sexually compulsive, and the suicidal." Other arguments that appear in

Vos' essays are that homosexuality is a mental disorder, al1 homosexuals are child molesters and that al1 homosexuals have sex in public places. And one of the central themes running through his essays is that AIDS among heterosexuals is a hornosexual- promoted myth, fabricated by gay-rights groups to gain political

Leverage. Vos is the coordinator of the Cyber National Group, l3 an anti-homosexual, white nationalist online organization. The third noteworthy controversial colurnnist is Philippe

Rushton, a psychology professor at the University of Western Ontario. In an attempt to offer scientific "proof" to the preceding arguments, an essay is offered by Rushton vhich Links blacks to AIDS. Rushton argues that Asians and Africans consistently aggregate at opposite ends, with Europeans in the middle, on a continuum containing over 60 anatomical and social variables. Among these variables are brain size, intelligence, sexual habits and personality (see chapter 5 for a summary of

Rushton's work). It is because of Africans' biological predisposition to promiscuous sexual activity, Rushton argues, coupled with their larger-than-average penis and vagina sizes, that blacks are the primary racial group responsible for the spread of AIDS.

DIGITAL FREEDOM

Whereas homosexuality is the central focus in the controversial columnist text file, the Digital Freedorn BBS'.' is concerned primarily with Holocaust Revisionism. Digital Freedom has grown in the span of two years to become Canada's largest right wing BBS. Today, Digital Freedom, in addition to being accessible on the Freedom-Site with ~heproper technology, runs on three other networks: Fido-Net, North Arnerica-Net and Patriot-

Net.I5 Further, Digital Freedom is linked to Don Blaclc's

Stormfront,l6 as well as to the Aryan News Service. l7 In its first five months of operation, Lemire claims, the aBS received over 1000 registered users. Digital Freedom contains over 900 l4 Digital Freedom can be reached at 4 16 462 3327. l5 The CPN created the Patriot-Net with future plans to create two major Hubs in Toronto and Vancouver by 1998. l6 The Storrnfiont BBS can be accessed through telnet at "bbs,stromfkont.org"or at 407 883 4986. The Aryan News Service is ntn out of the US by Rick Knight. megabytes of information, ranging frorn text file to several dozen conferences. Lemire has argued in numerous media interviews that the BBS contains politically incorrect, but not hateful, material.

Digital Freedom is most notable for housing Canada's largest

Holocaust Revisionist data base. In one of the over 100 documents promoting the Holocaust-as-hoax theme, the general content of the data archive is sumrned up:

What proof exists that the Nazis practiced genocide or deliberately killed six million Jews? None! ....How many gas chambers to kill people were there at Auschwitz? None! ....If Auschwitz wasn't a "death camp," what was its true purpose? It was a large-scale manufacturing complex. Synthetic rubber was made there ....1s there any evidence that Hitler knew of nass extermination of Jews? NO!'^

The same document goes on to argue that only 300 000 Jews died in

Nazi concentration camps and that Anne Frank's diary is a literary hoax. Further, the numerous essays disputing the

Holocaust are accompanied by several documents providing diagrams outlining the structure of gas chambers and disputing the efficiency of such chambers for exterminating humans.

In addition to the Holocaust Revisionist data base, there are several conferences on Digital Freedom focusing on Holocaust

Revisionism, hornosexuality, immigration, foreign aid, white power, race and free speech, to name only a few. Further, there is a sizable picture library, mainly containing pictures of

Heritage Front meetings, but there also exists numerous pictures of prominent Jewish leaders, photos of Toronto's gay-pride day and at one point Lemire had posted a picture of a group of

Skinheads kicking a black man with the title, "Doc Karten's Dental Plan. "

RADIO FREEDOM As the Freedom-Site became more sophisticated in its first year of existence, numerous additions were made to the site's files. Perhaps the most sophisticated is Radio Freedom.I9 Radio Freedom is an interactive cornputer-based radio station which broadcasts exclusively on the internet. In response to what he believes to be a liberal-controlled media, Lemire designed Radio

Freedom in the latter half of 1996 in an effort to offer an alternative information service which broadcasts seven days per week, 24 hours per day. Radio Freedom is available on the

Freedom-Site in REAL TIME, running on 14.4 and 28.8 formats.

Radio Freedom was added to the Freedom-Site in November, 1996 and is currently mirrored on the Digital Freedom BBS, the Politically

Incorrect BBS and the Storrnfront BBS. As of March, 1997 Radio

Freedom had seen over 3000 users (Heritage On-line, Program 16) and new shows are broadcast weekly, featuring four regular hosts:

Paul Fromm, Joy Berke, Christopher Saunders and Gary Plamondon (Plamondon was not an original host). In the first broadcast of Radio Freedom on November 8, 1996, Paul Fromm introduced his program "Commentary Canada." Fromm, l9 Radio Freedom operates by simply accessing the data file and clicking on one of the progratm. With the proper system, it acts just as a radio program. Further. every Friday it broadcasts a new program. hnp/lalphanet.com/-Freedomlr-fw/index.hI whose beginnings with the right wing can be traced to the late

1960s when he CO-founded the Edmund Burke Society, is the current research director of Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform, Inc, (C-

FAR) and the director of the Canadian Association for Free

Expression, Inc. (CAFE) (see chapter 5) . Comrnentary Canada is a monthly program which employs the rhetoric of being dedicated to

"making Canada a nation once again." In the first show of Comrnentary Canada (Radio Freedom, Program 1), Fromm introduced three reoccurring issues in his rnonthly broadcasts: immigration, majority rule and free speech. In his first show, for example, he introduces the notion that Canadians should have the right to vote, via referendum, that until unemployment falls to below 5%, immigration should stop entirely. Fromm argues that a referenda would provide Canadians with the right to choose via the will of the majority. And in every show (with the exception of Commentary Canada, Program 9) Fromm deals with censorship and restrictions which are placed on freedom of expression at the hand of lobbying and special interest groups. For example, he refers to the Canadian government's efforts to identify World War

II war criminals as a "Witchhunt" (Commentary Canada, Radio

Freedom, Program 14) which ignores Canada's real problems: criminal immigrants who have taken over the country. As he

States (Comrnentary Canada, Radio Freedom, Program 20), "We have heard until we are blue in the face, or half dead with boredom, about the Holocaust .... and about Minorityitice," that moral disease which exists among Canadians, Fromm claims, whereby every minority group gets whatever they desire, contrary to the will of

the majority of Canadians.

In addition to Commentary Canada, the second rnonthly program

is "Heritage On-line" hosted by Joy 9erke.20 Berke joined the

Heritage Front in late 1996, and in addition to hosting Heritage

On-line she writes for the Heritage Front's current publication

The Heritage Front Report and periodically writes and records the messages for the Heritûge Hotline. Berke, however, unlike anyone

else interviewed for this study, claims that her participation in

the Heritage Front is to reassure the already converted, rather

than to convert more people for the cause. Regardless, Berke has

corne to play a not insignificant role in the Heritage Front's publicity drive, taking issue with ferninism, liberalism, homosexuality, minority rights, rnulticulturalism and immigration.

Heritage On-Line centers predominately on anti-immigration

and anti-feminism, with the issues of white rights and "reverse discrimination" factored in:

Pity the poor white man, blamed for everything- past and present. He's depicted by the media as a beer swilling idiot or a brutish swine- about to be clubbed into submission by the noble Wesley Snipes. The white man has been so relentlessly trashed that many have abandoned traditional values and courtesies for fear of reprisal. Some have chosen partners from outside of their race in an effort to reassert their primacy. White women should be asking themselves how much of this is their fault? The women's movement has pushed the notion of sisterhood until we're led to believe that we have more in common with any and every fernale on the planet than we do with the maligned white man. But think carefully sister, 'cause when push cornes to shove, it won't be some third world fernale defending you, it will ber as always, a white man (Radio Freedom, Broadcast 2) .

*O 1 interviewed Joy Berke in January, 1997. In addition, Berke argues that immigration policies bring "the retches of the earth" (Heritage On-line, Radio Freedom, Program

16) to Canada who are out-breeding white people. Liberal ideology has convinced Canadians that diversity and multiculturalism is natural, while the white race is being systematically exterminated in the name of liberal-ieminist- rninority rights.

When Radio Freedom began, Chris Saunders was listed as a regular host. However, his show "Wake Up, Canada!" broadcasts infrequently, and his contributions to Freedom-Site text files have been minimal. Lemire offers the explanation that Saunders does not want to get too involved with right wing groups for fear of persona1 repercussions. This is reflected in the content of his show, Wake up, Canada! In contrast, Gary Plamondon's "The

Canada Report" is far less rnild. Added to Radio Freedom in early

1997, Plarnondon, who edits a monthly newsletter called The

Politics of Reason, offers a conservative view spanning a broad range of issues on The Canada Report. However, unlike the other programs, Plxnondon's program is far less sophisticatea. For example, Plarnondon works in association with a man named John

McKeller. McKeller takes a particular stance on feminism and homosexuality, claiming that the feminist plea for adequate health care for women is simply a desire for feminists to obtain free breast reductions so they can look like men (The Canada Report, Radio Freedom, Program 17). Further, he refers to Toronto's Gay Pride Day as "Fag-Smashing Day" and claims that pro-homosexual legislation is an example of tax payersr dollars defending sleaze and degeneracy (The Politics of Reason, August,

As of February, 1997 Heritage On-Line and Commentary Canada were the two most frequently accessed shows on Radio Freedom, but Gary Plamondon's Canada Report was gaining popularity (CPN

Distribution List, February 3 , 1997) . Radio Freedom has continued to broadcast weekly, increasing its listener base as it joins other BBSs. And guest broadcasts have become more popular, featuring Louis Bearn,?' Jeurgan iYewman12 and David Duke. On "The

David Duke Report, " for example, Duke argues that immigration in

Australia, Canada and the United States is reducing the white race while the welfare systern sustains non-white illegitimacy

(Radio Freedom, program 21). As Duke contends:

Every patriotic American should be able to carry a gun, because guns do not kill people, immigrants kill people; for every immigrant valedictorian there are hundreds of murders, dope dealers and robbers; for every immigrant entrepreneur there are hundreds of immigrants living on welfare which produce an endless series of babies nursed at the collective breast of productive Americans.

As we have seen, despite the CPN's official position which claims that the group simply runs a pro-white information service concerned with discrimination against Euro-Canadians, an examination of the contents of the Freedom-Site files run by the

CPN has shown that it is far less benign. Further, it is important to realize that although the Freedom-Site is comprised

21 http://yosernite.ne&eam/ 22 1 interviewed Jeurgan Newman in February. 1997. He runs History Buff Books in Hamilton Ontario. as well as History Buff Videos on the Freedom-Site. of six groups, it has attracted attention from other organizations both on and off the internet, Duke, for example, runs the National Association for the Advancement of White People and has played a not insigniiicant role in the development of Canada's right wing. Furthor, Strom and Vos operate right wing

Web sites, as well as Paul Fromm and Louis Beam. It would be incorrect, however, to assume that the Freedom-Site has operated without public resistance,

Censorship

In September, 1995 Lemire signed on with an Internet Service

Provider (ISP) in Toronto, Pathway Communications. Two montns later, he began running the Freedom-Site on Pathway's server.

The Freedom-Site ran smoothly for the better part of a year until on June 28, 1996 when Lemire was locked out of his account at

Pathway. Apparently, Sol Littrnan, Canadian representative of the

Simon Wiesenthal Center, had sent a letrer to Pathway inforrning them of "distasteful text" presented on the Freedom-Site

(Vancouver Sun, July 19, 1996). Lemire claims that in a letter from Pathway Communication's President Ashok Kalle, he was informed that the reason provided for the termination of his service was that the material he was presenting on the Freedom-

Site was hateful and that Pathway resexved the right at anytime, and for any reason, to terminate his service. t al le^ told me that the reason he removed the Freedom-Site was twofold: first, there was a significant level of public outcry and that other

23 1 intewiewed Akoshe Kalle in August, 1997.

88 customers had complained; and second, the staff of Pathway had concluded that the Freedom-Site espoused hatred and was openly offensive to cornrnunity ethnic groups. Further, Kalle informed me that until the complaints, neither he nor his staff were aware of the contents of the Freedom-Site.

Following the termination of his service from Pachway,?.'

Lemire signed on with a second Company in Toronto, Netcom Canada.

Lemire clairns that many of the local ISPs were skeptical to welcome the Freedom-Site, and as such, he began to look outside of Ontario for an ISP which would provide the new home for the

Freedom-Site. It was not before long when a new home was located for the Freedom-Site in Oliver, British Columbia. In July,

Lemire signed on with the Fairview Technology Center, Ltd

(FTCnet), owned and operated by Bernard Klatt.?j AC this poinz,

Lemire was using his Netcom account to send out press releasos concerning the Pathway event and he was using FTCnet to re-design the Freedorn-Site.

On July 16, 1996 Sol Littman sent letters to FTCnet and

Netcom Canada. In the letter sent to FTCnet, a copy of which is in my possession, Littman points out that Klatt's internet service "has becorne a site for a number of groups that specialize in racial and religious hate material" and dernanded that the site be removeci. Within days, Lemire was closed out of his Toronto based account at Netcom Canada. He contends that Netcom informed z4 In the termination lener, it is addressed to Lemire and Mr. Killy. 25 1 corresponded via E-mail with Bernard Klan in August, 1997. In addition to hosting the Freedom-Site, FTCnet also hosts the Skimet, a Skinhead site nin by a student at the University of Victoria. The Skinnet apparently was banned fiom Netcom Canada and the UVic semer. The Webmaster of the Skimet would not respond to nurnerous requests 1 had made for a correspondence. him that he was removed from their server for sending unsolicited

E-mail messages to the media. However, FTCnet refused to remove the Freedom-Site from their server. As a result, the Fairview

Technology Center came under attack, not only by the Simon

Wiesenthal Center, but also by the local media ana the BC goverment.

During the week of July 14, 1996 the Simon Wiesenthal Center publicly proclaimed that the Fairview Technology Center had become the largest site in Canada for white supremacist and

Holocaust denial groups (Vancouver Sun, July 24, 1996). This, in turn, led to FTCnet losing a substantial number of customers.

After disengaging Fairview's services on July 15, Michael Newman, the owner of the Oliver Chronicle, ran two articles on July 24,

1996 condemning Bernard Klatt's refusal to censor his server?

In addition to canceling their own service with FTCnet and drawing further negative media attention to the Fairview

Technology Center, Newman was instrumental in having the school district cancel their service with FTCnet some tirne lacer. Rnd besides al1 the problems he had experienced over his internet services, Bernard Klatt informed me that Okanagan University-

College revoked a teaching position he held due to his refusal to remove the Skin-net and the Freedom-Site £rom the FTCnet server.

In a letter frorn OUC program administrator Alida Byod dated

October 1, 1996, a copy of which is in my possession, Klatt is informed that he has "put them [OUC] in an awkward position" and

26 One of the articles, titled "Hate Capital of Canada?" was written by Newman where he directly blames Klan for the negative attention amacted to Oliver and equates Klatt to a Fascist. that they would "not be able to have you [Klatt] instruct OUC courses" until he changes his decision about censoring his server. And FTCnet's problems were far from over.

The president of Mascon Communications, Ian MacKay, the parent Company of Oliver TeleVue (OTV), as well as the manager of

OTV cablevison, David Hatfield, requested that Klatt remove the

Freedom-Site and the Skin-net from his server imrnediatel~.~~When

Klatt refused, OTV asked him to remove his equipment from the OTV offices and they terminated the relationship FTCnet shared with

OTV. In an article published on September 25, 1996 in the Oliver

Chronicle, Hatfield is cited as saying that OTV was planing to offer internet service on its own server beginning in October,

1996 and that al1 ties with the Eairview Technoloqy Center and

Bernard Klatt had been severed.

In addition to the negative media attention, the controversy over FTCnet prompted action £rom the BC goverment. In response to the Simon Wiesenthal Center's complaints, Attorney General

Ujjal Dosanjh announced that he had instructed his Task Force on

Hate Crimes to investigate whether anything could be done about censoring the internet (Vancouver Sun, July 24, 1996) . Further, besides ordering a hearing into censoring the internet, he urged citizens to complain to the Canadian Human Rights Commission and to the BC Human Rights Council (Vancouver Sun, July 24, 1996) .18

This resulted in outcry from anti-censorship groups, including

- 2' OWhoused FTCnet's server and FTCnet provided internet and other technoIogica1 services to OTV. 28 It is interesting to note that the Ontario Human Rights Commission ordered hearings into Ernst Zundel's Web site in November of the same year. Dr. David Jones 's Electronic Frontier Canada (EFC) ,29 an on-line civil liberties watchdog organization based at McMaster

University. The EFC spokeout against Littman, claiming that

Littmanfs cornplaints were unwarranted, no laws had been broken

and that neither the BC government nor the federal CRTC had the authority to regulate the internet. Further, Ken McVay, director of the Nizkor Pr~ject,~~an electronic Holocaust educational network, wrote a particularly harsh (and suprising) article

condemning Littman's actions ana arguing that it is not FTCnet which houses the largest site in Canada for white supremacist and

Holocaust denial groups, but rather the Web site.

He went on to rhetorically question as to whether the Nizkor homepage was next on Littman's list, as it contains links to the

Zundel-Site, as well as rnany others.

While Klatt was experiencing difficulties, personally and professionally, in British Columbia, Lemire had begun to look for a local ISP in Toronto. He signed on with a Company called

Interlog. Lemire informed me that Interlog has considered

terminating his service several times due to public pressure, but no forma1 action has been taken to date. Today, the Freedom-Site

is run on the Interlog server and mirrored at FTCnet. The controversy over the Freedom-Site draws attention to a number of broader issues concerning censorship and the internet.

As we have seen, although the controversy centered on the Freedom-Site, pro-censorship and anti-censorship groups polarized on the debate over censoring the internet while Bernard Klatt

seemed to suffer the greatest consequences. Further, the media

played a central role in shifting the issue from the right to

freedom of expression on the internet to erroneously identifying

Bernard Klatt as a supporter of the right wing. As we will see

in chapter 6, the debate concerning censoring the internet is not

over.

Conclusion

In under two years, the Canadian Patriots Network has developed at a remarkable rate. Lemire, who was unemployed when

1 met with him, never revealed to me how he affords the computer

software that is required to maintain such an operation. It is my impression that money cornes from the Heritage Front, but he may get funding £rom Paul Fromm's groups or even Ernst Zundel.

Regardless, the case of the CPN dernonstrates not only that numerous right wing groups and lndividuals from around the world are coming together to participate in such ventures as Radio

Freedom, but that a variety of innovative methods are being used

to espouse racist beliefs on the internet. Further, as we have seen, and as will be illustrated in chapter 6, attempts to censor the internet have proven dif ficult. As groups like the Canadian

Patriots Network continually form new bonds with right wing rnovements around the world, no doubt efforts wili only increase to censor the internet. 4 Ta HERITAGE FRONT

The Heritage Front was officially created on Septernber 25,

1989 by three men: Wolfgang Droege, Gerry Lincoln and Grant

Bristow. Previous to the formation of the Heritage Front, al1 three men were associated with the Nationalist Party of Canada,

Bristow being the newest recruit to corne on the scene in 1988.

Apparently, Bristow had simply appeared at a Nationalist Party meeting in 1988 as a guest of Don Andrews (Up Front, Issue 17, November, 1994) . Despite his short bistory with the far right,

Bristow, as we will see, came to occupy a central position in the creation, maintenance and financing of the Heritage Front.

This chapter is divided into five sections. 1 will begin with an illustration of the origin of the Heritage Front.

Second, I will outline the public image that the Heritage Front attempts to convey, primarily on their Web site. Third, I will outline the first of two distinct phases of the Heritage Front's existence. Fourth, 1 will provide an analysis of the Canadian

Security Intelligence Service's involvement with the Heritage

Front. And I will conclude with a brief illustration of the Heritage Frontfs second phase of existence.

Origin

It may be argued that the Heritage Front owes its conception as an idea to one man: Michael Perdue. It will be remembered that the dissolution of the Ku Klux Klan in 1982 coincided with the incarceration of James Alexander McQuirter and Wolfgang Droege. What were the circumstances leading up to these events, which in turn [relshaped the direction that Canada's far right was to take in the future? Perdue, a man who was associated with the American far right, was directed to Don Andrews by David Duke in 1979. Perdue was searching for investors and participants to caxry-out a mercenary mission to overthrow the government of

Grenada and to restore the ousted leader, Sir Eric Gairy, to power. Feeling that any coup initiated from Canadian or American shores was bound to fail (the plan was to be launched from the

United States), Andrews suggested that an attack on Grenada launched frorn the nearby Island of Dominica would be more effective (Barrett, 1987: 146) . When Perdue changed the focus of the invasion from Grenada ta Dominica, Andrews withdrew frorn the coup- but not before Perdue had recruited two Canadian mercenaries : Wolfgang Droege and Marion ~c~uire.' The Island of Dominica, located in the Caribbean Sea, had a population of about 75 000 people in the early 1980s (Sher,

1983). After gaining independence in 1978 from Britain, Dominica was ruled by Patrick John's Labor Party. In 1980, John's Labor

Party was succeeded in a general election by Eugenia Charles' Freedom Party. By this tirne, Perdue had recruited ten mercenaries to carry-out his plan and he was in contact with

Patrick John, a relationship which led to an alliance between the two men. The mercenaries planned to travel from New Orleans to

Dominica by boat on April 27, 1981. Barrett (1987:147) illustrates that McGuire had traveled to Dominica prior to the

I McGuire was a member of the Western Guard previous to her involvement with the KKK (Barrett, 1987). coup to act as a "pre-invasion scout." Interestingly, it was also McGuire who was to report to CFTR radio station in Toronto, which in turn was supposed to pass information along to the Ku

Klux Klan (Globe and Mail, May 15, 1981). Apparently, CFTR had been informed of the coup to overthrow Dorninica and had planned on reporting the events. Rowever, CFTR reporter Gordon Sivell had told a friend of the plot (who was an OPP officer), who in turn passed the information along to US authorities. This leak, coupled with the fact that Perdue had informed a man who he rented a boat £rom in New Orleans of the entire plot (a man who turned out to be an agent with the US Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearns), put the coup in jeopardy. As a result of the

Klansmensr indiscretions, the mercenary team was apprehended in

New Orleans by US authorities before the invasion was put into action. Would the coup have succeeded, had it not been for the information leaks? In Droege's mind there is no doubt as to the plausibility of the coup.' Droege contends that the Mercenaries would have been able to reach the shores of Dominica and take over the Island's single police station with little diffi~ulty.~

As a result of the failed plan, however, Droege and several others faced a prison sentence for violation of the United States

Neutrality Act. And the arrests in the Dominica caper did not

1 interviewed Wolfgang Droege in February and March, 1997. 3 Apparently, the coup cost a75 000. In court. Perdue claimed that Don Andrews and Martin Weiche had contributed funds for the invasion, but both men denied this accusation. However, it was revealed that $10 000 came hma Toronto organized crime figure (Globe and Mail, May 15, 198 1) and MçQuirter was in possession of a plane ticket purchased on a credit card owned by James C. White, an Amencan business man. White claimed that the card had been stolen. Further, a Jewish man narned Chartes Yanover played a suspicious role in the plot, apparently providing operationa! support (Sher, 1983). stop in New Orleans. Authorities in Dominica jailed McGuire for three years for c~nspiracy,~and close to a year after the initial arrests, McQuirter ended up with a two year sentence for his role in the coup.5 With Droege and McQuirter out of commission, the Canadian right wing network was shaken.

Droege remained in prison in the United States from 1981 to

1983. Upon his release in May, 1983 he traveled to Vancouver to briefly take over KKK leadership from Ann Farmer. Droege clairns that the KKK was no longer a worthy cause and abandoned organizational efforts, soon returning to the United States and violating his parole. In 1984, Droege began to form an alliance with an emerging American far right group, the 0rder.6 However, in 1985 while getting off of a flight in Alabama, he was apprehended by US authorities and charged, not only with a parole violation, but with possession of an illegal weapon and possession of cocaine with intent to traffic. As such, Droege spent the next four years in a maximum security prison in Lompoc,

California.

Upon his release from Lompoc, after serving one-third of a

13 year sentence, Droege returned to Canada in 1989 with $57.00 and one pair of clothes. Within days of his return, he was in contact with Andrews's Nationalist Party. At a meeting of the

- - Interestingly, a man operating under the alias of Hany Wood made an unsuccessfÛ1 attempt to break McGuire out of prison in Dominica. In addition to the charge rclated to the Dominica coup, McQuiwr was charged with conspiracy to murder and counterfeiting The Order, also known as the Silent Brotherhood, was a spin-off of the Aryan Nations in the US. Its primary goal was to establish an ail-white State which operated independent of the US govemment. The Order was impiicated in numerous illegal activities including counterfeiting, mon and murder (Landall, 1993). Nationalist Party held at Andrews's house later that week, Droege

was introduced to Grant Bristow. As Droege understood it,

Bristow had corne on the scene when he showed up at a NPC meeting at Andrews's house in November. Droege contends that Bristow

took an inunediate interest in hirn and the two men became friends. Within a few weeks of his return to Canada, Droege had

obtained employment with Alan Overf ield. According to the

Security Intelligence Review Cornittee's (1994) report on the

Heritage FrontI8 at this time Droege had been considering the

formation of a new group called "The Society For The Preservation

Of The White Race," later changed to "The White Heritage

Foundation." Gerry LincolnI9 one-time Nationalist Party member

and CO-founder of the Heritage Front, denies any group named the

White Heritage Foundation was considered. Further, the SIRC

report claims that rumors were circulating that Bristow was an

RCMP informant, which in turn prompted Andrews to encourage

Droege to show him around and try to dispel the rumors.

Interestingly, an article in the Heritage Front's magazine Q

Front (Issue 17, Novernber, 1994) contends that several NPC members openly voiced their distrust of Bristow and that "One

right-wing alcoholic, a few bricks short of a load let's cal1 him

Overfield owns a Company called Accurate Bailiff Services. Droege was a bailiff whose job was to repossess stolen vehicles. In more than one edition of Ut> Front it is illusû-ated the Bristow frequently heiped Droege locate stolen vehicies. * The SlRC is an intemal review cornmittee which is supposed to rnonitor CSIS activities. Their data on the Heritage Front came predominately from a "hurnan source" that CSIS had placed in the Heritage Front. This "source" is distinguished fiom Grant Bristow, a second spy. However, Heritage Front memben consistently told me that the other source was simply Bristow's alter ego. as everything the source said bares a remarkable resemblance to Bristow. 1 interviewed Gerry Lincoln in February, 1997. offering detailed 'proof' of his many allegations. This was the same 'John' who invariably turns up at every right-of-center meeting, reeking of liquor, and handing out poisonous, poorly- typed tracts, raving about the latest Jewish conspiracy." This man was none-other than John Ross Taylor.

From August 26 to September 4, 1989 Andrews, on behalf of the Libyan government, invited 18 people from the Nationalist

Party to travel to Tripoli to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the 1969 Libyan Revolution, a revolution characterized by the military regime of Muarnrnar Qadhafi's overthrow of the Sanusi monarchy.lo Arnong the members selected were Max French, Ann

Ladas, James Dawson, Wolf gang Droege, Gerry Lincoln and Grant

Bristow (Up Front, Issue 17, Novernber, 1996) .ll Apparently, while in Tripoli the group was to attend a parade where they were required to Wear the green uniforms of Qadhafi's regime. Droege refused to Wear the uniform, as he disagreed with the Qadhafi government's support of the African National Congress which was killing whites in South Africa (SIRC, 1994). This served as an embarrassment to Andrews, stirring-up tension which had previously existed between the two men dating back to Andrews's incarceration in 1976.

[O Numerous repom in the Toronto Sun written by Bill Dunphy, as well as Kinsella (1994:223), daim that the Nationaiist Party had received funding fiom Libya since 1987. l I Max French was a member of the Nationalist Party. He ran for Scarborough mayor in 199 1 with the backing of Don Andrews. He has been linked to the Aryan Nations (B'nai B'rith, 1994). but he is now a Heritage Front mernber. Dawson played a secondary role in organizing the Heritage Front and he is an executive member of the group. Ladas' history with the right wing dates back to the Western Guard. Barrett (1 987:1 12- 1 15) illustrates that at one point she challenged Andrews for leadership of the Nationalist Party in the earfy 1980s. The group returned from Libya on a flight booked by Andrews.

The flight was to leave from Rome and land in Toronto with a stop-over in Chicago. Droege, banned £rom the United States, upon learning of the Chicago stop-over protested to the flight crew, but when the flight landed in Chicago he was forced to get off the plane. When Droege deboarded he was, along with the others, detained by the US authorities. After several hours of interviewing, the group was released, except Droege. Upon their relesse, Lincoln contacted Andrews who instructed him to corne back to Canada. Interestingly, Andrews sent Bristow back to

Chicago with $1000 to retain a lawyer for Droege. This show of support by Bristow, Droege contends, is what sealed their friendship.

After two days of confinement Droege was released and taken to Windsor where he took a bus back to Toronto. Upon his return to Toronto he went to see Andrews and was greeted by an OPP off icer at Andrews ' s house. Curiously, the of ficer told Droege that it was not Andrews, but another man in the NPC who was responsible for the flight booking. Regardless of the rruth,

Droege (and numerous other NPC members) had grown weary of

Andrews and the Nationalist Party. Droege continued to work for

Overfield and he continued to develop a relationship with

Bristow. Droege claims that at this time Bristow was instrumental in urging him to seek an alternative to the

Nationalist Party and set up a new organization. As a resuit, the Heritage Front was created in the fa11 of 1989, attracting the bulk of its membership from the Nationalist Party of Canada. The origin of the Heritage Front presents two mysteries: the role of Don Andrews and the role of the Canadian Security

Intelligence Service. As previously indicated, in 1994 Grant

Bristow was exposed as a CSIS spy. 1 will cover this issue at length later in the chapter. The role of Andrews, however, remains unclear. Did he get involved with Bristow and CSIS to set Droege up? Or, did Andrews even know Sristow's true identity? It may be argued that Andrews feared that Droege would threaten his position as leader of tne NPC, or conversely threaten the Nationalist Party with a new organization, so he set

Droege up by facilitating the meeting with Bristow. Further, how do we explain the OPP officer and Andrews's efforts to rolidify

Droege's and Bristow's relationship, considering that he nad met

Bristow only weeks before? Answers to these questions will have to await further exploration of the Heritage Front.

Beliefs and Goals

The beliefs and goals of the Heritage Front are pubiicly promoted in four ways: a publication, leaflets and literature drives, the Heritage ~otlinel~and on the internet. By far, the most effective way to reach the largest number of people is on the internet, specifically on their Web site. As such, a useful starting point will be to examine the Web site of the Heritage

Front, as this outlet is the clearest example of the public image the Heritage Front attempts to convey.

-- l2 The Heritage Hotline can be reached at 4 16 693 2298. According to their Web page, the Heritage Front believes that because of the discrimination against "traditional Euro-

Canadian values" which predominates in Canada, an organization was needed to support the rights of Euro-Canadians. This support translates into three primary objectives: an end to high immigration levels, a government which recognizes the Euro-

Canadian foundation of "our" country and an end to employment equity and any other "reverse discrimination" program. The

Heritage Front contends that it is "...a non-violent organization which encourages healthy, open and peaceful dialogue on such controversial issues as immigration, welfare reform and the preservation of an individual's racial integrity ....Al1 we seek is fairness and an equal opportunity to express our opinion."I3

However, the same document goes on to cal1 for racial separation, claiming that multiculturalism is nationally divisive, arguing that most of Canada's social ills are due to heavy immigration, and it dismisses the presence of Skinheads at Heritage Front meetings giving "Seig Heils" as political dissenters utilizing a radical symbol to protest the fact that their country is not free. Further, the Web site claims that the Heritage Front is not hateful of anyone, yet it offers a Iink to the Detroit based

Resistance Records run by George Eric Hawthorne (AKA G5orge

Burdi) and to the Zundel-Site which greets readers with the question, "Did Six Million Really Die?" (see Chapter 6) The Heritage Front has participated in numerous literature drives, characterized by everything from placing flyers nn car windshields to handing out literature at schools. On one flyer titled "White and Proud," the Heritage Front claims that they do not begrudge any man of any race. Yet in an examination of several pamphlets and leaflets which 1 have acquired, the overwhelming theme is clear: "More than 1600 whites are murdered by Blacks each year"; "Blacks murder whites at 18 times the rate whites murder Blacks"; "Blacks under the age of 18 are more than twelve times likely to be arrested for murder than whites of the same age"; "Some 90% of the victims of race crimes are white";

"On a per capita basis Blacks commit 50 times more violent crimes than whites." Further, the Heritage Front distributes the

"Animal Series," a combination of flyers which has as its overwhelming theme to compare blacks to jungle animals and suggests that blacks are intellectually and culturally inferior to al1 other races.

Despite the rather direct message that Heritage Front's leaflets and flyers contain, the group has made an effort to refrain from overt expressions of hatred in their publications.

In the first issue of Up Front (Issue 1, Deceinber, lggl), for example, the proper conduct of an activist is laid out by editor

Gerry Lincoln:

It is absolutely necessary for al1 of us to act in a mature and responsible manner when dealing with anyone other than our closest friends and associates.. . .We must learn that we are only as effective as the message that we convey and the image that we create in the minds of the general public.. . .You won't change the quality of life or insure the survival of your children by calling the darker-skinned races by derogatory names. Yelling "Nigger!" will get you absolutely nowhere. . . .We can and must accomplish Our goals in a manner befitting to our race. This passage represents the approach that the Heritage Front attempted to adopt for itself in the coming years. Nonetheless, as the group matured, the nature of their messages drifted further away from this public ideal.

When the Heritage Front was created, it had no more than 15 supporters, as membership was not issued until 1993. The SIRC report (1994, 3.3.5:12) illustrates that at this time the organizational concept of the Heritage Front was that there was intended to exist two wings: a political wing and a military wing. The former was to include individuals involveci in political propaganda work; the latter was a direct, action- oriented wing devoted to attending dernonstrations and distributing literature. Not surprisingly, Hericage Front representatives deny the existence of a military wing; however, my data on the Heritage Front does support such a division, regardless of the labels used, with one further qualification.

The SIRC report illustrates that Droege had created sornething called the "October 2nd C~rnmittee,"'~which was to be "an active measures commando unit to be run by him [Droege] and to use selected skinheads." Although 1 have no persona1 knowledge of the October 2nd Committee, 1 am aware of an "active measures" cornponent of the organization. 1 am uncertain as to the use of

Skinheads, but Gerry Lincoln did confirm the existence of an "action-oriented wing" devoted to upholding white-rights through the use of physical intimidation.

- l4 October 2 was the date that James Dawson registered the Heritage Front.

1O4 Phase 1: 1989-94

In a letter dated December, 1996 which was distributed with the first issue of The Heritage Front Report, the organization's second publication, it is outlined that the first phase of the

Heritage Front's existence, which 1 have identified as ranging from 1985 to 1994, had as its prirnary objective that the Heritage

Front become a "household-word." Conversely, the second phase, which 1 have identified as January 1, 1996 to present, is concerned with building the organization "slowly and steadily."

1 have left a gap between phase 1 and II, as 1995 was an uncertain year for the continued existence of the group.

Although the Heritage Front was officially created in 1989, the organization started off small, and did not hold any public meetings or produce a publication until 1991. The first year of the Heritage Front was devoted prirnarily to advertising and recruitment. Literature distribution drives aimed at recruiting new supporters were frequent, and an important characteristic of recruitrnent emerged in the early days of the organization which remains popular, and controversial, today: recruitment at high schools. Droege, who believes that teenagers are growing intolerant of the multicultural environment of many Toronto area schools, feels that high schools are the best recruiting grounds.

This was exemplified in 1992 when Droege, along with several

Heritage Front members, appeared at a Pickering high school to protest the suspension of four students for distributing Heritage

Front literature to their peers (Up Front, Issue 5, June 1992). Outside of recruitment, the early days of the Heritage Front were devoted to establishing links with other groups and notable right wing figures. For example, the Heritage Front was in attendance at William John Beattie's 1989 Canada Day celebration in Ottawa, "Aryan Fest," which was promoted through the cornbined efforts of Grant Bristow and Don Andrews (Up Front, Issue 17,

November, 1994). Further, in November, 1990 the Heritage Front provided security, at the request of Ernst Zundel, for David

visit to Toronto. The following month, the Heritage Front sponsored the December 8th "Martyr's Day Rally" (the first of three), held in honor of the rnemory of the death of Robert

Mathews. Mathews, one-tirne leader of the Order, was killed in a shoot-out with the FBI in 1984. In attendance at the rally were representatives from the Church of the Creator (COTC), the Ku

Klux Klan, the Aryan Nations, the Nationalist Party of Canada,

Wornen for Aryan LJnity,I6 White Aryan Resistance (WAR) and History

Buff Books. l7 In addition, the rally was addressed by Paul Fromm and making an appearance was John Ross Taylor. By the early

1990s links were being consolidated.

The Heritage Front was introduced to a wider Canadian audience in June, 1991 when Rosie DiManno published the first of several columns concerning the organization (Toronto Star, June

19, 1991) . In this first article, Droege claimed to have a mailing list of about 300 people. Further, this column is the

'5 is a well known British Holocaust denier who is now banned hmCanada. '6 1 had a two-month mail correspondence with a representative of Wornen for Aryan Unity in April and May, 1997. Interestingly, linle research exists on WAU despite the fact that they daim to have chapters in Canada, Ireland, Australia, Poland and Slavakia. The Canadian chapter is based in Victoria, BC. l7 http://www.almanac.bc.ca/hweb/orgs/canad...~he~tage-fion~ earliest evidence which draws attention to Droegefs desire to establish an all-white "homeland." In the following years,

Droege set his sights on purchasing property in the Peterborough area in hopes of creating a city exclusively for white people.

And it was in the same year when the Heritage Frontfs first official public meeting was held at Latvian Hall in Toronto, featuring guest speakers Paul Fromm and Ernst Zundel (B'nai B'rith, 1994) . The first half of the 1990s saw two major attempts to prornote the Heritage Front. First, in December, 1991 the first issue of the Heritage Front's magazine Up Front was published. Up Front went on to publish eight editions through 1992, four in

1993 and four in 1994. 1 have obtained two editions published in

1995, totaling 19 editions since its appearance in 1991. Second, about one year prior to the introduction of Up Front, the

Heritage Hotline was started (The Heritage Front Report, Issue 1,

February, 1996). The hotline ran for about a year until Rodney

Bobiwash,I8 followed by the Canadian Jewish Congress, laid cornplaints with the Ontario Human Rights Commission concerning the hotline messages. In fact, when Bobiwash laid the first of two complaints on September 24, 1991 with the mayorrs Commission on Race Relations, he was greeted at Toronto's City Hall by several members of the Heritage Front who burst into the meeting to protest the complaint (B'nai B'rith, 1994).

l8 Bobiwash was the Race Relations Coordinator for the Native Canadian Centre at the time of the complaint. In response to the Heritage Hotline, Bobiwash started "Klanbusten,"a hotline offering information on right wing organizations. On July 21, 1992 the Heritage Front was subpoenaed by the

Ontario Human Rights Commission to close the Heritage Hotline,

one of several court orders that the Heritage Front violated, and

on January 26, 1993 Droege went before a human-rights tribunal.

After a serious of delays, mostly orchestrated by the Heritage

Front, in April, 1993 the hearing was adjourned until the fall, a

period when the hotline continued to run. But the hotline was

not al1 that the Heritage Front involved itself with at this

time. For instance, on June 26, 1992 Tom and John Metzger were

snuggled into Canada by several Heritage Front members (Up Front,

Issue 6, July 1992). The Metzgers addressed a Heritage Front

meeting on June 27th before being apprehended for entering Canada

illegally on June 28th. Further, in November, 1992 David Irving

was deported from Canada after entering the country illegally in

October for a three-week tour of Canada which was organized by

Droege (Up Front, Issue 9, December, 1992) .

In addition to establishing links with other right wing

groups, the Heritage Front was seeking recruits. Recruitment drives were held in May, 1993 in Kitchener (Toronto Star, June 3,

1993) and in June, 1993 in Toronto in conjunction wich RaHoWo

(Globe and Mail, June 7, 1993). Most startling, on May 29, 1993

the Heritage Front had sponsored a RaHoWa concert and recruiting drive in Ottawa which turned into a riot with anti-racist protesters (Up Front, Issue 12, August, 1993). After the riots, numerous Skinheads and Heritage Front mernbers marched through the streets of Ottawa, congregating on Parliament Hill where Droege addressed the crowd: "One day this traitor goverment will fa11 and we will assume contr01."~~Outraged, about two weeks later an estimated 200 members of the Anti-Racist Action group (ARA) demonstrated outside of Gary Shipper's home, the voice on the

Heritage Hotline, and they proceeded to smash the windows and fire-bombed his house, Reacting to the attack on Shipper's house, Heritage Front members confronted ARA members and a brawl broke out at the corner of College and Lippincott in Toronto (Globe and Mail, June 15, 1993) . Droege was charged with possession of a weapon, dangerous to the public peace.20

Droege was back in court in June, 1993 for the assault charges laid following the fire-bombing of Shipper's house and for his first of several contempt of court charges. He was charged with assault, released on bail, and forbidden to associate with any racialist organization by the court.

Consequently, on October 8, 1993 the Heritage Hotline was temporarily ordered to be shut down after Droege had breached his bail by giving two interviews on behalf of the Heritage Front.

Further, in reaction to the injunction to shut down the hotline, on October 9, 1993 Ken Barker started the Equal Rights for Whites hotline featuring Gary Shipper. On October 14, 1993 the Ontario

Human Rights Commission announced that they would seek a second contempt of court order against Droege and the Heritage Front,

l9 As shown on a documenrary made of the Heritage Front, "Hearts of Hate: The Battle for Young Minds" ( 1994). 20 On the night of the June 5, 1993 recmiting drive, George Burdi's house was broken into and a computer containing Heritage Front and Church of the Creator membenhip lists was stolen. Further, the computer contained the narnes of Heritage Front members in the Canadian military. Burdi, convinced that it was Heritage Front member Tyrone Mason, informed Eric and Elkar Fisher. The Fisher brothers, aIong with Drew Manard, abducted Mason, handcuffed and blindfolded him and beat him. Al1 three were arrested. and new charges were laid against Shipper and Barker. And

Droege's legal problems continued to escalate.

In the latter days of 1993 Droege was appearing in his own contempt of court cases and he was facing charges laid by the

Ministry of Consumer Affairs resulting frorn the fact that he had lied about his prison record on his bailiff application (The

Heritage Front Report, Issue 1, January, 1996) .21 Further, resulting £rom his November charges for conternpt of court over the Equal Rights for Whites hotline, Droege was administered a court order forbidding him to talk to the media. Droege proceeded to violate this order at least two times. And to make matters worse, a second Heritage Front Hotline in Ottawa, run by

Anne Hartman, was ordered to shut down on October 14, 1993.

Needless to Say, the Heritage Front was experiencing significant problems.

Things only got worse for the Heritage Front in 1994. Four main events transpired in 1993 and 1994 which threatened the viability of the Heritage Front in 1995. First, in January, 1993

Charlene Elise ~ategan~~was charged with wilfully promoting hatred against an identifiable group. Hategan had distributed a flyer in her high school which cornpared a black man to an ape, part of the Heritage Front1s IwAnirnal Series. She testified that Droege had provided her with the Animal Series and that the

?' Droege claims that he could not find work anywhere due to his reputation. and as such. he was forced to lie on the application. 22 Hategan was recruited by the Heritage Front at the age of 17 and she came to play a central role in promoting the Heritage Front's public image, as they claimed that she represented the new generation of raciaiists. Hategan defected fiom the Heritage Front in 1993. 23 Dmege daims that Bristow provided the names, addresses and telephone number of anti-racists which were pnnted on the back of the Animal Series flyers. Equal Rights for Whites hotline was set up in direct defiance of the court order banning the Heritage Hotline. Hategan was cleared of al1 charges facing her and she apparently went into hiding after she testified (B'nai B'rith, 1994). Second, in

March the original charges over the Heritage Hotline were dropped when Droege signed an agreement with the Human rights Commission consenting to remain within the parameters of Canada's hate laws,

However, Droege, Barker and Shipper went to court to face the charges for the Equal Rights for Whites line, which in turn resulted in Droege spending 90 days in prison and paying a $5000 fine, Shipper spent 60 days in prison and Barker received a 30 day sentence. Third, after serving his sentence for contempt, in

June, 1994 Droege was arrested for another bail violation.

Apparently, Droege had gone to York University to protest an open forum held by immigration minister Sergio Marchi. He was subsequently acquitted of the latter charge. And to round out the summer of 1994, it was revealed that the Heritage Front had been infiltrated by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service.

CSIS Affair

If the plot to overthrow the Island of Dominica marked the earliest origins of the Heritage Front, as 1 have suggested, the event which signified the beginning of the end of the first phase of the organization's existence was the unveiling of Grant Bristow as a governrnent spy. In the latter days of the summer of 1994, the Canadian public learned that Grant Bristow was on the payroll of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service. Perhaps what was most disturbing about CSIS's involvement with Bristow

was that, in addition to the role he played in CO-founding and

CO-ordinating the Heritage Front, Bristow had used goverment

funds to support such endeavors as Up Front and the Heritage Hotline, not to mention Droegefs numerous legal bills. Questions

began to surface, which have gone unanswered, as to why CSIS was

funding the Heritage Front and what Bristow's true mandate was.

Amazingly, as it turned out few people knew Bristowfs real

identity, and by the time anyone had the chance to find out who

he really was, he had disappeared. CSIS was quick to justify

their involvement with the Heritage Front in the name of national

security, and perhaps they would have been more successful had it

not been for the case of Carney Nerland still lingering in the minds of many Canadians.

Carney Nerland, one-tirne member of the Ku KLUX Klan and the.

Aryan Nations, pleaded guilty to manslaughter in April, 1991 to

what he claimed was the accidental shooting of Cree trapper Leo

LaChance. Apparently, on January 28, 1991 LaChance had entered

Nerland's Northern Gun and Pawn Shop in Prince Albert,

Saskatchewan to conduct business with Nerland. As he left tne

shop, a bullet allegedly passed through the front door and LaChance was shot in the back by Nerland (Kinsella, 1994; Cannon,

1995). Nerland clairned that the shooting was an accident, despite the fact that three shots had been fired. Surprisingly,

Nerland only received a four year sentence after pleading guilty to manslaughter, and he was neither tried for the murder nor was there any attention paid to Nerland's right wing beliefs and associations, despite the fact that Nerland had told police after the shooting that "if 1 am convicted of shooting that Indian 1 should get a medal" (Globe and Mail, May 27, 1992).

In reaction to continual protest by the Native community of

Prince Albert and the Canadian Jewish Congress, in the fa11 of

1991 a commission was formed to investigate to what extent

Nerland's racist beliefs were a factor in the shooting of

LaChance. This was coupled with the fact that in 1991 senior

Crown officials in Saskatchewan revealed that Nerland and two other men had been under investigation for the distribution of anti-Semitic and anti-Native literature when LaChance was shot

(Globe and Mail, May 29, 1992) . The commission heard from a police ballistics expert that the bullet taken from LaChance's body could not have passed through a door, as Nerland had claimed, and it becarne tlear that Nerland had shot LaChance in the store and then taken him outside. Before the commission had a chance to overrule the charge of manslaughter, in a suprising turn of events RCMP lawyers requested an injunction to the hearings, claiming that the commission was coming too close to exposing an RCMP informant. A few rnonths later it was revealed that the RCMP informant was none other than Carney Nerland.

In the ensuing investigation into the LaChance shooting, it was revealed that soon after Nerland confessed to the shooting,

RCMP intelligence officers approached the Prince Albert Crown to inform them of Nerland's connections to both the Aryan Nations and the RCMP (Globe and Mail, May 27, 1992). Apparently, they did not want the case to go to trial, as Nerland would have been exposed as an informant. Further, it was revealed that Nerland had been on the RCMP payroll for at least £ive years and that he held dozens of police perrnits for restricted weapons. Curiously, as it turned out, the commission concluded in a 75-page report that the police were acting in good faith when they charged

Nerland with manslaughter, and although the report recognized the failure to take into account Merland's racist beliefs, no actions were taken, or even recommended, to bring Nerland to trial

(Cannon, 1995) . Further, the commission concluded that racism was not an issue in the LaChance shooting and made no mention of the role that the RCMP played in granting Nerland such a generous degree of judicial leniency.

"As bizarre as the Nerland ordeal was," rernarked one

Heritage Front member, "he was a tenth as valuable to the racialist cause as Bristow was."24 On August 14, 1994 Bill Dunphy of the Toronto Sun reveâled that Grant Bristow was a CSIS spy.

About three months prior to the appearance of Dunphy's article,

Bristow had left the Heritage Front, claiming that he was pursuing a job in New Brunswick. By the time that he was exposed, Bristow was nowhere to be found. Throughout the latter half of August, 1994 the story of who Bristow really was and what role he played in the Heritage Front continually took new turns and increasingly drew attention to CSIS1s questionable involvement with the Heritage Front. First, it will be useful to examine how Bristow was exposed.

24 Interview with a man who will remain unnarned in March. 1997. When Dunphy brought light to Bristow's CSIS connections, he

claimed that his information came £rom an "intelligence source."

Eleven days later, after several media reports and speculations,

on August 25 that source was revealed to be Brian McInnis, the press secretary to former Conservative solicifor-general Doug

Lewis (Toronto Star, August 26, 1994). On August 25 McInnis told

CFT0 News that he had leaked a document which substantiated

reports that CSIS had a spy in the Heritage Fr~nt.?~That sarne document found it way to the Toronto Sun, the Toronto Star and the CBC, and the Toronto Star went as far as to print a copy of

the document on the front page of its August 19, 1994 edition.

The May, 1993 document, titled "" and stamped

"Read and Destroy," outlined not only that CSIS had a spy in the

Heritage Front, but that the spy was used to gather information

for CSIS on an upcorning CBC broadcast which investigated racism in the Canadian Armed Forces and possible links between Canadian soldiers in Somalia and the Heritage Front.

From these revelations, the obvious question "Did CSIS spy on the CBC?" arose. According to the SIRC (1994: XII, 12.7) report, although the information on the CBC should not have been obtained by CSIS, there was no official operation targeting the

CBC. In the document it is stated that Droege was contacted by

Howard Goldenthal of the "Fifth Estate" in an effort to determine whether Canadian soldiers involved in the recent deaths of

Somalis were linked to racist groups in Canada. Although Droege

25 The document was intended to assist Progressive Conservative cabinet ministen in answering questions in Parliament when the CBC story aired. denied any connection, the SIRC claims that CSIS had been aware

of white supremacists in the military since 1989, but adamantly

refused to acknowledge CSIS's investigation into these matters.

Regardless of the vague circumstances surrounding the CBC report,

this was only the beginning of allegation of wrong doings carried

out by Bristow and CSIS.

Several days following the reports of CSIS spying on the

CBC, it was revealed that Bristow, along with Droege and several

other Heritage Front members, had provided security for the

Reform Party of Canada in 1991. But this was not the first time

that public attention had been drawn to the Heritage Front's

involvement with the Reforrn Party. On February 28, 1992 the

Toronto Sun ran a story claiming that the Heritage Front had

infiltrated the Reforrn Party, and CSIS had reported on the

infiltration in August, 1991, May, 1992 and July, 1992. Nonetheless, no actions were taken to remove Bristow from the

Reform Party (SIRC, 1994: VII, 7.4.4) . In response to the Toronto Sun's allegations, the Reforrn Party conducted an interna1

investigation which concluded that Alan Overfield, one-time mernber of the Western Guard, the National Party of Canada and

Heritage Front, and one of the directors of the Beaches-Woodbine

Reform Party riding associations, had sold or sponsored 22 rnernberships, four of which were confirmed Heritage Front members

(SIRC, 1994: VII, 7.5.4) . Droege claims that there were at least

50 Heritage Front rnembers in the Reforrn Party. CSIS became aware that Droege, Bristow, Lincoln and James

Dawson had obtained employment providing security for the Reforrn Party on June 10, 1991 (SIRC, 1994: VII, 7.1). Previously, resulting from a concern over counter-demonstrations directed against and the Reform Party, Alan Overfield was placed in charge of security for the Reform Party rallies in and around Toronto, Overfield's security team proceeded to provide security for at least four major Reform rallies in the Toronto area; however, when the Reform Party discovered that there were

Heritage Front members in their outfit, al1 four were expelled.

Nonetheless, perhaps most damaging to the Reforrn Party was

Bristow's involvement, as more serious questions concerning

Bristow's role in the Heritage Front began to emerge.

Several theories may be postulated as to why a CSIS spy, who was publicly recognized as a white supremacist, infiltrated the

Reform Party and allowed himself to be caught on tape speaking with and escorting Preston Manning on a number of occasions. The

SIRC report claims that in 1984 Bristow had worked for Progressive Conservative candidate David Crornbie and in 1988 for

Progressive Conservative candidate Otto Jenkins. Evidence also arose linking Bristow to Conservative Party official John Tory.

It was suggested that he was used by the Conservatives to discredit Manning, and Alan Overfield went as far as to claim that Droege had received funds, through Bristow, £rom Tory,

Jenkins and John Garnble to appear at Reform meetings and discredit the Party (SIRC, 1994: VII, 7.7.2). Regardless of these accusations, substantiated allegations did arise which suggested that Bristow's involvement with the Reform Party, and as a persona1 security guard for Manning, severely damaged the Reform Party's image and compromised its opportunity to become the official Opposition in Ontario. The pertinent question is,

"Did Bristow operate on his own recognizance, or was he under a

CSIS mandate?"

As the Bristow affair unraveled two other allegations surfaced. First, in 1989 as an employee of Keuhne and ~agel?~and as a CSIS paid informant, Bristow was sent to a Canada Post sorting plant to do investigation work concerning missing packages. On October 3, 1994 the CBC ran a story, the second of two, describing how a CSIS spy was privy to information concerning an impending strike of the plant, in addition to information concerning an amalgamation of the plant's labor union with a second union (SIRC, 1994: XI, 11.3). SIRC dismissed the

CBC report as the mis-reading of a briefing note from the former

Solicitor-General. Second, on August 23, 1994 the CBC reported that Bristow was trying to gather information on the Canadian

Jewish Congress and other Canadian Jewish groups (Toronto Star,

August 24, 1994). The same report claims that Bristow went to the Canadian Jewish Congress in 1992 posing as a reporter from the Ottawa Citizen. The police were notified, but the subsequent charges against Bristow were dropped without explanation.

Further, on August 24, 1994 the CBC reported that Bristow had traveled to California to meet with where he provided

Metzger with details concerning the operations of the Canadian

Jewish Congress (Toronto Star, August 25, 1994), as well as

26 Keuhne and Nagel is a Company in Brampton that Bristow did investigation work for while working for CSIS. providing him with names and addresses of prominent Canadian Jewish leaders.

What did the Heritage Front have to Say on the Bristow issue? L& Front (Issue 17, November, 1994) carried a 15 page exposé of Grant Bristow, chronicling his five years with the organization. The front page of that issue carries a letter from

Gerry Lincoln which thanks Bristow for his time, money and efforts to build the Heritage Front:

Whatever his motivation, he was tireless, in his efforts to help build this organization. He could be counted on to pull his own weight in every new undertaking. An ideal man, not content to sit back and dream, he put his energy- and his money- where his mouth was ....There is no question about it. The Heritage Front is stronger today because of the foundation that Grant Bristow helped to build. For that, we thank him.

The general impression that 1 have formed from the members of the

Heritage Front that I interviewed for this study is that Bristow was a friend, a colleague and a definite asset. Several members claim that they knew, or at least suspected, that Bristow was some sort of police agent. Nonetheless he played an instrumental role in building the organization, as well as coordinating many of its activities. For example, Bristow recruited and trained numerous Heritage Front members to conduct telephone harassment campaigns against leftists and opponents, as well as cornpiling intelligence information on members of the Anti-Racist Action

Group (Up Front, Issue 17, November, 1994). Further, in a letter inserted in the first issue of The Heritaqe Front Report (Issue

1, January, 1997) dated December, 1996, it is claimed that because the government went to such lengths to infiltrate the Heritaqe Front, this was interpreted as proof that the group mut be a strong political threat to Canada. And what was Bristow's contribution to the qroup? Droege claims that Bristow was instrumental in getting him to create an alternative oxganization to the Nationalist Party. In addition, according to Droege, Bristow, along with himself and Gerry

Lincoln invested hundreds of dollars for initial start up fees;

Bristow paid for numerous travel expenses, lunches, hotel rooms, gas, as well as paying part of the printing and stationary expenses for Up Front and for the 1989 Aryan Fest; he helped finance Ken Barker's Equal Rights for Whites Hotline; he provided his para-legal services to numerous Heritage Front members in everything from the Human Rights Commission hearings to traffic tickets. Further, Bristow, claims Droege, was invoived with setting up a computer link with Terry Long and Tony McAleer which functioned to exchange information on "enemies." And perhaps not too suprising, Droege believes that, despite his involvement with

CSIS, Bristow was of "like-mindedness."

We are now ready to ask, "What was Bristow's CSIS mandate?"

Up Front (Issue 17, Novernber, 1994) claims that Don Andrews believed that Bristow was planted in the Nationalist Party of

Canada to monitor his activities after he received over 5000 votes in the 1988 Municipal elections. The same issue dismisses

Andrews's theory as his perception of the "would-be Fuhrer."

More probable, if we are to assume that CSIS was operating out of a concern for national security, Bristow's role might well have been te monitor Droege upon his release from prison in 1989. To understand Bristow's involvement with the Heritage Front, it will be useful to briefly examine the role of the agent provocateur.

The agent provocateur can be differentiated from the goverment informer. Whereas the latter gathers information on various organizations, the former is an active participant in those organizations (Marx, 1974). In Bristow's case, he was a civilian, not formally tied to any police agency. Perhaps this partially removes him £rom any professional-ethical protocol, but it does not explain why he became involved in this type of work.

Marx (1974) outlines a number of reasons why a person becomes an agent provocateur. Financial rewards, Marx suggests, is a major incentive, but he goes on to describe how an agent provocateur often becornes a double agent, converts to the organization or partially assimilates to the group's lifestyle. It seems plausible, and probable, that the agent provocateur would have co sympathize with the organization's views to a certain degree CO be taken seriously by the organization. As Marx (1974:422) writes, "....he must face the dilemma that credibility and access corne through activism." There is no doubt that Bristow was

"active" in the Heritage Front, but as we have seen from

Bristow's beginnings in 1988, many right wing members did not believe that he was genuine. Nonetheless, Bristow either proved hirnself through the years, or he was such a great asset that no one really cared. It seems reasonable to conclude that both are true. An intriguing position to consider in the Bristow case is the role of the double agent. Marx (1974:416) outlines how some double agents seek to gain protection for their own radical activities by becoming an agent provocateur. He describes in 3

footnote how one informer was so afraid of being arrested that he became an FBI informer so that he could openly participate in radical politics, but was never in danger of any legal consequences. It can be reasonably argued that Bristow's involvement with the Heritage Front, in addition to his activities concerning the CBS , the Reform Party, the Canadian Jewish Congress and the post office, were not only sanctioned by

CSIS, but actually beneficial to them. For example, Bristow not only supplled CSIS with valuable information on the CBC and the post office, but his CSIS connections were masked by his involvement with the Heritage Front. Even if CSIS knew that

Bristow was sympathetic to Heritage Front beliefs, he was the perfect spy for other operations. Nonetheless, the question as to why Bristow helped set-up a right wing group under the coordination of CSIS remains unanswered by CSIS or the SIRC, and

Marx's (1974) analysis of the agent provocateur offers little insight into this event.

Phase II : 1996 to present Throughout 1995, in al1 probability due to the numerous charges still facing Droege and the resulting legal costs, the

Heritage Front remained relatively quiet. Up Front had started to lose its previous flair and Droege spent a total of 72 days in prison in 1995 for aggravated assault and contempt of court. As of 1996, in the span of less than three years, Droege had faced six trials, two appeals and two tribunals. Yet despite al1 of the Heritage Front's interna1 and legal problems, not to mention financial ones, the Heritage Front had accomplished what it had originally set out to do. Droege had appeared in court numerous times, which was usually accompanied by a riot outside of the court house, and the media captured every moment. In addition, the CSIS affair only intensified the Heritage Front's media attention, not to mention the media coverage Droege received in

November, 1994 when he ran for Municipal election and received

14% of the vote. Once the Heritage Front had become known, phase

1 had come to an end.

In February, 1996 The Heritaqe Front Report unofficially replaced Up Front. Far from the impressive publication of &

Front, The Heritage Front Report consisted of a two page document chronicling the past six years of the Heritage Front's activities. The newsletter was, 1 suspect, intended to keep readers informed of past and current events and to act as a sign that the group was still active. Eventually, The Heritage Front

Report was re-introduced in January, 1997 as the "political and ideological journal of the Aeritage Front," a newsletter initially averaging four pages in length. The editor of Up Front,

Gerry Lincoln, had been replaced in The Heritage Front Report by

Frank Gordon. In the first half of 1997, however, not only did the size of The Heritage Front Report increase, but the messages it contained became more overt. The first edition of The Heritage Front Report carried the headline, "We are here to stay" and of fered the refreshing news,

"The court cases are over." Indeed, by January, 1997 Droege had been cleared of al1 charges facing him and/or had served-out al1 prison time. However, unlike Up Front, early editions of The

Heritage Front Report seem to resernble the publications produced by Paul Fromm (see chapter 5). They deal primarily with anti- immigration, anti-foreign aid, anti-liberalism, anti- multiculturalism, goverment and discrimination against white people. Further, The Heritage Front Report (1(2) , February, 1997) addressed the Skinhead issue, claiming that although che

Skinheads were useful to attract attention in phase 1, the

Heritage Front will not tolerate any outward signs of hatred in phase II of its existence. Despite its tame nature, however, as it grew £rom January to May, The Heritage Front Report took a more overt approach. For example, the April edition lists an

"eight-point program for white rights," among them "To form a White national state ....To take back North America and dismantle the pro-minority welfare state ....To quickly abolish liberal courts dominated by Zionist and communists....To achieve a decisive victory over the multi-headed hydra of Capitalism,

Marxism and Zionism." In addition to The Heritage Front Report, the Heritage

Hotline was once again free to run. In 1996, 57 messages were produced from January 13 to August 11. The most pronounced theme presented on the hotline concerned immigration. Other themes included anti-homosexual, anti-foreign aid, anti-feminism and anti-employment equity. And although things were Looking up for the Heritage Front, the April, 1997 edition of The Heritage Front

Report was circulated with a letter carrying familiar news:

Droege was arrested again. Apparently, while acting as a middleman in the sale of a car, Droege was arrested because the car was stolen. Nonetheless, he was released on his own recognizance, as the charges were minor. As a result of this event, the letter daims, Droege has taken a leave of absence from the Heritage Front to get his iife on course. This is quite plausible as Croege told me in March, 1997 that he wanted to get on with his life. Due to his associations, he was unable to get a job and he felt that it was time to "settle down."

Nonetheless, 1 suspect that despite Droege's genuine intentions, his leave will be brief.

Conclusion

It seems as though the Dominica caper foreshadowed the future course that the Heritage Front was to take. Since its creation in 1989, the group has been wrought with scandals.

Nonetheless, the Heritage Front, despite al1 its interna1 and legal problerns, has weathered the storm(s) and emerged as one of the strongest right wing groups that Canada has seen in the post

W.W.11 era. With little doubt this is due to Droege's leadership, but it would be a mistake to assume that with Droege out of the picture, whether on leave or in prison, that other capable leaders are not available. Lincoln, for instance, is a strong leader, despite the fact that he stays out of the public eye and grants few interviews.

More serious is tne role that Bristow played in the Heritage

Front. The activities of Grant Bristow, presumably under the direction of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, at the very least are suspicious and questionable. Perhaps if his activities were confined to the Heritage Front, his role would be more understandable, if not condonable. However, Bristow's actions were outrageous and the SIRC's reaction was insulting to the Canadian Jewish Congress and the Canadian public. We can further wonder how many spies are in the Heritage Front today?

Given Bristow's actions, it is not inconceivable that many other members are either agent provocateurs or governrnent inforrners.

The Heritage Front recruits many young members, and as Marx

(1974) argues, young informers are usually the most effective spies because of their age and inexperience in professional policinq. As the Heritage Front continues to recruit, their susceptibility to government infiltration increases.

And we should not forget the persona1 vendetta that Don Andrews held towards Droege. Not only did he set Droege up on the flight back frorn Tripoli, but the Bristow scanda1 was simply amazing. The irony is, 1 suppose, that the Heritage Front has far surpassed the threat that the Nationalist Party poses to

Canada. In fact, Jeurgan Newman remarked to me that the

Nationalist Party will die with Andrews.

With phase II now under way, we are going to see less of the

Heritage Front. To some people this may be a blessing; however, there is a danger of the Heritage Front moving closer to the rnainstream. As will be illustrated in chapter 8 with the right wing in Europe, on the world political stage the right wing is a force to be reckoned with. 1s the Heritage Front in an embryonic stage of the global right wing political scene? Only tirne will tell. 5 OTHERS ON THE FREEDOM-SITE : LOCKHART, FROMM, CHRISTIE

We now come to a chapter that deals with three individuals

who are clearly strong conservative thinkers, yet do not fa11

into an extremist or radical category. I will begin with Joseph

Lockhart, director of the Euro-Christian Defense League, present

Paul Fromm, a man who has already been introduced to the study,

and conclude the chapter with a discussion of Doug Christie,

director of the Canadian Free Speech League. Although this

chapter deals with the "moderates," it nust be rernembered chat

these individuals appear side by side on the Freedorn-Sire with

groups like the Heritage Front. Further, as 1 will descibe,

these three men, Fromm and Christie in particular, maintain

relationships with far right figures such as Ernst Zundel and

David Irving.

Joseph Lockhart

Joseph ~ockhart'is the research director of the Euro-

Christian Defense League (ECDL) . Similar to ïhe Canadian

Patriots Network, the ECDL is primarily an on-line organization

based in . However, unlike the Canadian Patriots Network

which plans to expand beyond the internec, 1 suspect that tne

ECDL is restricted to the internet as a result of its modest

degree of sophistication and appeal. The story of Lockhart and

the ECDL presents two important characteristics relevant to the

right wing today: first, the ECDL illustrates how right wing

AAer numerous requests. I interviewed Lockhart in August, 1997 using electronic mail. as the ECDL is based outside of Ontario. connections which are maintained via internet across geographic barriers; and second, it shows how fringe groups are coming together with radical groups to offer a broader right wing perspective.

The Euro-Christian Defense Leaque was created in 1992 following the dissolution of Bill Harcus's Manitoba chapter of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. In chapter 2 1 briefly discussed the Manitoba KKK, indicating that the organization had been infiltrated by two undercover police officers. These individuals were Doug Zaporzan and Shirley Ann Hooker (Winnipeq

Free Press, June 23, 1992). Reacting to the extreme nature of the KKK'ç telephone hotline messages and an increasing amount of hate literature circulating in the Winnipeg area (Kinsella,

1994), the Winnipeg police decided to investigate Harcus's Klan.

Zaporzan and Hooker, posing as lovers, befriended Harcus and started to participate in a variety of activities with Harcus,

Dennis Godin and Theron Skryba. The infiltration endured from

October 29, 1990 to December 18, 1991 until Harcus was arrested and charged with advocating genocide against an identifiable group after circulating a pamphlet called "Death of the White Race" (Winnipeg Free Press, December 20, 1991) . In addition to Harcus, Theron Skryba and Joseph Lockhart came under investigation for CO-ordinating KKK cells. However,

Lockhart contends that his association with the KKK was brief and informal, claiming that he only met with Harcus a few times to see what the KKK was al1 about. Further, Lockhart suggests that he was used by the Winnipeg police department as "damage control following a rather embarrassing situation." In the ensuing investigation, the police were unable to link him to the KKK and the charges against Harcus, Skryba and Lockhart were dismissed when the investigation began to focus more on the role that

Zaporzan and Hooker played in promoting the KKK.' It was with the dissolution of the Harcus's Klan when Lockhart created the

Euro-Christian Defense League-

Whereas the Heritage Front and the Canadian Patriots Network promote white rights and claim that whites are discriminated against in Canada, the ECDL adds Christianity to these contentions. Lockhart claims that due to anti-Christian influences over the past several years in Canada, "the God that most people pray to is multiculturalisrn." Rejecting modern day Christianity as "lukewarm," diluted with the influences of communisrn and humanism, the ECDL's Web page argues that their form of Christianity, "traditional Christianity," is incompatible with any other religion; to hyphenate Christianity with "Judaeo" is an outrage. Claiming that white Christians of European descent are the Lost Sheep of the House of Israel, God's chosen people, and that the Old Testament had nothing to do with the

Jews, the ECDL promotes "God's law of racial separation" believing that it is not only beneficial, but natural for races to live separately.

2 Zaparzan and Hooker passed out literanire on numerous occasion which was later detemined to be in violation of Canada's hate laws. When the press Ieamed of this, the role of undercover police officers came under attack by the local media. Funher, Hooker apparently admined in court that she had used audio surveillance tapes to build her testimony. The ECDL publishes a monthly newsletter, Trurnpet of Truth, and Lockhart claims to have subscribers worldwide. The Trumpet of Truth deals with issues such as gun control, abortion, multiculturalism, homosexuality and Christian/white rights.

Generally, the ECDL desires an end to what they perceive as society's eroding moral fabric, characterized by such things as church groups ordaining women and homosexual ministers, and advocates the protection of the culture and heritage of white

Christian Canadians. In the few files offered on their Web site, two central themes stand out: free speech and homosexuality.

In his writings, Lockhart fails to separate freedom of speech and freedom of religion. The ECDL criticizes "political correctness" with quasi-religious sentiments such as "When Jesus was kicked out of the school, he was replaced by condom machines and now metal dete~tors."~Sentiments such as this are set against the back-drop of the case of Malcolm Ross (see chapter

6), a school teacher charged with promoting hatred against Jews in four publications. Lockhart argues that a hate campaign launched by Atlantic Jews has stripped a Christian man of his right to religious freedom. It is interesting to consider that although Lockhart calls for Malcolm Ross's right to freedom of religion and expression to be upheld, he denounces homosexuality and gay-rights.

When Lockhart was charged following the break-up of the KKK in 1991, it was for public mischief after he erased and changed a telephone answering machine message at the Coalition Against Homophobic Violence (Winnipeg Free Press, August 24, 1997). In one of three essays he has posted on the Controversial Columnist

text file he equates homosexuality to a "forest £ire called AIDS' and declares that this fire should be "stomped into the gr~und."~

Further, in August, 1997 he circulated two documents on the -CPN

Mailing list (August 17, 1997; August 19, 1997) chronicling the murder case of Gordon John Kuhtey. Kuhtey, an alleged homosexual, was beaten to death in 1991 and in 1997 four men were charged with the murder who were al1 described by the local press as "neo-Nazis." When the charges were dropped as a result of Che

Crownls star witness buckling on the witness stand, Lockhart celebrated the failed prosecution by posting the news on the

ECDL1s Web page the sarne day.

CONCLUSION

To date, Lockhart's Euro-Christian Defense League has remained relatively unknown. Perhaps because of its geographical separation from the CPN, the Heritage Front, Ernst Zundel and

Paul Fromm, the ECDL has remained relatively quiet. However, this is not to suggest that because of its rernote location, in relation to others appearing on the Freedom-Site, that it should not be taken seriously. For instance, Kinsella (1994:46) states that Donald Clerkin, a man who runs Milwaukee's Euro-Arnerican

Alliance, raised funds for Harcus in the KKK trail in 1991.

Further, Harcus met Dennis Godin, a man who initially helped him set up the KKK in Manitoba, through Don Andrews who runs the Nationalist Party out of Toronto- an event which indirectly led to the creation of the ECDL. The right wing has always maintained rernarkable connections on an international scale, and the internet offers a medium whereby otherwise rnarginalized groups like the ECDL can strengthen their connections, expand their membership base, and in doing so enhance their perception of self-worth. Without the internet, the ECDL would probably remain a local, small-scale movement without the possibility of expansion.

Paul Fromm -- -

In addition to his monthly broadcast on Radio Freedom, Paul

~rommjis the research director of the Canadian Association for

Free Expression (CAFE) and Citizens for Foreign Aid Reform (C-

FAR). Fromm has been involved in right wing politics for three decades and unlike many of his associates, until quite recently he has managed to avoid legal ramifications for his activities and associations (See Chapter 6). As 1 will demonstrate in this section, Paul Fromm's two organizations present the best example of the middle mark between legitimate political parties like the

Reform Party and far right groups like the Heritage Front.

However, as 1 have argued to this point, the Freedom-Site should be seen as a unitary whole, rather than as six autonomous groups.

Indeed, the six organizations on the Freedom-Site have corne together because they believe that there is strength in numbers.

As Fromrii stated in his speech at the Heritage Front's December 8,

- - i intemiewed Paul Fromm in April, 1997. 1990 Martyr's rally, " . . .we ' re up against an enemy, as 1 see it, the equivalent of an army of occupation ...And the only way we are going to regain Our country is through unity, unity, ~nity."~

In this section of the chapter 1 shall do two things.

First, 1 will examine the beliefs and activities of CAFE and C-

FAR, relying predominantly on three publications produced by the two organizations. The section concerning CAFE will deal predominately with Fromm's activities, whereas the C-FAR section wiil focus predominately on his beliefs. Because the organizations overlap considerably, 1 will begin with a brief overview of CAFE, but shall focus the majority of rny attention on

C-FAR. Second, 1 will draw attention to the relationships that

Fromm has formed with the more extreme right wing such as the

Heritage Front and Ernst Zundel, but aiso to the attachrnent C-FAR has developed to quasi-scientific writings such as those produced by Philippe Rushton. Recently, these associations have caused

Fromm considerable problerns.

Barrett (1987:190-204) contends that with his resignation from the Western Guard in 1972,' Fromm became the editor of

Countdown, an anti-Comrnunist quarterly magazine, and the following year created Campus Alternative, a conservative organization at the University of Toront~.~After his separation from the Western Guard, many members of the right wing held a considerable amount of contempt towards Fromm, as they saw him as

hft~://www.web.apc.org-ara/documents/fromm.htm1 Fromm denies ever being a member of the Western Guard. Campus Alternative was taken over by a man narned James Hull. Hull had previously CO-foundedand served as president of C-FAR. a "closet Nazi" (Barrett, 1984a). The reaction of Fromm's former colleagues to his separation from the Western Guard is somewhat ironic considering the close relationship he enjoys with the

Canadian Patriots Network and the Heritage Front, not to mention the Heritage Front's efforts to appear mainstrearn. Fromm first aligned himself with the Heritage Front in 1990 at the Martyr's

Day Rally, and he has appeared regularly at Heritage Front meetings ever since.

CANADIAN ASSOCIATION FOR FREE EXPRESSION

Founded in 1980 and incorporated in Ontario in 1981, the

Canadian Association for Free Expression is a non-prof it organization devoted to upholding Canadians' unlimited and unrestrained right to freedom of speech and expression. CAFE publishes The Free Speech Monitor ten times per year, in addition to releasing numerous special reports. Further, CAFE participates in a variety of lobbying efforts to combat "the enemies of freedom." 1 have followed CAFE for approximately sixteen months, ranging from April, 1996 to October, 1997. In this time period, 1 have acquired a one year collection of -The Free Speech Monitor, in addition to ten special reports released by CAFE. From April, 1996 to May, 1997 The Free Speech Monitor, which averages about three to four pages in length, was concerned almost exclusively with special interest groups which are devoted to restricting the activities and promotion of right wing organizations. From April to October, 1996 The Free Speech Monitor devoted considerable attention to David Lethbridge and Alan Dutton.

Lethbridge, a psychology professor at Okanagan University-College and the leader of the Salmon Arm Coalition Against Racism

(SACAR), played an instrumental role in having the March 23

Canadian Free Speech Conference run by CAFE canceled. The conference, which was supposed to be held at the Surrey Inn in

Vancouver, was canceled after Lethbridge and numerous other anti- racists lobbied the Surrey Inn. In fact, Fromm contends that when he showed up at the Surrey Inn, they would not even honor his reservation. Nonetheless, the Conference went ahead at the

Croatian Cultural Centre where 95 people were in attendance (CAFE

Update, March 27, 1996).

Following CAFE1s conference in Vancouver, Alan Dutton, executive director of the Canadian Anti-Racism Education and

Research Society (CARES), called for a boycott of the Croatian

Cultural Centre and AM 1040 radio, a radio station which hosted

Paul Fromm and David Irving following the Surrey Inn incident

(The Free Speech Monitor, September, 1996) . In response to

Dütton's actions, CAFE launched an attack on Dutton in The Free

Speech Monitor which stretched over six months. Apparently,

Dutton had received $742 382 in government grants from 1993 to

1995, despite the fact that CARES was officially dissolved in

1994 for a failure to file financial statements with British

Columbia's Registrar (The Free Speech Monitor, September, 1996).

This infuriated CAFE, as they see Dutton as a self-styled opponent of free expression who continues to operate using government fundsr9 despite his financial past. And although CAFE was vocal on Dutton's continued government funding, they were outraged by the government support that the Anti-Racist Action group (ARA) has received by Toronto's Metro Council.

On June 22 and 23, 1996 the ARA organized "Youth Against

Hate: Anti-Racist/Anti-Fascist Organizing Conference" in Toronto.

When Toronto's Metro Council recommended an $8000 grant for the conference, CAFE, along with the Heritage Front, lobbied Metro

Council to retract the grant (The Free Speech Monitor, September,

1996). In response to Fromm's repeated protests, Metro Council member Robert A. Richards circulated a memo which clairned that

Fromm was a white supremacist who heads the neo-Nazi groups CAFE and C-FAR (CPN Distribution List, Decernber 11, 1996). In reaction to this event, Fromm filed a $700 000 Libel Action against Richards and Metro Council, contending that he is neither a white supremacist nor are his organizations neo-Nazi outfits.

CAFE continued their protest against the ARA through the summer of 1995, focusing on the ARA'S violent history. For exarnple, on May 7, 1995 Ernst Zundel's house was bombed and later that month Zundel received a pipe bomb in the mail.I0 The

Heritage Front was quick to claim that ARA mernbers were responsible for the arson attack, but no legal action was taken.

Interestingly, in February, 1996 two CSIS agents visited business man Michael Rothe at his home in Kitchener to inquire about his involvement with the Heritage Front. During this visit, Rothe

Fromm daims that Dutton received over $87 000 since CARES was dissoIved. Io On the Prowl (Fail, 1997). the ARA'S monthly publication, stated that Zundel's house was bombed by David Barbarash and Darren Thurston. video taped the two CSIS agents admitting that CSIS was aware that it was ARA members who had bombed Zundel's house (CAFE

Update, October 22, 1996) .ll These events only fueled the persona1 resentment Fromm held towards the ARA. For exarnple, in

Decernber, 1995 several ARA rnembers interrupted CAFE's Christmas

Party at a Toronto restaurant, throwing food around and cursing at the people in attendance. Further, on March 16, 1996 the

Edmonton chapter of the ARA burst into a CAFE meeting in

Edmonton, spitting and cursing at those in attendance. The ARA'S monthly publication On The Prowl (Summer, 1996) confirrns not only that they broke up the meeting and spat at many of the CAFE supporters, but that Fromm was dragged outside and thrown to the ground. After a mild scuffle, they continued to bang on the windows which resulted in the meeting being adjourned.

Regardless of CAFE1s protest of ARA, however, they received their

$8000 grant from Metro Council and $8000 from the Trillium

~oundation.

CITIZENS FOR FOREIGN AID REFORM

Of the two organizations which Fromm directs, Citizens for

Foreign Aid Reform is his most passionate endeavor. Fromm became involved with C-FAR in the early 1980s. He contends that when C-

FAR was created in 1976 it had only 20 to 30 supporters. Today, however, the organization claims a membership base in every

11 On the Zundel-Site, there is a link which shows the actuat video where the two agents admit that CSIS new the ARA bombed Zundei's house. l2 Wolfgang Droege told me that he believes that the ARA received the TriIlium gant as a result of the Heritage Front's continued protests. Canadian province. C-FAR concerns itself predominately with two issues: foreign aid and immigration. Foreign aid is usually addressed indirectly, as exemplified by the question posted on their Web site which asks, "Why should Canadians be taxed to help poor Indians who are poor because their goverment chooses to spend on a big military?" Further, C-FAR'S position is clearly outlined in Fromm's book, Down the Drain?: A Critical Re-

Examination of Foreign Aid.13 Concerning immigration, the C-FAR

Web page declares that Canada's present immigration policy is insane! It claims that Canada will let in any self-styled refugee, many of whom are criminals, who imediately will be given welfare, legal aid, Medicare and other benefits. To correct this perceived social ill, C-FAR calls for an initial five year moratorium on immigration to Canada.

Canada's foreign aid and immigration policies are critiqued monthly in the C-FAR Newsletter and the Canadian Immigration

Hotline. However, it must be realized that for C-FAR, immigration and foreign aid are inseparable. In fact, Fromm feels that immigration into Canada is an example of foreign aid, as it benefits the people of other nations, not Canada. Further, since 1979 C-FAR has sponsored a rnonthly meeting, the Alternative

Forum, as well as sponsoring speaking tours and various conferences. l3

p- l3 This book is a tireless effort on Fromm's and Hull's part to cast foreign aid in a negative light. Certainly the book is not entirely misguided; it draws attention to overpopulation in the developing world, hints to cenain dependency theories and recognizes the role of multinational corporations in international relations. However, there is an over-arching theme to the book: foreign aid is a waste of money. l4 In 1988. C-FAR sponsored the Population and Immigration Conference held in Toronto and Vancouver. In 1993, a conferenci of the same name was held in Toronto.

139 1 have acquired a cornpiete one year collection of the C-FAR

Newsletter, spanning July 1996 to July, 1997, in addition to several other issues. Baring a remarkable resemblance to The

Free Speech Monitor, the C-FAR Newsletter of July, 1996 (Issue

301) is devoted entirely to CSIS and the SIRC. Referring to SIRC member Rosemary Brown as a Jamaican immigrant and NDP retread,

the July edition begins by opposing Brown's plea to Parliament io

continue to monitor hate groups in Canada and proceeds to devote

the majority of the space to the case of Ernst Zundel's 1995

application for renewed Canadian Citizenship. Apparently,

Zundel's citizenship application was forwarded to CSIS by

immigration minister Sergio Marchi following continued pressure and lobbying efforts by the Canadian Jewish Congress (See chapter

6). However, it was the July edition that set the course for

later issues when it claimed that, although David Irving, a man never convicted of violating Canadian hate law, is now banned from entering the country, "....plane-loads of Tamil terrorists and Jamaican drug pushers and gunmen seem to have open access to

this country." With the publication of the August edition of the C-FAR

Newsletter (Issue 300) a distinct pattern emerged. In each of the issues following the July publication, foreign aid and immigration are masked by three issues: high taxes, diseases and racial difference. "Canada struggles under a crushing deficit" declares the August edition of the C-PAR Newsletter (Issue 300),

"and Canadian fax payers, lucky enough to have jobs, find themselves stripped of over half this incorne." Yet Canada's 565 000 Status Indians, the newsletter continues, do not pay any taxes at all, while they exploit the Establishment and simultaneously enjoy discriminatory tax immunity. Previous to this edition, the October, 1995 issue of the C-FAR Newsletter

(Issue 292) was entirely devoted to "the orgy of guilt" white

Canadians feel towards Natives. The opening headline, "Our Home or Native Land," was followed by a discussion of how Canada was simply giving away control of the Nanavut territory to Natives who continue, tax free, to guilt the Establishment out of more money each year.

In the October, 1996 edition of the C-FAR Newsletter (Issue

304), the focus shifted to AIDS and the third world. As a result of the AIDS pandemic in India and Thailand, C-FAR called for an entire halt to immigration. The same issue criticizes the

University of Manitoba's $450 000 Nairobi AIDS project, funded by the Canadian International Developrnent Agency (CIDA) and the

Medical Research Council of Canada, which studied prostitutes in

Nairobi who were showing an immunity to the AIDS virus as being a misguided humanitarian motive, focusing on the continent which gave the world AIDS. In fact, the September and October editions of the C-FAR Newsletter (Issues 303 and 304) declare that al1 immigrants should be given AIDS tests and that immigrants should have to test negative to AIDS before entering the country. The

Message was clear: immigration equals AIDS. But C-FAR looks in another direction to support their arguments.

The headline of the February, 1997 edition of the C-FAR

Newsletter (Issue 308) reads, "Rushton Insists there are Racial Differences." This issue proceeds to clairn that J. Philippe

Rushton's (1995) Race, Evolution and Behavior: A Life History

Perspective is proof that racial differences abound. "If race were simply arbitrary," the C-FAR Newsletter (February, 1997,

Issue 308) declares, "consistent relationships of the type

Professor Rushton has described would not be found," What did

Rushton argue in this book?

Rushton (1995) suggests that there exists a race-matrix defined by over 60 variables including brain size, intelligence, sex hormones, twinning rates, speed of physical maturation, law- abidingness, family stability and social organizaïion. further,

Rushton clairns that blacks and Orientals are to be found at opposite ends of a racial continuum with whites located somewhere in the middle. As Rushton (1995:171, 170) writes:

African adolescents are more sexually active than Europeans, who are more sexually active than Asians. While some variation occurs from country to country, consistency is found within groups. . . . There is also evidence that biological factors differentially influence sexual behavior across races, the direction being blacks > whites > Orientals ....Biological factors ....p redict the onset of sexual interest, dating, first intercourse, and first pregnancy better for blacks than for whites or Orientals.

Although Rushton claims academic freedom in the face of public outrage, and CAFE and C-FAR cal1 for freedom of expression concerning Rushton's beliefs, the important issue to realize with

Rushton1s writings, first and foremost, is not whether his data suggests such a relationship, which is absurd in its own right, but that he had to first look for these relationships. There is little doubt that such a relationship did not simply spring-up

from whatever data he may have collected. Regardless, C-FAR

continues to promote Rushton's work. Why?

In Race, Behavior and Evolution (1995: 178-183), Rushton

suggests that just as the rate of sexual activity for the three main races- Negroid, Caucasoid and Mongoloid- increases from

Orientais to whites to blacks, so too does the AIDS rate increase

in this direction. In fact, he declares that all sexually

transmitted diseases owe their rate of prevalence to biologically determined, racial sexual behavior. Armed with such "proof," C-

FAR atternpts to use this "evidence" to influence anyone who will

listen to lobby governrnent to reduce immigration levels in the name of national health security. As the February, 1997 edition of the C-FAR Newsletter (Issue 308) declares, "facts are facts."I5

The second of C-FAR'S publications is the Canadian

Immiqration Hotline. If there is any confusion to the scope of this newsletter, it is summed up in the headline of the December,

1995 (Issue 75) edition: "Canada will be Close to 20% Non-White in a Decade." The article which follows claims that by the turn of the century, Canadians will feel "the full impact of the immigration invasion engineered by the Liberals in 1967 and perpetrated on a gulled and cowed public. There has never been a referendum or even an election where people had a say on this major piece of social engineering ....The Canadian Majority is in l5 In a C-FAR Update (January, 1996) it is written that C-FAR ordered a box of Rushton's books fiom the US. The books were ordered in February, 1995 and received in December, 1995. Apparently, the books were sent from the US to Toronto where they were shipped off to Ottawa by the Prohibited Importation Unit. A second box of books, Will America Drown?: Irnmieration and the Third WorId Po~ulation Ex~iosion,was confiscated at Canadian Customs. a culture war with the high priests of multicult." Generally, the Canadian Immigration Hotline echoes many of the sediments presented in the C-FAR Newsletter. For example, the January,

1996 edition of the Canadian Immigration Hotline (Issue 76) marked the beginning of a relentless effort to link immigration to disease, which incidentally spanned six issues, citing example after example of TB and AIDS brought to Canada by immigrants.

However, what the Canadian Immigration Hotline does have which is unique is "Crime Watch." Every issue contains one page listing examples of immigrants who have been convicted of everytning from fraud to sexual assault to murder. The underlying message?

Immigration is synonymous with crime and must therefore be s topped !

CONCLUSION

As we have seen, CAFE, and more frequently, C-FAR, mask the issues of immigration and foreign aid with disease, crime and high taxes. By utilizing sociobiological theories put forth by academics such as Rushton, the "credible scientific proof" they desire to substantiate their beliefs is provided. In the past year, CAFE has been consumed with trivial battles waged against the ARA, CARES and SACAR. Nonetheless, it would be incorrect to conclude that either CAFE or C-FAR has lost sight of their primary focus. Further, Fromm has been moving closer to more extreme groups, and it might be that the hostile reactions that

Fromm's presence is attracting by organizations like the ARA is in part working to push him closer to other right wing outfits. Although, we should not forget that Fromm had maintained contacts

with the far right in the 1980s and he had some associations even

earlier.

It seerns as though Paul Fromm has been about a decade ahead

of other right wing members in the sense that his efforts to

appear mainstream in the late 1960s were mirrored by David Duke

in the late 1970~~and in the early 1980s this approach was

emulated by Alex McQuirter. Today, it is Droege and Lincoln who

have adopted this approach. There has been considerable debate

over Fromm's activities dating back to at least 1981 when he was

dismissed as the treasurer of the federal Progressive

Conservative Metro organization after his desire to have

immigration shaped along racial lines was made public in a local

newspaper (Globe and Mail, May 1, 1981). Considering the goals

of phase II of the Heritage Front which is now underway, perhaps

Fromm's groups offer an example of the general direction that the

Heritage Front is heading. More probable, we can hypothesize

that the Heritage Front, CAFE and C-FAR will al1 find a cornmon middle ground in the not too distant future.

Doug Christie

Doug Christie is well known for his many court appearances where he has defended members of Canada's right wing. Christie,

a man who holds a BA £rom the University of Manitoba and an LL.B.

from the University of British Columbia, founded the Western Canada Concept in 1980.16 Christie became nationally known in

1984 when he defended Jim Keegstra, followed by Ernst Zundel.

Since then, Christie has represented such right wing figures as

Paul Fromm, Joseph Lockhart, Malcolm Ross, John Ross Taylor, Bill

Harcus and David Irving. Following several cornplaints in 1993,

he was investigated by the Law Society of Upper Canada after he

represented Ernst Zundel and Irme Finta." The Law Society of

Upper Canada concluded that he had made several anti-Sernitic

cornments to the jury in the Zundel and Finta trials and that he

had "crossed the line which separates council from client" (Globe

and Mail, February 24, 1993). Regaxdless, nothing came of the

findings. Today, in addition to his legal career, Christie directs the Canadian Free Speech League.

The Web page of the Canadian Free Speech League (CFSL) is modest, but direct. The organization claims to be "a society dedicated to fighting censorship and thought control." Although

it bares a remarkable resemblance to CAFE with its promotion of unrestricted freedom of expression in Canada, the CFSL differs

£rom CAFE in two fundamental ways. First, whereas CAFE's newsletter seems to have become entanglsd with C-FAR and tends to get side tracked on issues like the ARA'S Metro Council grant, the CFSL offers a more sophisticated, yet less frequent newsletter, focusing entirely on free speech. Second, the CFSL has as its primary raison ci entrée to provide legal advise and representation to individuals charged with "thought or word l6 This organization sees western Canada as treated differentially from the rest of Canada to their demment, and as such, they seek separation frorn the rest of Canada. I7 Finta was the first person ever tried for war crimes in Canada following World War II. crimes." Given their differences, however, it would be incorrect to conclude that CAFE and the CFSL operate in isolation of each other. Paul Fromm, for example, along with Malcolm Ross, was awarded the 1995 11th annual CFSL's George Orwell Award (Friend of Freedom, September/October, 1995) .

The CFSL publishes the Friends of Freedom newsletter approximately six tirnes per year. Friends of Freedom was created in 1985 during Ernst Zundelfs first trial (see chapter 6) and has been published regularly ever since. Every issue (1 have acquired issues from October 1994 to April 1996) is introduced with the quote, "Let truth and falsehood grapple freely, for whoever knew truth put to the worst in a free and open encounter" by John Milton, and each issue is edited by Christie's cornrnon-law wife, Keltie Zubko. With few exceptions, from October, 1994 ta

April, 1996 Friends of Freedom was devoted entirely to chronicling eleven court cases represented by Christie. Four of these cases include Jim Keegstra, Malcolm Ross, Paul Fromm and

Ernst Zundel, which 1 will discuss in the next chapter. For now,

1 draw attention to three other men: Tony McAleer, Doug Collins and Robyn Blaber.

In March, 1992 Doug Christie appeared before the Canadian

Human Rights Commission in Vancouver to represent Derek Peterson.

Following a cornplaint concerning a letter that was circulated in the Vancouver area which declared, "....No one should sit by and see their culture raped by foreigners. Multiculturalism is genocide of the English heritage' (Vancouver Sun, May 26, 1992), coupled with an urge to phone the Canadian Liberty Net, Peterson (AKA Tony McAleer) was brought before the tribunal. Tony

McAleer, who was briefly introduced in chapter 2, runs the

Canadian Liberty Net out of Vancouver- Previously, McAleer had

CO-founded the Aryan Resistance Movement with Scott Graham

(Kinsella, 1994), an organization primarily cornprised of

Skinheads. In 1991, inspired by Louis Bearn's Arnerican based

Aryan Liberty Net, McAleer set-up a computerized telephone network offering recordings on a type of voice mail system containing messages from Ernst Zundel, Terry Long and the

Heritage Front. And it was not before long that McAleer experienced resistance to the Canadian Liberty Net.

As a result of the hearings in 1992, McAleer was ordered to shutdown the hotline. However, in direct defiance of the court order, McAleer began running messages which referred callers to a telephone number based in Washington where the original messages could be heard (Winnipeg Free Press, June 11, 1992). This action led McAleer to a second Human Rights Commission Tribunal in June, and in August he was sentenced to three months in prison for the original charge and fined $2500 for a contempt of court charge resulting from the Washington telephone messages.

Upon his release from prison, McAleer immediately began running the CLN. One of the messages he offered targeted homosexuals, claiming that "The ancient Celts used to take their queers and trample them into the peat bogs ....Thatls not such a bad idea" (Vancouver Sun, January 5, 1993), which in turn resulted in charges and a subsequent conviction for promoting hatred based on sexual orientation, the first of its kind in Canada (Friends of Freedorn, October/November/December, 1994).

Christie filed appeals for the original conviction concerning the operation of the CLN and for the contempt of court charge with the federal appeal court. Both were heard on May 4 and 5, 1994 (Friends of Freedom, March/April/May, 1995) . McAleer was found guilty of promoting hatred against homosexuals in feaeral court, and his contempt of court charge was upheld in December, 1995.

However, McAleerts original conviction for running the CLN was overturned (Friends of Freedom, January/February. 1996).

Christie filed an appeal with the for the contempt charge and an appeal with the federal court of app-1 for the promoting hatred charge. Interestingly, al1 legal fees in the McAleer case were covered by the CFSL. And by the mid

1990s, Christie had taken on a new client: Doug Collins.

Doug Collins has been a columnist with the North Shore News in British Columbia for over a decade, providing commentary which targeted Natives, immigrants, homosexuals, feminists, and in particular, Jews.j8 Among other things, Collins questions the

"Holocause" and ridicules "Swindlerfs Listtt (Friends of Freedorn,

October/November/December, 1994) claiming that the Red Cross possesses evidence proving that no more than 300 000 Jews were exterminated in the Holocaust. Further, in October, 1992 he suggested that "A negress from Trinidad was allowed to stay because she claimed her old man beat her up. You can therefore expect any fem from anywhere who says her hubby threw the frying

'8 See http:/iwww.apc.org-ara/news/dcoltins.html

149 pan at her to daim similar treatment" (Victoria Times, June 5, 1993).

On March 9, 1994 complaints against Collins were filed by the Canadian Jewish Congress and by retired Simon Fraser University professor, Lionel Kenner. A second cornplaint was laid against Collins in 1995 by Harry Abrams, a Victoria business man.

Collins went before British Colombia's Press Council where he was found not guilty on July 25, 1995 (Friends of Freedom, July/August/September, 1995) . The case went before the Human Rights Commission on May 12, 1997, but no verdict has yet been rendered.

The last case that I will deal with in this section is Robyn

Blaber, a former University of Victoria computer science student. Whereas the case of McAleer resernbles the difficulties that the

Heritage Front experienced over the Heritage Hotline, Blaber's case presents a new dimension to the debate over freedom of expression, and perhaps offers an early example of the battle to censor the internet.

In January, 1995 Blaber iiled a law suit against the

University of Victoria after he was accused of harassing another student and his computer privileges were revoked. Apparently, he posted a message on the University's Bulletin Board (Friends of

Freedom January/February, 1995) and in an open letter on the BBS he criticized a female student who was the student representative on the University's board of governors, ending the letter with the following passage from the Bible: And 1 will execute great vengeance upon them with furious rebukes: and they shall know that 1 am the Lord when 1 shall lay my vengeance upon them (Friends of Freedom, ~arch/April/May, 1995).

The student to whom this was airected was Beth Hardy.

Apparently, the letter Blaber posted, only days after a ceremony

marking the anniversary of the massacre at the University of

Montreal in 1989, stated that Hardy was incornpetent and her narne

on a ballot was a waste of time. Hardy found this particularly

threatening due to the fact that Blaber heads the Men's Club at

the University of Victoria, an organization known for its anti-

feminist stance (Victoria Times, January 20, 1995) .

In March, 1995 a Supreme Court Judge who heard the case

decided in favor of the University. In addition to the ruling,

Blaber was found liable for al1 court expenses. Christie filled

an appeal with the federal appeal court and the case is waiting

to corne to trial.

Interestingly, Friends of Freedom (March/April/May, 1995!

declared that "This case is but the tip of the iceberg

inint internet-related legal precedents." As we will see in the

next chapter, this prediction turned out to be accurate.

Conclusion

This final section of the chapter has outlined Doug

Christie's activities and the reports in The Free Speech Monitor, but 1 have also presented the cases of McAleer, Collins and

Blaber. McAleer has enjoyed a reputation as a Skinhead and a

racist for years, but Collins and Blaber are not members of the organized right wing. In the case of Collins, for example, it could be argued that the difference between his opinions and the radio programs of Howard Stern or the comedy acts of Andrew Dice

Clay axe nebulous if not non-existent. As 1 will argue in chapter 7 and 9, these types of cases are by no means formed in isolation of the beliefs and opinions of the wider society, but rather are a not-so extreme manifestation of it.

In the next chapter 1 shift attention away from the Freedom-

Site and on to the debate over the right to freedom of expression which has raged in Canada over the past 12 years. As I will demonstrate, just as it seemed as though the free speech issue had been settled in Canada, a new debate was on the horizon; a debate which is ix its earliest stage, as indicated by the Blaber case. 6 A TWELVE YEAR DEBATE: THE BATTLE OP FREEDOM OVER EXPRESSION

In recent times we have seen a resurgence of intellectual works promoting the significance of racial differences. In the previous chapter, the work of Philippe Rushton was introduced.

But Rushton is not alone. For example, in 1994 Richard Hernstien and Charles Murray published The Bell Curve, arguing that racial groups differ in average intelligence, that these differences may be partly hereditary and that IQ gaps largely account for ethnic variation in educational performance. Like Rushton's work, The

Bell Curve received considerable attention.

Whereas there seems to be a modest up-swing in 19th century scientific racism, so too does there appear to be a small intellectual movement resembling 19th century Jewish conspiracy theory. Just as attention seemed to fade in the Rushton ordeal,

Robert OIDriscoll was introduced to the Canadian public.

OIDriscoll, a former professor of English at the University of

Toronto's St. Michael's College (now deceased), edited and wroce the introduction to The New World Order and the Throne of the

Anti-Christ in 1992 followed by The New World Order in North

Arnerica: A Secret Military Counter-Intelligence Report which he

CO-authored. These books, two in a series, argue that there exists a Jewish conspiracy aimed at world domination, that Jews are evil and that the Holocaust is a hoax. The former book offers one chapter written by an MA graduate £rom the University of Toronto who is now at Oxford; the latter was CO-authored by "His Excellency J.J. Willis," a pseudonym for none-other than

John Ross Taylor (Layton, 1994).

In this chapter 1 draw attention to four primary figures: Jim Keegstra, Malcolm Ross, Paul Fromm and Ernst Zundel. These men are rather ordinary citizens- three high school teachers and a publisher, respectively- with extra-ordinary lives who have illuminated the debate in Canada over freedom of speech and expression. Far from isolated cases, each of these individuals are associated in some respect, and the four cases have had a cumulative effect, one effecting the onset of the next. 1 will begin with a discussion of the cases of Jim Keegstra and Ernst

Zundel, followed by those of Malcolm Ross and Paul Fromm. Third,

I will summarize the current status, or final verdicts, of these four cases and conclude with a exploration of the latest case(s) facing Zundel.

Keegstra and Zundel

KEEGSTRA

The first complaints against Jirn Keegstra's anti-Semitic teachings came in 1981. Keegstra, a high school teacher in

Eckville, Alberta who was introduced in chapter 2, had taught in

Eckville for over a decade before any resistance to his anti-

Semitic presentations to Eckville High School students was mounted (Davies, 1992). Barrett (1987) claims that complaints were filed against Keegstra in 1973, 1976 and 1977 for his anti-

Catholic comrnents in the classroom, but nothing came of them. As time went on, Keegstra's anti-Catholicism gave way to anti-black sentiments and culminated in anti-Semitic teachings. Concerning

Keegstra's teachings, which focused on an international Jewish

conspiracy to destroy Christianity and claimed that the Holocaust was a hoax, many people began to question why, or how, Keegstra

remained employed for such a long period of tirne? Elliott (1985) takes the intriguing position that the blame for Keegstra's continued teachings should not be directed at Keegstra per se, as the Keegstra case raises pertinent questions about the acceptance of anti-Semitism in central Alberta.

Elliott (1985) draws attention to the Social Credit Party which governed Alberta from 1935 to 1971. Founded by Major Clifford Hugh Douglas in 1924, a man with a questionable academic and professional pastrl the Social Credit movement's first government was led by high school principle in

Alberta in 1935. Social Credit opposed comrnunism, fascism and any other form of totalitarian government, promoting

Christianity, individual freedom and the sânctity of the family.

Elliott (1985) points out chat Douglas derived much of his knowledge of industry, banking and economics from the anti-

Semitic writings of Arthur Kitson. Among other things, Kitson promoted the "international finance conspiracy," claiming that there was a worldwide-plot headed by the Jews to take over the world. Douglas adopted Kitson's views, adding the element of

Jews as the creators of comrnunism. Following Douglas, Aberhart ' s

Douglas falsely claimed to be a graduate of Cambridge and that he had been employed with a number of major engineering firms. Social Credit Party preached anti-Semitism, yet in a more mild form, but Aberhart's sucessor took a stand against anti-Semitism, actually expelling some of his own members.

Keegstra lived in Alberta through the Aberhart and Manning eras, drawing inspiration from A.J. Hooke and .

Hooke was a rnember of the anà a stringent supporter of Douglas. Gostick was an executive member of the federal Social Credit Party. It was against this background of influences and the history of anti-Semitisrn in Alberta that

Elliott suggests is indirectly to blame for Keegstra's teacnings of Jewish Conspiracy theory. Indeed, Keegstra was a member of the Social Credit Party, like his parents before him, until his dismal (and subsequent re-admittance) from the party in 1983.

Barrett (1987) claims that several rnembers of the Social Credit

Party protested his dismissal, but lost tneir vigor when it became clear that Keegstra was indeed preaching anti-Jewish theories to his students.

The first of iwo major cornplaints against Keegstra's teachings came from a woman named Marg Andrew, one of the individuals who had lodged a complaint against Keegstra in the

1970s. In response to the latest complaints, superintendent

Robert David warned Keegstra in late 1981 ana again in early 1982 that his position with the school board was in jeopardy. From this point, two events transpired which offer support for

Elliottls (1985) theory outlined above. First, Andrew not only complained to the school board, but also to the Ministry of

Education. The response from the latter was that because the matter was being attended to by the local school board they would not get involved. Second, in February. 1982 Keeqstra was invited

to a meeting held by the school board to defend hirnself against the accusations facing him. At the meeting, he presented his

theory of a Jewish conspiracy aimed at world domination and argued that the Holocaust is a hoax (Barrett, 1987). In light of this evidence that Keegstra's teachinçs were indeed anti-Semitic, the board decided not to fire him!

The second cornplaint came £rom a woman named Susan Maddox in

October, 1982. This led to a second board meeting in December,

1982 and on January 8, 1983 Keegstra was fired.2 Further, on

January 11, 1984 he was served a warrant to appear in court.

Concerning the impending charges facing him, Keegstra

"....wondered if the entire mess that he was involved in was anything more than a massive Jewish attack on his Christian principles" (Barrett, 1987: 247) . Interestingly, Keegstra publicly rejected groups like the Western Guard and the Aryan

Nations, claiming that such groups, unlike himself, were white supremacist in their orientations. Keegstra had articulated a racist ideology based, not on current day notions of the concept of race, but rather on a nineteenth century-styled ideology built around religion (Barrett, 1987). Regardless of how Keegstra conceptualized his beliefs, it was clear that he was a racist and an anti-Semite, a realization which left the citizens of Eckville divided on the Keegstra case.

Later that year, Keegstra was removed as Mayor of Eckville. Keegstra went to trial on April 9, 1985 and was subsequently

found guilty of violating section 282(2) (now section 319(2)) of the Criminal Code of Canada with wilfully promoting hatred

against an identifiable target group- Jews- through his classroom

teachings at Eckville, Alberta Secondary Scbool (Kallen and Lam,

1993). ft is interesting to note that, despite the impression

which is often put forth by the literature dealing with the

Keegstra case, he was neither tried nor convicted of teaching

inappropriate content to his classes, Keegstra was found guilty

of violating section 282(2) of the Criminal Code which deals

exclusively with promotinq hatred against an identifiable group.

Regardless, Keegstra had been removed from the classroom and

fired from the school board.

Representing Keegstra, Doug Christie appealed the decision

to the Suprerne Court of Alberta in 1988, arguing that section

282(2) of the Criminal Code violated Keegstra's guaranteed

constitutional right to freedom of expression under section 2(b}

of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms:

2. Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms: (b) freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including freedom of the press and other media of communication.

Although the same argument was used in the first trial, the

original Keegstra decision was reversed by the appeal court.

Following the Supreme Court of Alberta's reversal of the Keegstra

verdict, the Crown appealed to the Supreme Court of Canada in

1991 where the decision was again reversed and Supreme Court of Canada upheld the constitutionality of the law in question.

Keegstra stood convicted. And coinciding with Keegstra's court

battles were those fought by Ernst Zundel.

ZUNDEL

In the first paragraph of this thesis, 1 presented a

scenario which hypothetically asked the reader how far they would

go to expose the "tsuth." Would they risk their job, their

family, their friends and their Life, I queried, to liberate

their people of the evil forces of liberal indoctrination? In

the pursuit of freedom, Ernst Zundelf3 has been beaten, cursed

at, spat upon, charged several times with criminal offenses and

has had his house bombed al1 as a result of his efforts to expose

the truth as he sees it. In fact, over ten years after his

conviction in 1985 for promoting hatred with the distribution of

Did Six Million Really Die?, Zundel's house is still surrounded by barbed wire, iron grills cover the windows and video monitors scan the parameter (Briarpatch, 1995).

Zundel is perhaps best known around the world for his distribution of right wing literature through Saizdat

Publications. Barrett (1987:159) points out that in 1981

Zundel's printing costs were $35 000 and in 1992 it has been estimated that Zundel shipped over four million brochures and 100

000 video cassettes around the world (Briarpatch, 1995).

Zundel's associations to the right wing date back to the 1960s,

- 3 1 made two requests for an interview widi Zundel, neither of which were granted. 1 suspect that Zundel was hesitant to meet with me because i sought an interview with him at the sarne time he was appearing before the Human Rights Tribunal. but it was not until the 1980s that he became well known in

Canada, as he tended to stay behind the scene. Further, it was

in 1980 when Zundel began to taunt the Jewish community, after the Canadian media had identified Zundel as a major exporter of neo-Nazi and Holocaust denial literature in 1981. prutschi4 conends that less than two weeks after Zundel xas exposed, he applied to the Canadian Jewish Congress for the position of director of the Holocaust Documentation Bank Project. Later that year Zundel ran an advertisement in the Toronto Star stating

"Happy New Year to al1 our Jewish friends." The following year he announced that the German-Jewish Historical Commission was organizing a series of Holocaust symposia and he invited prominent Jewish scholars to participate. Further, in 1982 he sent a letter to the Canadian Jewish Congress referring to the

"rapidly-eroding Holocaust legend" and that he was "the only person in Canada who can virtually guarantee the Jewish community a smooth transition from hysterical World War II hate propaganda to historical fact." Zundel rounded out that yeax by presenting an offer to the Canadian Jewish Congress to speak at Jewish cornmunity centres and synagogues in an effort to finally put the lies separating Jews and Germans to rest.

In 1985 Zundel was found guilty of spreading false news about the Holocaust. The trial lasted eight weeks and ended on

February 28, 1985 with Zundel receiving a fifteen month prison sentence, suspended pending the outcome of his appeal.

See Michael Prutschi's The Zundel Affair. Http://www.almanac.bc.ca/hweb/people/p/prutschi- manueVzunde 1-affaidza-08.html Reflecting on the trial, many people believed that it simply

provided Zundel with a platform to advertise his beliefs (Globe

and Mail, February 28, 1985). And Zundel did not shy away from

the camera. For example, he regularly appeared in court sporting

a bullet proof vest and a blue hard-hat inscribed with the words

"freedom of speech"; at his sentencinq he arrived carrying a

large wooden cross baring the inscription "freedom of speech" to

symbolize that he, like Jesus, was being crucified by an evil

society; when he was sentenced his face was painted black because

he felt a white man could not get a fair trial in Canada.j

Incidentally, the latter claim proved to possess an ounce of

truth in Zundelts case, as his appeal in January, 1987 upheld the

original conviction, but concluded that the trial possessed

fundamental errors on the part of the trial judge and a new trial was ordered. Zundel again was found guilty and sentenced to nine rnonths in prison in May, 1988 (Toronto Star, May 28, 1992).

Zundel appealed the decision and in February, 1990 and the

Supreme Court of Ontario upheld both the conviction and the

sentence.

The Zundel case went before the Supreme Court of Canada in

1992. However, unlike Keegstra's appeals, the Supreme Court of

Canada agreed only to hear an appeal based on the constitutional

issues that his case presented to freedom of expression, not the contents of Did Six Million Really Die? Zundelts original conviction was in violation of section 177 (now 181), the "false news clause," which States:

- -- See Pmtschi's The Zundel A ffair. Document "za-02.html."

161 Every one who wilfully publishes a statement, tale or news that he knows is false and that causes or is likely to cause injury or mischief to a public interest is guilty of an indictable offense and liable to irnprisonment for a term not exceeding two years.

Thus the case before the Suprerne Court was similar to the

Keegstra case; Zundel's case was not about the dissemination of hate literature, but rather about the constitutionality of section 2(b). And while Keegstra and Zundel stood convicted of promoting hatred against Jews, a second school teacher was attracting attention in eastern Canada.

Ross and Fromm

ROSS

Throughout the 1970s, rnernbers of the Board of Education in school district 15 in Moncton, New Brunswick had become used to complaints lodged against school teacher Malcolm Ross. In 1978

Ross wrote Web of Deceit, an anti-Semitic work published by his own "Stronghold Publishing Company," which argued that the holocaust is a myth and the Anne Frank diary is fake; there is an international conspiracy to take over the world headed by international cornrnunists, international financiers and international Zionists, as well as presenting a suons to al1 good Christians to take action against the Jewish menace. In response to Web of Deceit, Dr. Julius 1sraeli6 filed his first of several complaints with the New Brunswick school board, the

Israeli is a Roumanian Holocaust survivor and resident of New Castle, New Brunswick (B'nai B'rith, 1987). Attorney General and the Human Rights Commission. Like early cornplaints in the Keegstra case, no actions were taken against

Ross. Unlike Keegstra who openly taught Jewish conspiracy theories to his students, Ross kept his beliefs out of the classroom. Despite the many efforts to have Ross removed from his job, the school board could find no grounds for dismissal.

In 1983, Ross added to his list of publications with The

Real Holocaust: The Attack on Unborn Children and Life Itself and

Christianity Vs Judeo-Christianity: The Battle for Truth. The former consisted of an anti-abortion booklet, arguing chat the popular version of the Holocaust propagated by Hollywood is actually happening in the form of a Holocaust of unborn

Christians (Kinsella, 1994:316); the latter lays out a Jewish conspiracy to undermine Christianity, arguing that there exists a conspiracy headed by Jews and communists aimed at world domination, as well as arguing against the evils of secular humanisrn (BinaiB'rith, 1987:28; Barrett, 1987:277). At the time that Ross had introduced his new publications, Keegstra was fighting his first charge and Ross had declared himself director of the Maritime Christian Defense League, an organization intended to aid Keegstra personally and financially. Furtner, when Keegstra and Zundel were convicted in 1985, Israeli filed a cornplaint with a new Attorney General, David Clark. This prompted David Attis, vice president of the Atlantic Region of the Canadian Jewish Congress, to start his own campaign to have

Ross removed from the classroom (Kinsella, 1994) . Throughout the 1980s, Clark refused to take action against

Ross, despite the fact that pressure by Jewish special interesc

groups was mounting. However, in 1989, following the publication

of Ross's fourth major work, Spectre of Power, Attis revived his

efforts to have Ross fired. As a result of numerous cornplaints

laid to the Hunan Rights Commission, a one-man tribunal headed by

University of New Brunswick Law professor Brian Bruce was

appointed to look into Ross's activities. After 13 months, on

August 29, 1991 Bruce ordered that Ross be removed £rom the

classroom on an unpaid leave of absence and iired if a job

outside of teaching could not be found for him with the school board (Toronto Star, August 30, 19911, as well as placing a gag order on Ross which prevented him from publishing or prornoting any of his anti-Semitic publication^.^

The judgment against Ross was, to Say the least, controversial. An immediate appeal was filed with the New

Brunswick Court of Appeal by Doug Christie, and on December 20,

1993 the verdict against Ross was overturned, ordering that Ross be returned to the classroom immediately. The appeal court concluded that Bruce's decision violated Ross's guaranteed right to freedom of conscience, religion and expression (Globe and

Mail, December 23, 1993). Following the decision, the Canadian

Jewish Congress irnmediately appealed to the Supreme Court of

Canada.

- - The school board found Ross a job doing cumculum development work. Further, Ross defied the court order by speaking at a CAFE meeting in 199 1 (CAFE Soecial Reoort, May, 1993; October, 1995). Malcolm Ross went before the Supreme Court of Canada on

October 31, 1995. Concerning the appeal, the Canadian Free Speech League's Friends of Freedom newsletter (March/April/May,

1995) called the case "the Scopes' monkey trial in reverse"; a

Christian man being disciplined for expressing his beliefs outside of the classroom, unlike Scopes who had expressed his belief in humans evolving £rom apes inside the classr~orn.~As the case against Ross proceeded, Christie made a point of reminding the court that "several years ago when he argued the Keegstra case before these same judges, he warned them that if they didn't hold the line against encroachments of freedom of expression of a teacher inside the classroom, it wouldnft be long before he would be before them again arguing about the right to freedom of expression of a teacher outside of the classroom" (Friends of Freedom, November/December, 1995) . As predicted, Ross was convicted by the Supreme Court. And to foreshadow things to corne, the Friends of Freedom newsletter

(September/October, 1995) warned that if Malcolm Ross goes down,

Paul Fromm will be soon to follow.

FROMM

As predicted, Paul Fromm soon became a target for removal irom the classroom, but it did not take a conviction of Malcolm

Ross to set the process in motion. The case against Fromm had

-- - * The case against Ross had three appellants: the New Brunswick Human Rights Commission. David Anis and the Canadian Jewish Congress. In addition, these three appellants were aided by Four intervenors: British Columbia's Attorney General, B'nai B'rith, the Canadian Association of Human Rights Gmup and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association. The latter was represented by Edward Greenspan. been simmering for some time, until September, 1991 when the movement to have Fromm ousted from the classroom intensified. It will be remembered that on Septernber 24, 1991 the Heritage Front burst into a meeting at Toronto's City Hall building to protesc a complaint being laid to the mayor's committee on race relations by Rodney Bobiwash. Accompanying the rnembers of the Heritage

Front that Day was Paul Fromm. After the interruption, the meeting proceeded until Fromm began to circulate a press release protesting the cornmittee's attempts to have Latvian Hall cancel a reservation made by Fromm for a CAFE meeting earlier that year.

Apparently, as the meeting got back on track, Bobiwash was interrupted by Fromm who rhetorically asked Bobiwash how far he was willing to go? "Scalp them?" (CAFE Special Report, May,

1993; October, 1995) As a result of this event, cornplaints were filed with the Peel Board of Education by the Canadian Jewish

Congress. Fromm was reprimanded. With continued pressure from the Canadian Jewish Congress, the Peel Board launched an investigation into Fromm's activities on July 8, 1992. In October of that same year, Fromm was found innocent of any offense. However, on November 3, 1992 Toronto lawyer Jeff Cowan was appointed by then-education minister Tony

Silipo to investigate whether Fromm's beliefs and activities had effected his teaching (Globe and Mail. March 18, 1993). The Cowan Report, which was made public, concluded that Fromm's beliefs and activities did not effect his teaching, but warned

Fromm that he should be careful of who he associates with in the future. On April 13, 1993 a new education minister, David Cooke, re- appointed Cowan to investigate two further complaints laid by the

Canadian Jewish Congress. The first of these cornplaints concerned Fromm's attendance at a meeting which celebrated

Hitler's birthday and that was addressed by Ernst Zundel. The second complaint concerned Fromm's speaking tour of western

Canada on behalf of CAFE. As a result of the investigation, Fromm was re-assigned to teach adult education and again he was warned to stay away from far right groups (Globe and Mail, June

11, 1993).

Through 1994 and l995 things for Fromm remained relativeiy calm, until 1996 when the Canadian Jewish Congress re-instigated their campaign to get Fromm fired. They offered evidence to the

Peel Board that Fromm had attended and spoke at professor Revilio

01iver's9 mernorial symposium in November, 1994 where David Duke was in attendance, and about a letter of protest Fromm sent to

Werner simIo (The Free Speech Monitor, January/February, 1997).

As a result of these complaints, the Peel Board informed Fromm in early 1997 that he had been recommended for termination,

Concerning the recommendation to fire Fromm, Karen Mock of

B'nai B'rith was quoted as saying that "If Mr. Fromm wishes to continue his racist free speech carnpaign let him not do it on the public payroll" (Globe and Mail, January 20, 1997).

Interestingly, Fromm directed my attention to the fact that it is absolutely hypocritical for B'nai B'rith to rnake such a statement

Oliver is a notorious racist and anti-Semite in the United States. Io Sim is the manager of the Coastal Inn in Alberta. He had previously canceled Ron Gostick's League of Human Rights and Third Option Cornmittee meeting. when they support the publicly funded terrorists, the ARA.

Regardless, in a January 25, 1997 C-FAR Update, it was announced that Doug Christie would defend Fromm, free of charge, at a hearing scheduled for January 28th. Christie had the meeting postponed to February 10, but to little avail. On February 25,

1997 Fromm was fired from the Peel Board of Education after enjoying 23 years of employment.

Final Verdicts

Al1 of the cases presented above were intimately tied together throughout their duration. In 1991, following his conviction in the Supreme Court of Canada, the Alberta governmenc decided that Keegstra must stand trial a second tirne. This followed from the fact that three of the nine judges in the

Supreme Court decision voted in favor of Keegstra, contending that the law was unconstitutional. The case was sent back to the

Supreme Court of Alberta where the conviction was thrown out.

Following this, in a the new trial which started in March, 1992

Keegstra was again found guilty. At the latcer crial Keegstra defended himself. An appeal was filed by Doug Christie foilowing the conviction.

Six months later there was better news in the Zundel trial.

In September, 1992 the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that it was unconstitutional to charge Zundel under 319(1) of the Charter of

Rights and Freedoms. But the Keegstra case was not over.

Keegstra went before the Supreme Court of Canada for the second time and on February 28, 1996 he was found guilty in a unanimous decision of al1 nine judges. Elsewhere in the country, as the

Canadian Free Speech League had predicted, Malcolm Ross was convicted in the Supreme Court of Canada, only two months following Keegstrafs conviction, on April 3, 1996. With two convictions of two school teachers locked down, Fromm, as we have seen, was next. Fromm was removed from the Peel Board of

Education in February, 1997. Since this time, Fromm has been quiet on the issue. When 1 interview& him in April, 1997 he revealed little about his future plans. And as of May, 1997 The

Free Speech Monitor was still rehashing the story with no future plan of action.

The Zundel-Site

Thus far we have seen that Ernst Zundel has endured two unsuccessful trails, two appeals to the Supreme Court of Ontario, one of which was successful, and one successful appeal to the

Supreme Court of Canada. Reflecting on Zundelfs lengthy court battle, C-FAR (C-FAR Update, May 27, 1997) argued that Zundel had conti~r~allybeen a target of "longtime political antagonists" who seek to silence the celebrated publisher, and perhaps they were right. Following Zundel's acquitta1 in the Supreme Court of

Canada, the controversy over freedom of expression waç intensified. In particular, Jewish special interest groups began to look for new ways to silence Zundel, and in 1995 they found one.

In 1995 the Zundel-Site was introduced to the World Wide

Web. In the Zundel-Site's mission statement, it is declared that it "has as its mission the rehabilitation of the nonor and

reputation of the German people," challenging the "traditional"

version of the Holocaust- "an allied propaganda tool concocted in World War II." In addition to offering a link to Did Six Million

ReaLly Die?, the Zundel-Site provides a wide variety of text

files concerned with Holocaust Revisionism. Further, a regular

"Z-Gram" is released by the Zundel-Site, updating subscri~ersto

current events and happenings. And it was not too long after the

Zundel-Site opened that protest against it mounted. Sabrina Citron,ll the woman who first laid cornplaints

against Zundel in the early 1980~~initiated charges against

Zundef which were first heaxd on December 19, 1995 (Friends of

Freedom, November/December, 1995). Citron, along with Marvin

~urz" filed charges of defamatory libel of Simon Wiesenthal, 501

Littman, Deborah Lipstadt, Beate Klarsfeid and Rabbi Copper in

conjunction a publication Zundel released, Power (Western Jewish

Bulletin, April 12, 1996). The case was taken over by the

Attorney General of Ontario who concluded on March 15, 1996 haï

they would not proceed with the charges facing Zundel due CO a

lack of evidence. But the pursuit to silence Zundel and to censor the Zundel-Site was not over.

In 1996, three attempts were made to silence Zundel and/or

~heZundel-Site. First, in Decernber, 1995 the German government had requested that Cornpuserve and Arnerican Online, two US based companies providing internet access to thousands of German users,

LICitron is the founder of the Canadian Holocaust remembrance Cornmittee. '2 Kun is a lawyer fkom the League for Human Rights of B'nai B'rith and was acting on behalf of Toronto's Mayor's cornmittee on race relations. block al1 access to pornographic web sites, as they violated

German law ( Herald, February 6, 1996). Both companies complied with the request. Following the blockage of pornographic Web sites, T-Online, the largest ISP in Germany, was ordered not only to censor al1 pornographic Web sites, but also to censor the Zundel-Site, as Holocaust denial and the distribution of hate literature in German is strictly prohibited.

In complying with this order, in January, 1996 T-Online blocked al1 access to Web Communication (Webcom) based in California.

(Webcom provided service to the Zundel-Site which was being run out of Santa Cruz). Apparently, this was accomplished by blocking every Web site with the word "Webcom" in ~heticle

(Globe and Mail, February 9, 1996). However, perhaps due to the fact that censorship was a sensitive issue in early 1996 in

America, as in January of that year US Congress passed the US

Telecom Bifl,13 internet users at Stanford University, Carnie-

Mellon University, the University of Pennsylvania, the University of Massachusetts and the University of Texas began to mirror the

Zundel-Site, thus increasing the price of censorship to the German government and making a not-so-subtle point that the internet will not be censored. But action continued to mobilize against Zundel.

Ten days following the announcement that the Attorney-

General's office would not proceed with persecuting him for

Power, Zundel was brought before a Security Intelligence Review

l3 The Telecom Bill gmted State authority to prosecute anyone who posts "indecent material" on the internet. Cornittee to review his application for renewed citizenship on

the grounds that he is a threat to Canada's national security.

Previously, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service had denied

Zundel's application. Doug Christie argued that the SIRC was a biased source to rule on Zundel's citizenship, as CSIS's findings were based on the SIRC report on the Heritage Front released in

1994. l4 Interestingly, the SIRC hearings were held in private and four secret witnesses were called who were not cross-examined.

As it turned out, Christie's argument was accepted by the court, to the disappointment of B'nai B'rith and the Canadian Jewish

Congress (Jewish Western Bulletin, April 12, 1996).

The third attack on Zundel came in November, 1996 when Max

Yalden representing the Canadian Human Rights Commission announced that there would be tribunal hearings to determine whether the ZundeL-Site could be shut down.15 In response to the cornplaints which suggested that the Zundel-Site promoted natred against Jews, Zundel remarked that the site is interactive, providing links to two Jewish Web sites and to the Simon

Wiesenthal Centre (Globe and Mail, November 23, 1996) . In fact,

Citron went as far as to file a civil suit against Zundel, asking

l4 Apparently, the Canadian Iewish Congres~and B'nai B'rith wanted to rely on Warren Kinsella's (1994) Web of Hate: inside Canada's Far Right Network, a book which contains questionable and debatable material on such figures as Zundel, Droege, Lockhart and Christie. Numerous memben of the right wing that 1 interviewed for this study voiced their dissatisfaction with Kinsella's "Web of Lies." as it was repeatedly referred to. Penonally, Ihave discovered many inconsistencies in the book, some more blatant than others. Nonetheless, Kinsella's material is a usehl addition to the right wing literature. Doug Christie, however, disagrees. He filed a law suit against Kinsella for defamation and when it became clear that Christie would cross-examine KinselIa if the book was used, he was dropped by the prosecution (Friends of Freedom, MarcldApril, 1996). 15 This followed two cornplaints laid by Citron and the mayor's cornmittee on race relations. for 3.5 million dollars in damages, which prompted Zundel to file

civil suit against Citron asking for 8.5 million in damages.16

Zundel was stood accused under section 13(1) of the Charter which states:

It is a discriminatory practice for a person or a group of persons ....to communicate telephonically or to cause to be so communicated repeatedly ,....by means of the facilities of a telecommunication undertaking within the legislative authority of Parliament, any matter that is likely to expose a person or persons to hatred or ridicule by reason of the fact that that person or those persons are identifiable on the basis of a prohibited ground of discrimination.

The preliminary hearing went ahead on May 26, 1997 in Toronto, despite the fact that Ingrid ~irnlandl' haa submitted an affidavit to the Human Rights Commission stating that she was the webmaster of the Zundel-Site on December 13, 1996.18 Christie argued that not only was the internet outsi.de the scope of section 13(1), but that Zundel could not possibly be held responsible fox the

Zundel-Site, as it simply bore his name, no more (Toronto Star,

May 27, 1997). On May 28, 1997 it was ruled that there was enough evidence to warrant a tribunal, and the hearings were booked for October 14, 1997. The last word £rom the 2-Gram?

"It's never over until it is over" (May 27, 1997).

-- l6 Canadian Press Release: http://southham.com/nmc/waves/depth/hate/zundelI07206.htmI l7 The Zundel-Site now has posted a disclaimer stating that the site is run exclusively by Dr. Ingrad Rimland and that it is based in the US. 18 See "news:388a40ed.14 [email protected]" on the Zundel-Site. Conclusion

An immediate problem is presented in the cases above: to what extent should an individual be able to express an opinion, regardless of its contents? Kallen and Lam (1993) argue that scholars and lay persons alike are caught between two opposing positions. First, the liberal view holds that freedom of speech takes precedence over al1 other rights. In contrast, the egalitarian view holds that in a multicultural Society such as

Canada, the State should be able to suppress certain views thât infringe on the rights of others if pain or suffering is inspired by those views.

On the liberal side, one issue to consider is the cumulative nature of censorship, As we have seen, following Keegstra's conviction Ross and Fromm were soon to follow. Further, it is interesting to consider that many right wing members argue that

Zundel was targeted for the Zundel-Site simply because he is high profile. This is plausible, given the fact that the Digital

Freedom BBS Holocaust archive is much more extensive and extreme than the Zundel-Site, although no fegal actions have been taken against Lemire. Yet despite the negative effects of censorship, which the liberal view focuses on, we must consider the egalatarian positon.

In an earlier draft of this chapter I came to the defense of free speech. It was suggested that someone such as myself - white, educated, male, Protestant, upper-middle class background- had little to lose from such an argument. To suggest that the negative effects of censorship pale in cornparison to the positive gains of unlimited free speech was to neglect the victirns and target groups of right wing literature. A theoretical debate over the right to freedom of expression and/or the consequences of censorship, pays little credence to Jews, blacks and third world immigrants who are continually targeted for attack by the right wing, if not the lay population. The psychological consequences of such activity are surely great for these populations, and Kallen and Lam (1993) raise the pertinent issue as to whether individual rights should take precedence over group rights. Undoubtedly, there are very good arguments for and against censorship, but perhaps the best starting point is to weigh the effects, psychological or otherwise, of the promotion of harmful opinions against the necessity of the messages be presented. Viewed in this light, the issue might become less about free speech and more about promoting hatred against identifiable groups for the indulgence of a select group of individuals.

The debate over free speech, if not convoluted enough, becomes that much more complex when we introduce the right to freedom of expression on electronic networks, Fundamentally, the internet operates on a telephone line, and arguments concerning censorship of the internet (which can be found across the WWW) have drawn attention to the fact that to advocate censoring the internet is to advocate censoring persona1 telephone calls. But this is incorrect. The internet, and the WWW, is open space and it is a public domain. If the telephone line analogy is to be used, it would be more appropriate to equate the internet, or the

WWW, to answering machines.

Perhaps the greatest difficulty presented to censorship of the internet is to define who owns the internet. As we çaw in the case of the Zundel-Site, internet users are devoted to keeping the internet as public and open as possible. In al1 probability the internet will continue to be a target for pro- censorship groups in the next few years. Indeed, in October,

1997 a man in Winnipeg was fined $5000 and given two years probation for distribution child pornography on the internet

(Toronto Sun, October 24, 1997). With precedents such as these, as we have seen, efforts to restrict freedom of expression will continue to mount. To this point, 1 have dealt with the first of our two

research questions: What are the organizations' beliefs and goals? 1 have explored the structural rnake-up of the six organizations listed on the Freedom-Site, in addition to

introducing several members of the right wing, their beliefs and their activities. It has been argued that despite the public messages found on the Freedom-Site, the groups' private beliefs are far less benign. Further, we have looked at the struggles over freedom of expression in Canada and we have seen chat there exists a trend towards censoring the right wing. The right wing has reacted to this by taking to the internet, and as we have seen the internet, too, is not immune from censorship efforts.

In this chapter 1 shift my analysis to theoretical explanation.

1 will begin by presenting an explanation of racism, followed by one of the right wing. To accomplish this 1 wiil divide the chapter into three sections. The first section offers a discussion of the origin and early rise of the doctrine of racism, followed by a discussion of anti-Semitism. I will then explore a theoretical frarnework to explain racism, and conclude by applying that theoretical framework to Canada.

Understanding Racism

Before 1 offer an explanation for racism, it will be usefuL to look at the history of the concept of race and the ideology of racism. Banton (1967) and van den Berghe (1967), for example, have argued that a major shortcoming of the sociology of race

relations has been its failure to offer an historical perspective

of race and racism; as a result, the social and political

significance of such an important area of investigation has not

been realized. Above al1 else, racism is a political phenornenon,

and recent writers such as Miles (1984, 1990a, 1990b) have

incorporated the political and ideological dimensions of race ana

racism into a theoretical framework. By examining the origins

and early beginnings of a racial doctrine, we will gain insight

into the historical circumstances which have led to current day

conceptions of race, as well as the political and ideological

doctrine of racisrn. 1 will concentrate on three main themes to

illustrate the rise of a racial doctrine. First, 1 will review

the origins of the concept of race. Second, 1 will turn mi

attention to the role that slavery has played in shaping racial

ideas. And third, I will discuss the body of literature known as

scientific racism. We will then be prepared to arrive at an

explanation for racisrn and the right wing.

ORIGIN

First and foremost, it must be realized that the concepts of

race and racism have no fixed meaning. Not only in different

historical periods, but also in different national contexts, the

illusive nature of race and racism abounds (Banton, 1987; Ng,

1991). The roots of the concept of race can be traced at least as far back as European exploration and expansion in the

fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Conversely, the roots of racism as a political ideology based on perceived biological differences are usually identified around the mid-1800s, coinciding with the fa11 of slavery and the rise of scientific racism. This is not to suggest that group differences were not important prior to the mid-nineteenth century, but it is more useful to talk of theologicai or religious racism rzther thân biological racism prior to the mid-1800s.

The doctrine of racism suggests that there are human groups, races, whose biological heredity dictates the parameters of their social and mental performance. However, race as a [socially constructed] biological category did not come into wide use until the mid to late eighteenth century, and the doctrine of

[biological] racism did not arise until the nineteenth century.'

This is not to suggest that before the Enlightenment people were not aware of human differences. Indeed, from a longer term perspective, the awareness of human group difierence is not exclusively an eighteenth century phenonenon.

As early as 1350 BC the ancient Egyptians nad classifies different groups of humans to whom they had come into contact through military action and trade (Jurmain and Nelson, 1994).

Snowden (1970) contends that the Egyptians who were in contact with the black Kingdoms of the Nile had adopted a classification scheme based on the feature of curly hair. And ancient socieriies

Systematic attempts to classi@ humans into identifiable groups became popular in the seventeenth century. Francois Bernier was the first penon to devise a classification scheme for humans. foollowed by Carolus Linnaeous who created the first scientific classification scheme in 1735. In the late eighteenth century, Johann Blumenbach c lassified hurnans and he introduced the term "Caucasian." believing that Europeans were descended from the Caucasus Mountains in Russia. Classification schemes such as these recieved a certain degree of support from geological writings by men such as Lyell and Hutton which increasingly challenged biblical interpretations of the age of the earth. including the Chinese, Indians, Zulus, Greeks and Muslims

exhibited a belief in the superiority of their own people over

others (D' Souza, 1995) . Although negative stereotypes have been

assigned to certain human physical features throughout history,

it is difficult to conceptualize them in terms of the current day

notion of race.

Banton (1987) has demonstrated how usage of the term race

has changed over time and assumed different meanings in differer,t

historical pericds. The notion of race took on a biological

connotation in the 1800s, and prior to this tirne period it was used generally as a synonym for lineage. Banton (1987:l) points out that the word race first was introduced to the English

language in 1508 in a poem written by William Dunbar.' And if was in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries when information on other cultures came to Europeans at increasing rates that

Europeans were bound to ask, "Why are they not like us?" (Banton,

1987:7). Confounding this curiosity were the numerous sixteenth and seventeenth century contributions made to science which revealed new ways of explaining the world, independent of supernatural or divine intervention. But regardless of the facc that biblical accounts of creation were being questioned at an increasing rate, it is important to realize that race was not explicitly conceptualized in biological terms.

As Europeans became more familiar with other group's life ways, and as scientific attempts to classify these populations based on cranial snape or skin color became more frequent,

Wiliiam Dunbar's "The Dance of the Sevin Deidly Sins." biblical interpretations of creation were increasingly called into question. These concerns over the origin of humanity were reflected in the debate between the Monogenists and Polygenists.

Until the eighteenth century, there existed a common belief that the world's people were al1 descended from Adam and Eve, a school of thought known as Monogenism. This was in opposition to the

Polygenist view which held that groups of humans were not al1 descended from Adam and Eve, but rather that they had developed independently and as different speciesS3 Monogenism rernained dominant in Europe until the early nineteenth century, but by the mid-1800s Polygenism was gaining support. Yet despite their differences, neither Monogenism nor Polygenism was an evolutionary theory. Mongenists explained racial origins by divine intervention and racial differences by environmental and climatic conditions. In contrast, Polygenist believed that there once existed pure races (Jurmain and Nelson, 1994), but chrough intermixture, migration and conquest they took on different forms and developed into different species. Polygenisrn rejected the view that there was only one original pair, Adam and Eve, and argued that multiple pairs gave rise to multiple, and different, human species. Rejecting the Monogenist view that clirnate and environment modified human forms, Polygenists believed that racial differences were permanent and innate.

"[A]lrnost every major anthropological volume wricten in

Europe and the United States between 1800 and 1859," Harris

Polygenism was first put forth in 1 SZO by Paracelsus. He argued that Adam was an ancestor of the Jews exclusively, and that others were descended independently. (1968:93) writes, "concerned itself with the controversy between polygenesis and rnonogenesis." It was when Alfred Russell Wallace sent his writings on the origin of the species to Darwin in 1858, and with Darwin's publication of Origin in 1859, debates concerning the creation of hurnankind took a devastating turn.J

As we have seen, throughout history different groups have attached significance to physical or observable group differences. The crucial difference between racism before and after the rnid-1800s is that prior to the 1800s racisrn was primarily rooted in religion and it was not until cne late 1800s that racism consistently took on a biology form. Prior to the rise of biological racism, Christians believed themselves to be

God's favored people; they saw themselves as possessing a superior culture, environment and religion (Blaut, 1992). There was no theory to suggest that Homo Sapiens had evolved from a comrnon ancestor, Biblical interpretation held that [WoIMan was givên agriculture, cities and civilization through divine intervention. Neither cultures nor people evolved within the parameters of the biblical interpretation of creation. There was one design handed down by God and it was not susceptible to change. Nonetheless, regardless of the way we conceptualize racism, whether or not in biological terms, religious racism was

Not al1 readers will agree with the argument that 1859 represents the major mrning point for scientific racism. It is rny argument, however. that Danvin's Orkin provided writers such as Spencer (who pushed Darwin to publish Orinin) with the scientific theory needed to apply natural selection to social organization. Further, Hanis (1968:275) suggests that it might be more accurate to amibute the rise of racism as dating to Malthus's Smggle for Survival. which inspired Spencer's Survival of the Fittest, as it is to Darwin's Natural Selection. still a political mechanism used to subjugate certain groups of hurnans.

To summarize, 1 have argued that the notion of race needs to be viewed within a broader social, intellectual and historical context. Prior to the eighteenth century, race was used as a synonym for lineage, and prior to the nineteenth century differential treatment was justified on a religious, rather than biological, basis. It was with an increase in scientific writings which contented biblical accounts of creation, and in particular Darwin's Origin, that Polygenism took hold and the

Monogenist view was discredited.

SLAVERY

To understand the theories which came to be known as

Scientific Racism, and what provided scientific justification for a shift £rom religion to biology, a brief discussion of European and American slavery is necessary. The Portuguese were the first to extract slaves from Africa. Wolf (1982:197) contends that between 1450 and 1500 the Portuguese may have acquired 150 000 slaves. However, like the Portuguese, the English did not originally come to Africa to trade only for slaves. Nonetheless, the English took many thousands of slaves £rom Africa, and although Britain abolished slavery in 1807, Wolf points out that between 1810 and 1870 almost 2 million slaves were transported from Africa. But was slavery a racist institution? DrSouza

(1995:lOl) argues that it was not, stating that "The simplest defense for slavery is economic necessity." It was in this frame of reference that Williams (1944) explained slavery, arguing that it was an economic institution which arose from the need to exploit labor through coercion. Williams went as far as to argue that it was the slave trade that provided the capital which enabled England to ascend into the Industrial Revolution.

Further, Cox (1948:332) writes that ".-.probably because of its very obviousness, it is not realized that the slave trade was simply a way of recruiting labor for the purpose of exploiting the great natural resources of America ....This trade did not start because Indians and Negroes are red and black, or because their cranial capacity averaged a certain number of cubic centimeters; but simply because they were the best workers to be found for the heavy labor in the mines and plantations across the

Atlantic. " To these Marxist-oriented writers, slavery was intended as nothing more than an economic institution which only later came to use racism to justify and maintain its exploitative nature.

Although Marxist interpretations of the origins of racism explain the slave trade as an economic, rather than as a racial, phenomenon, numerous criticisms have been forwarded. Several scholars (Rex, 1970; Banton, 1967) reject the economic determinism of the Marxist approach, suggesting that, although racism bas its roots in colonial expansion, it is far too simplistic to assume that slavery, and subsequently racism, was or is purely an economic phenomenon. Certainly, a necessary condition for slavery in the Arnerican or European case was a perception of the inferiority of blacks, but it is important to remember that scholars pinpoint the rise of a systematic racial

doctrine based on biological differences as arising in the

nineteenth century (van den Berg, 1967:15; Solomos and Back,

1996:42). As 1 previously outlined, theological or religious

racism preceded biological racism. It was theological racism

which provided justification for slavery, in conjunction with,

rather than in isolation of, economic demands. And slavery not

only bound the slave to a system of forced labor, but it carried

heavy psychological consequences. Plantation siavery in the US,

for instance, was vigorms ly enforced by propert y laws concerning

the slave. Over time, blacks were indoctrinated, as were whites,

into believing that black skin signified a natural predisposition

to slavery, and it was the place of the African to exist as

property for whites' disposal. When scientific writings began to

emerge which suggested that blacks were biologically inferior to

whites, rather than through some other naturalizing cultural

force or Divine intervention, the race issue took on new, or at

least a modified, meaning.

It is difficult to conclude that slavery was exclusively an

economic phenomenon. Slavery's impact was as much on social and

power relations as it was on economic institutions (Solornos and

Back, 1996). It was these social and power relations which were

consolidated in part through slavery which arguably are reflected

in black!~subordinate social positions today. Perhaps more than any other period of history, it is in the mid-1800s when the

illusive and political nature of racism is dernonstrated most clearly. Given the historical time-frame of biological racism, it would be difficult to argue that slavery was justified by

black's biological inferiority, but it seems clear that the

effects of slavery, combined with scientific writings on the

nature of the species, helped to produce a strong belief in the

natural inferiority of black people and sirnultaneously supplant

religious racism in the mid to late 1800s.

SCIENTIFIC RACISM

Scientific racism is based on three primary assumptions:

first, a person1s or group's physical appearance is an indicator

of a permanent and discrete biological type; second, that

cultural differences are a result of biological inheritance; and

third, certain groups of humans, races, are superior to other

groups. It is important to realize that the emergence of the

language of race coincided with European expansion through the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,' and as slavery came co an

end the biological determinism attached to the concept of race

had advanced far enough for scientific racism to take hold.

Although scientific racism arose in the nineteenth century, its

roots reach further back in history.

According to the book of Genesis, al1 species which

inhabited the earth were stable and unchanging. It was believed

that Cod had created one Great Chain of Being, or one grand

design as John Ray argued in the seventeenth century (Jurmain and

D'Souza contends that George Louis Leclerc (Count Buffon) introduced the terni race into scientific writings in the rnid- 1 700s. Nelson, 1994). Further, believing that al1 humans were descended

from Adam and Eve, it was possible to calculate how many

generations had inhabited the earth. The first calculation of

the age of the earth was offered by John Lightfoot in 1644

iollowed by the widely accepted date of 4004 BC by James Ussher.

Ussher's date suggested that the earth was no more than 6000

years old. Therefore, given the short period of time that humans

had inhabited the earth, and given the concept of the fixity of

the species, any explanation of hurnan existence independent of

biblical interpretation was neither acceptable nor

comprehensible.

The concept of the fixity of the species remained strong in

European thought throughout this tirne period. Not until Darwin's

publication of Origin in 1859 did the belief in a static and

unchanging species lose substantial, scientific support.

However, naturalists and philosophers throughout the sixteenth

and seventeenth centuries were thinking and writing about the

nature of the species, in addition to devising theories that were

increasingly distinct from biblical interpretations. It was by no means Darwin's publication of Origin which caused a racial doctrine, but Origin did provide a significant degree of support

for racist interpretations of humankind based on biology and it set scientific racism on a new path.

Two men led the early rise of scientific racism: Robert Knox and Joseph Arther de Gobineau. Knox published The Races of Men in 1850 where he argued, among other things, that races differ in their physical, external characteristics (which have been unaltered during the past 6000 years) as well as their internal, cultural characteristics (Banton, 1987). Further, Knox saw the

Anglo-saxon race as the most developed species of mankind (Solomos and Back, 1996) . Advancinq the stereotype of the superior Aryan or Nordic race, de Gobineau published -The Inequality of the Human Races in 1853 (Shipman, 1994). Dividing humanity into three races- white, yellow, black- de Gobineau argued that not only were Aryans the creators of civilization, but that miscegenation inevitably would lead to racial degeneration (Solomos and Back, 1996). The ideas forwarded by de Gobineau not only played an incremental role in Nazi Germany, but also occupy a central position in the right wing rhetoric of today. And although Knox's and de Gobineau's writings led the rise of scientific racism, there was other, far more damaging, work on the horizon-

Shipman (1994:17-19) declares that November 24, 1859 was the beginning of "one long argument. . . . [that would] shake the moral underpinnings of Western civilization, challenge the traditional,

Christian belief in a single episode of creation of a static, perfect, and unchanging world ....But in an astonishingly short tirne, the argument would shift from the theory itself to its application to human beings, and thence to the value of the differences among the human races." The event to which Shipman refers to was Darwin's publication of Origin which outlined the theory of natural selection and the survival of the fittest. Not only did Darwin's theory of natural selection settle the debate between the Monogenists and the Polygenists, but it destroyed Ussher's date for the origin of the earth. As Shipman points out, Darwin's writings, although designed to show how plant and animal species which were better adapted to certain environments would enjoy a greater reproductive success and thus survive other species, came to take on a human application.

Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth century, basic themes in Darwin's writings appeared in debates launched by the

Social Darwinists and individuals promoting Eugenics.

Particularly, Darwin's writings on natural selection and the survival of the fittest, the latter term coined by Herbert

Spencer, came to provide ammunition for the racists. Darwin was continually cited as evidence for the eventual extinction of blacks, as they could not compete in a social environment dominated by Europeans (Solomos and Back, 1996). In essence,

Darwin's argument for the struggle for existence came to be interpreted in a political framework for the struggle between the races. Men such as Herbert Spencer, Ernst Haeckel and Charles

Davenport used Darwin's writings for their own purposes, applying them to social organization. Scientific racism was unleashed.

1 have argued that racism as a political mechanism has its roots in colonial expansion, but that it was not until the eradication of slavery that biological justification was sought to subjugate black labor. Yet as 1 have illustrated, the rise of scientific racism had its roots before Darwin and theological racism was just as ridged and deterministic as biological racism.

It was the publication of Origin which provided the theory needed to further the scientific or biological basis of human difference. Since the rise of a racial doctrine in the late nineteenth century, racism has not only become enmeshed in the social fabric, but has maintained its illusive character.

Anti-Semitism

Before 1 outline a theoretical approach to explain racism, it will be useful to take a brief look at anti-Semitism.

Although the terrn anti-Semitism was coined in 1879 by William

Marr, founder of the German Anti-Semitic League, anti-Jewish hostility dates back several centuries. Levy (1991) contends that anti-Semitism, which has an identifiable origin in the late 1800s, differs significantly from anti-Jewish hostility which is centuries old. But Davies (1992) argues that despite the fact that the term has had a relatively short career, animosity towards Jews, be it cultural, racial, religious, political or economic, falls under its rubric. Regardless of the term used, be it anti-Semitism or anything else, systematic Jewish hatred has been prevalent throughout history and any understanding of modern anti-Semitism cannot be achieved independent of the history of Jew-hatred. In this section, 1 will briefly review some of the central manifestations of anti-Semitism which have arisen through history and 1 will conclude with a brief overview of the career of anti-Sernitism in Canada.

The early roots of modern anti-Semitism can be traced to fifteenth century Spain. Following the defeat of the Moors and recapturing Granda, King Ferinand of Aragon and Queen Isabella of Castille sought to consolidate Christian influence by expelling al1 Jews from Spain (D'Souza, 1995). When it becarne apparent that many Jews had publicly adopted Christianity, but continued to privately practice Judaism, laws were passed restricting the rights of Jews. These laws were based not on tne

Jewish religion, but rather on the Jewish blood, although it would be reasonable to assume that they included both.

Prior to the fifteenth century, in the ancient world Jews and Christians alike were persecuted by the Romans. Centuries latex, Jews were persecuted by Christians based entirely on theFr religious beliefs (D'Souza, 1995). But during the Middle Ages,

Jews who converted to Christianity were fully excepted by the church. Therefore, although Levy (1991) identified a àistinct form of modern anti-Semitism as arising somewhere around 1879, it is apparent that modern anti-Semitism has drawn on a Jew-hatred which dates back several centuries.

In addition to the centuries-old perception of Jews as the ernbodirnent of tne Devil, there exists two major manifestations of anti-Semitism: Holocaust denial and the Jewish conspiracy to take over the world. Further, there exists two forms of anti-

Semitism: one based on race and one based on religion. Although

1 have identified these four characteristics, it rnust be realized that they are inseparable. Also, it was with the rise of what

Levy (1991) calls modern anti-Semitism in the late 1800s that Theodor Herzl led the rise of a new movement: Zionism. Zionism first appeared in the late nineteenth century as an apparent solution for Jews to escape anti-Semitism in Europe (Levy, 1991).

Although Zionism, a movement perpetuated by a select number of Jews to establish an all-Jewish nation, was a reaction to anti-

Semitism, soon enough al1 Jews were identified as Zionists, even highly assimilated ones who opposed Zionism. And it was not before long when the Protocols of the Elders of Zion appeared.

The Protocols, a forgery created in Paris in the nineteenth century and distributed throughout the twentieth century, present a Jewish conspiracy to take over the world. The Protocols present two distinct forms of anti-Semitism which are still prevalent today: Jewish conspiracy and Jew hatred. The

Protocols, which claim to have a Jewish author, outline how the "Elders of Zion" are conspiring for world domination. Levy

(1995) contends that the Protocols were translated into every major European Language, as well as Turkish, Japanese, Cninese and Arabic.

Whereas the Protocols outline Jewish conspiracy theory, there also exists Jewish persecution based entirely on reiigion.

Cohn (1969) claims that as far back as the fourth century Jews were seen as pure evil and in the twelfth century they were portrayed as murdering Christian children, poisoning wells and worshipping the Devil. Coupled with the ancient view of the

Jewish world-conspiracy theory, in addition to the Christ-killer theme, we can see how historic Jew-hatred has had a strong impact on modern anti-Semitism. And how have Jews faired in Canada?

Until the mid-1860s, Jews in Canada enjoyed the better part of a century free of discrimination. This is probably due to the fact that Jews had not reached significant numbers in the country. Brown (1992) contends that in 1867 there were only about 1000 Jews in Canada and Menkis (1992) claims that in 1871

Jews constituted less than .O3 percent of the population. With

an influx of Jews into North America in the early 1900~~and with

feelings of insecurity following the first world war, Canadians

began to increasingly resent Jews (Glickman, 1991). But even

prior to World War 1, anti-Semitism was growing stronger. In

Ontario, for example, Speisman (1992:115) points out that in 1901

there were 3000 Jews in Ontario and this figure grew to

approximately 32 000 in the big cities of the province by 1913.

By the early 1920s, the Jewish population in Ontario had grown

even larger and throughout the 1920s anti-Semitism was so wide-

spread in Ontario that no Jewish doctors were able to obtain a

clinical appointment at the University of Toronto (Speisman, 1992) . Prior to the early 1920s, Glickman (1991) contends, Jews in

Canada experienced periodic discrimination in areas such as work

and the school system, but in the post-war era Jews came to be

persecuted more regularly as a group. The depression of 1929

worsened conditions for Canadian Jews, and as we saw in chapter

2, this social climate is what Arcand and Menard capitalized on.

Following the Second World War, anti-Sernitism remained dormant

until the 1950s and increased in intensity throughout the 1960s.

Anti-Semitism can be overt or covert; rnild or severe; rude

or polite, and it can attach itself to other ideologies such as

nationalism or class stratification (Davies, 1992). Similar to

racism, anti-Semitism has an illusive character; it has taken on modified forms in different historical periods and it has intensified in times of social and economic hardship. Anti-

Sernitism has had a unique career in Canada, and in this analysis

1 have barely scratched the surface of anti-Semitism in general, and Canadian anti-Semitism in particular. My goal has not been to present a comprehensive analysis of anti-Semitism, but only to distinguish it from racism.

Explaining Racism

To this point we have exarnined the origins of the term race and the historical rise of the doctrine of racism, as well as reviewing anti-Semitism. We are now prepared to turn to an explanation of racism which will be absolutely necessary to understand the right wing, both nationally and internationally.

1 will begin by further exploring the sophisticated Marxist approacn outlined by Miles which was introduced in chapter 1,

followed by an application of that framework to Canada. My goal is not to show how racism exists per se, but rather how it continues ta exist with changing patterns of immigration. In doing so, 1 will offer one example of how this process occurs.

In the following chapter 1 will expand the analysis to a wider setting which will strengthen the argument. Illustrating that it was only after the transition from

feudalism that populations in different parts of the world started to corne into contact through the development of capitalist production and trade, Miles (1984) argues that the relations of these populations were neither equal nor neutral.

As Wolf (1982:355) writes, "Political economies were refashioned, social ties rented and rearranged, and people moved from areas of

supply to areas of demand." And it was through this process that

the lesser valued groups, the economically weaker groups, came to

be seen as races, thus justifying their subordination and

continued exploitation in the international mode of production.

As time progressed, the allocation of certain positions in Che

division of labor, nationally and internationally, and the

subsequent reproduction of unequal positions of power,

perpetuated the ideological dimensions of racisrn.

Miles (1984) argues that with the shift from agriculture CO

industrialization, there cornes an increase in production and

expansion of the world market. As technology advances, world

markets have been, and continue to be, drawn together. There

simultaneously has been a tendency for capitalist accumulation to

result in labor power being displaced by machines [or computer

technology]. There is a consistent tension which exists between

the size of the proletariat and expulsion of labor from

production, and it is the expulsion of labor power, Miles argues,

that induces international labor migration. This, in turn, has

led to an emphasis on a highly skilled labor force and resulted

in high unemployment rates among the proletariat.

When cheap labor is sought in the international mode of

production, labor value falls and the indigenous working class

cornes to increasingly resent the presence of foreigners in their

home country. This political dimension of the labor market is

combined with an ideological dimension which is used to justify differential treatment of foreigners and subsequently subjugate foreigners based on the notion of race. Further, when cheap migrant labor is sought on an international scale, capital is able to mobilize and investment takes on an international

character. This, in turn, reduces the level of investment

locally, thus reducing the need for manual labor, but subsequently increases the need for foreign investment.

We now arrive at a problem in theoretical analyses of the political economy of labor migration. Although there is no

shortage of research in this area, most of the literature deals with manual labor populations while ignoring a significant portion of migrants who are not working class (Miles and

Satzewich, 1990). Indeed, Miles and Satzewich question the

applicability of theories designed for rural-subsistence to

urban-industrial migration patterns in the postindustrial, or postmodern, age. As they write:

....the migration of these 'mental laborers' is a concomitant of the migration of capital, and so the factors determining the migration of capital structure the international mobility of highly skilled managerial and technical staff (Miles and Satzewich, 1990: 345) .

Given the transnational character of capital, and the coinciding pattern of population movement of an increasingly large, non- working class migrant population, what are the implications for

the Marxist notion that racism exists to obscure working class consciousness and to maintain bourgeois power and privilege?

It will be remembered from chapter 1 that Prager (1972) argued that racism is not simply a mechanism to justify working class subordination, as Cox (1948) suggested. Indeed, Prager was correct to recognize the semi-autonomous ideological dimension(s) of racism. It will be further remernbered that Prager suggested that capitalist and colonial relations are interdependent agents in the maintenance of a racial ideology. Under Prager's modes, given the contemporary nature of the international migrant labor force, characterized not only by manual laborers, but also by highly skilled professionals, we can see how racism exists beyond the strict parameters set out by the radical Marxist approach.

As such, we must address how racism is reproduced through changing social relations on an international scale.

It is my argument, as will be applied to Canada below, that with an increasing tendency for countries to favor immigrants with a certain amount of net-worth and a relatively high degree of professional skills, that three social reactions contribute to the reproduction of racism: first, the indigenous [white] population sees an increasing amount of non-white immigrants holding jobs and enjoying a relatively high degree of economic success, while indigenous residents endure economic hardship6; second, with immigration cornes an increasing presence of non- indigenous customs, beliefs, institutions and behaviors, which leads to the perception that not only are foreigners taking al1 the jobs, but that they are taking over the indigenous culture; and third, while this process endures, racism is reproduced over

Although it would be reasonable to assume that racist sentiments would mobilize predominantly among the white population in times of social and economic change, we must not assume bat resentrnent among the non-white indigenous population is absent. With an increased presence of foreigners, both the white and non-white indigenous population is threatened. Conceming the scope of this study, however, with the exception of the most rare cases, support for right wing groups is primarily a white phenornenon. time and space, as a new type of migrant competes for access to material privilege and threatens the status quo. Within this framework we can explain how racism is reproduced because professional migrants threaten not only the proletariat, but tne middle, if not the upper, class. Furcher, this economically- induced migration is cornbined with politically-induced migration, as we shall see in chapter 8.

CANADA

For nearly a century, Canadian immigration policy was explicitly racist. As we saw in chapter 2, western Canada was particularly harsh concerning Chinese immigration in the early

1900s and this is what the Ku Klux Klan thrived on in the first quarter of the century. From 1885 to 1962, Canadian immigration discouraged non-white, non-European immigration into the country.

For example, the Chinese head tax clause written into ~he1885

Chinese Immigration Act, as well as the 1923 "single continuos journey" clause, curtailed non-white, non-European immigration significantly. However, in 1947 the single continuous joürney clause was eradicated and this was the same year that Asiàn immigrants were permitted to sponsor their relatives, yet Canadian immigration law still contained racist policies (Taylor,

1991). It was not until 1967 that immigration law in Canada implemented the point system and that sponsorship was permitted regardless of origin. Has racism in Canadian immigration policy been eradicated?

There are two conflicting arguments concerning this question in the literature. First, the "conventional theory" suggests that with the removal of explicitly racist content from Canadian immigration law in the 1960~~immigration patterns into the country became equal and fair. The "racist theory," in contrast, suggests that regardless of the cosmetic makeover of Canadian immigration law, racism continues to exist in immigration policy

(Taylor, 1991). 1 will argue within the parameters of the racist theory, although 1 would like to make it clear that 1 am not analyzing racism in Canadian immigration policy, but rather illustrating immigration patterns and trends in Canada in recent times . Three major trends lend support to the argument that immigration law in Canada is still racist, yet 1 will add a second dimension to the race issue: class. First, the point system instituted in 1967 enables immigration officials to select only the most Europeanized of the non-European immigrants. These individuals include the most educated, most wealthy and most highly skilled applicants. Second, the head-tax clause of the

1885 Chinese Immigration Act has been reborn in Canada's preference for immigrants who are of a certain net-worth and who are able to establish business and/or create jobs in Canada. As will be outlined below, Canada has placed a preference on immigrants who hold a significantly greater amount of assets than many indigenous Canadians. Further, the category of "investor" introduced to Canadian immigration law in 1986 only increases this pattern. And third, there has been a tendency to favor highly skilled, professional immigrants rather than manual laborers. It will be remembered that Miles (1984) argued that industrialization and technological development lead to the

expulsion of manual labor from the mode of production, which in

turn induces labor migration. Conversely, highly-skilled

migrants are drawn into the mode of production with increased industrialization.

In recent times, Canada has emphasized immigration

preferences for highly skilled immigrants wi th a significant

degree of assets. This population of migrants is what Wong

(1993) has referred to as "agents of capital," suggesting that in

the world system, agents of capital migrate in the pursuit of the

best social, political and economic conditions for investment.

Prior to 1980, Wong argues, the flow of capital associated with

Canadian immigration was not significant. There was, previous to

1980, a Canadian priority placed on cheap manual migrant

laborers. However, Wong contends that from 1980 to 1990 the

annual total net-worth of incoming immigrants to Canada increased

dramatically. This was in conjunction with Canada's increasing preference for "capital linked migration," or those immigrants who are expected to invest in Canada and thus create jobs.

Futher, Wong points out that between 1981 and 1990 "business

immigrants1' and their families increased from 5116 to 18157.

Despite the advantage that these immigrants present to the Canadian economy and the Canadian job market, this type of

immigration, as 1 will now argue, presents an immediate threat to Canada's indigenous population. Mile and Satzewich (1990) contend that professional migrants are ignored by the capitalist accumulation theory of migration.

Indeed, capital linked migration presents a rather awkward problern for the Marxist theory of labor migration, especially when the process is characterized by agents of capital who are not only desired by the host country, but needed to increase the size of the labor market and stimulate investment. As Wong's work demonstrates, there is an increasing preference for business immigrants in Canada. However, a curious problem arises with this migration pattern: the role of the State in the reproduction of racisrn. It will be remembered that Miles (1984) suggested that migrant labor occupies a central role in the reproduction of racism. In addition to racism serving as a mechanism to justify the subordination of migrant laborers, as the radical Marxist approach would suggest, and to exclude foreigners' access to social and material privileges, as the sophisticated Marxist approach would suggest, the State, either directly of indirectly, through its preference for capital linked migration, reinforces feelings of resentment, inadequacy, xenophobia and racism that many Canadian citizens harbor. As an increasingly large population of non-white, non-European immigrants achieve greater degrees of material and occupational success in Canada, anti- immigration sentiment intensifies.

CONCLUSION

Thus far, we have seen how the Marxist theory of capital accumulation, which suggests that international migration flows are primarily a result of contractual migrant labor from the peripheries of the world capitalist system to one of its centers, is not entirely adequate to explain migration in today's postmodern world. Further, as I previously mentioned, economically-induced migration is combined with politically- induced migration and Canada is no exception. For example, following the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown, the People's

Republic of China became the third highest country of origin for

Canadian immigration (Xiao-Feng Liu, 1996). More recently, in

1996 189 people from the Czech Republic applied for asylum in

Canada following a dramatic increase in the number of attacks on gypsies in the Czech and Slovak Republics (The Globe and Mail, August 14, 1997). And although we can see the combined effects of political and economic migration, as 1 will demonstrate in chapter 8, Europe has been witness to a much greater politically- induced migration pattern.

1 have argued that racism is reproduced over time and that racism is much more than simply a mechanism to justify economic and material privilege. However, it must be recognized that the political and ideological nature of racisrn is intimately related to economic cornpetition. For years, opponents of immigration have criticized immigration policies for family renunciation programs, refugee and asylum seekers and displaced persons. Although these things have been around for years, what has changed is the political and econornic context (Miles, 1993). For example, worldwide access to airfare is readily available, as are most other forms of mechanized transportation. On the contrary, advances in telecommunications are making the migration process more difficult. For instance, to curtail migration between

Germany and both Poland and the Czech Republic, the European

Community now plans to rnonitor human movement. As Miles (1993:461) euphemistically remarks, there are now plans to

"replace the Iron Curtain with an Electronic Curtain."

Explaining the Right Wing

In chapter 1, we saw that the theory of institutional racism is adequate to explain how racism exists, but that it is inadequate to explain how racism continues to exist. By outlining the sophisticated Marxist approach, I have offered one explanation for how racism adapts to social changes in the demographic composition of Canadian society, in addition to how racism is much more than sirnply an economic phenomenon, although intimately related to economic competition and materlal privilege. 1 will now offer an explanation for how the right wing exists in a country like Canada which has enjoyed a reputation for tolerance.

Any explanation of the right wing cannot be separated £rom an explanation of racism, or conversely from the society in which it exists. As stated in chapter 1, Barrett (1984~1987) argued that the right wing can be seen as a manifestation of a larger, more generalized racism running through society. The examples of

Paul Fromm, Jim Keegstra, Malcolm Ross, and to a lesser extent,

Ernst Zundel, provided in the previous chapter, contests to the fact that right wing mernbers do not lead lives which are vastly different from the average citizen. Certainly, the case of

Wolfgang Droege presents an exception, but Marc Lemire who is

seeking a career as a paramedic or Gerry Lincoln who is a middle-

class contractor do not present great deviations from the norm.

Further, the opinions voiced by individuals like Jeurgan Newman

or Joy Berke, although more direct and intentional than the lay

person, are by no means unique. For example, 1 have been

involved in numerous conversations with otherwise ordinary

citizens who have expressed a remarkable degree of intolerance

for immigrants who "srnell different" or "do not speak English,"

homosexuals who are al1 "sex-crazed" and even the Jews who "own

the country." Certainly these individuals do not promote

violence against minority groups, but they make it clear that

gays, Jews and immigrants are not wanted in the country.

The right wing does not exist on its own. There must be at

least a moderate degree of support for the opinions of organized

right wing groups by mainstream society for a significant movement to continue. It is not that the political economy of

labor migration model, the sophisticated Marxist approach,

explains the rS$e and growth of the right wing around the world

per se, but it does provide an explanation for how a certain

degree of support from mainstream society, either directly or

indirectly, can be enjoyed by right wing groups. People are far more susceptible to the messages of the right wing when they feel economically and socially threatened by foreigners. For example, we saw that Droege received 14% of the vote in a municipal election in 1994 and that Don Andrews received over 5000 votes in the same year. Recently, on November 10, 1997 Paul Fromm, after being fired £rom the Peel Board of Education, managed to muster up 827 votes (10.4%) in the municipal election running for School

Board Trustee. More amazingly, Marc Lemire received 2503 votes

(12.1%) running in the same election.'

Not only in Canada, but around the world, an intolerance for foreigners mounts in the face of increased immigration, either manual laborers or business immigrants, who serve as a convenient scapegoat for the inàigenous population. But racism is not created by these social trends, As previously outlined, there exists a deep-seated racism in Canada and it is rny argument that this generalized racism is reproduced over time in the face of a changing social environment, characterized by an increasing presence of foreigners and declining access to material resources. The right wing realizes that the economy is worsening, that non-white, non-European immigrants are occupying a greater amount of jobs and that this massive non-white population is attracting political momentum and social support.

But the right wing also realizes that the approach they take must fa11 in line with what people want to identify with. The internet, in turn, provides an excellent medium which enables the right wing to present a public image which appeals to a society characterized by insecurity and xenophobia. At once, the sophisticated Marxist approach offers an explanation for the

Lemire ran under the slogan "Our children go to school to lem, not to be brainwashed" while claiming that race relations programs. equity studies centres, aboriginal centres. multicultuml programs and affirmative action programs have "wasted millions of dollars of your hard-eamed tax dollars." His campaign went on to state that "Lemire plans to make some changes!" changing nature of the right wing's messages in Canada and an increased support from wider society. And Canada presents only an incipient case of the right wing. As 1 will show in the following chapter, the right wing is a huge political force in many parts of Europe. 8 COMPARATIVE FRAMEWORK

In the previous chapter 1 argued that with an increasing amount of non-white, non-European immigration into Canada, the right wing has capitalized on the xenophobia and racism that many people feel in times of social and economic hardship, indeed a bigotry which has been lingering under the surface of Canadian society. But it would be incorrect to assume that Canada is an isolated case. In chapter two 1 referred to the right wing in

America; in this section 1 will discuss the resurgence of right wing activity that has surfaced across most of Europe. iiowever, an important characteristic differentiates Europe £rom Canada, and perhaps foreshadows Canada's future. Of the cases 1 will discuss, each country has been witness to a remarkably successful right wing movement in mainstream politics and/or a viscous presence of right wing violence. 1 will restrict my analysis primarily to three cases: Austria, France and Germany.

In the case of Austria, the Freedom Party has recently received an alarming degree of electoral support. This support has been accompanied by rising level of violence directed at foreigners. In France, a modest degree of right wing violence has been masked by an incredible amount of support for the Front National ' s leader Jean-Marie Le Pen in France ' s presidential elections. In contrast to France, Germany has seen a mild degree of success of its right wing parties in politics, but has experienced a dramatic rise in violence directed at Germany's millions of foreigners. AUSTRIA: The Freedom Party

In the past decade, Austria has experienced a sharp increase in the number of foreigners entering the country. This dernographic transition of the Austrian population has led to increased levels of intolerance, racism, anti-Sernitism and xenophobia. Three events illustrate Austria's recent right wing revival: the election of president Kurt Waldheim, a sharp increase in political support for the Freedom Party (FPO) and a rise in neo-Nazi activity. In cornparison to neighboring countries, Austria has enjoyed a reputation for tolerance, but Austria's reputation began to fade in 1986, the year that Kurt Waldheim was elected president.

While campaigning for the election, the World Jewish Congress

(WJC) exposed Waldheim as a World War II rnilitary intelligence officer who had served in the Balkans and who was sought in connection with alleged war crimes by the US army.' Reporting on these allegations, Austria's media took a defensive tone, conveying the impression that it was not Waldheim's past that was being drawn into question, but rather the anti-Semitic nature of

Austrian society (Wodak, 1991). It was the emotional arousal stirred up by the Austrian media which prompted Berman (1986:32) to write that "the unattractive candidate was able to win so resoundingly only by shifting public attention away from interna1

Austrian disputes and ont0 the alleged threat of international intervention in Austrian affairs." Austria has historically been seen as a society harboring latent anti-Semitism, and the l Originally, the World Jewish Congress mistakenly identified him as a counter intelligence officer.

208 allegations directed against Waldheim, and indirectly against

Austria, seemed to open old wounds. Although attention has now settled concerning the Waldheim affair, recent events have further tarnished Austria's image in the international community. The election of Waldheim coincided with an increase in political support for Jorg Haider. Haider, leader of Austria's

Freedom Party (FPO), was expelled from provincial parliament in

1991 after he apparently remarked that "at least the Third Reich had rnanaged to implernent competent employment policies" (Knight, 1992) . Remarkably, following Haider' s expulsion, the FPO increased its vote in the provincial electorate in Styria £rom

4.6% to 15.4% and in Upper Austria from 5% to 17.7%. More startling, only five months after Haidex's ejection from provincial parliament the FPO received 22.5% of the vote in

Vienna (Knight, 1992) . Haider ' s popul arity continues to increase today, despite the fact that in 1995 he met with a qrou~of former SS soldiers where he was videotaped declaring that "A people that does not honour earlier generations is a people condemned to ruin." (Searchlight, 1997) One explanation for the dramatic increase in popularity and support for Haider, who incidentally runs under the banner of the

FPO while prornoting an anti-refugee, anti-immigration and anti-

Slav position, is the recent changes to the social and political climate of Austria, Three political events have transpired within the past decade which have resulted in a dramatic increase in the number of refugees, asylurn seekers and migrant laborers taking-up residency in Austria. The first major influx of foreigners to corne to Austria in the past decade resulted from the imposition of martial law in Poland. From 1989 to 1991 the number of foreign workers from Poland increased frorn 167 000 to

200 000 (Knight, 1992:296) . Second, the large numbers of refugees entering Austria from Poland was confounded by an influx of asylum seekers, particularly Croats, following the outbreak of civil war in the former Yugoslavia. Knight illustrates that 27

300 asylum seekers entered Austria from Yugoslavia in 1991.

Third, with the fa11 of communism, many East Germans migrated to

Austria looking for work and more prosperous economic conditions.

Given the dramatic rise of foreigners who entered Austria in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the indigenous population began EO feel the effects of rising unemployment levels and a decline in the availability of resources. And in addition to a shortage of resources, there was a fear of foreign labor undercutting the indigenous labor force. The climate was ripe for Haider and the

FPO.

The Freedom Party is Europe's largest right wing organization to enter mainstream politics in recent times

(Searchlight, 1997). In October, 1996 the FPO received over a million votes (27.7%) in the European parliamentary election, a

5% increase from December, 1995. It has been suggested that the

FPO is growing in popularity in part due to Haider's efforts to sanitize his image. For instance, to improve the FPO's international reputation, Haider studied at Harvard University for three months in the mid-1990s, in addition to his many efforts to be photographed with students from African countries on a regular basis (The Daily Telegraph, October 17, 1997) . Playing on fears concerning work, housing and crime, not to mention the asylum seekers who actually obey the law by not seeking work and are thus accused of sponging off the State, there is an appeal to Haider's platform which calls for a stop to immigration and to send al1 foreigners back to wherever they came from. But political support for right wing parties and leaders has also manifested itself in an increased level of violence.

For example, Knight (1992) illustrates that in 1991 Jewish grave Stones in Vienna were desecrated. Further, in 1992 a fire bomb was sent to an asylm hostile in Traunkirchen. And in 1992 Gottfried Kussel, a leading neo-Nazi figure, was arrested just prior to carrying out a military coup to overthrow Austria's government, as he felt that the government was too friendly to foreigners.

Xenophobia has existed in Austria for decades. In the

1960s, Vienna, for example, experienced a sharp increase of the number of "guest workers" from Turkey and Yugoslavia which intensified resentment for foreigners. Continued migration into

Austria, particularly in the late 1980s, fostered an environment of intolerance and scapegoating. Mass migration from different part of Europe has, if not caused, at least coincided with a dramatic increase in intolerance, xenophobia, resentment and support for the right wing. With a changing social and political climate such as Austria's, the FPO has capitalized on the population's insecurities and fears in uncertain times. Indeed in December, 1991 the Austrian governrnent passed a new asylm law intended to accelerate procedures for processing applications for

residency so they could expel those who do not qualify quickly, before they becorne settled (Husbands, 1992) . However, despi te the suprising success of the FPO, Austria's right wing has not

approached the level of political success that France's right

wing has.

FRANCE: The Front National.

The Front National (FN) was founded in 1972 as a cover

organization for the fascist group Ordre Nouveau (New Order).

After nearly a decade of political alienation, in 1981 the Front

National's leader Jean-Marie Le Pen was unable to gather a mexe

500 endorsernents from local councilors as a requirement to enter

the 1981 presidential election. Conversely, in 1988 Le Pen

received 4.5 million votes (14.4%) in his presidential

candidature. Today, the Front National is the largest right wing

group in France, enjoying a mernbership base of over 100 000

people (Searchlight, 1997)

The Front National presents a unique and remarkably

dangerous political phenomenon to France. Not only does the FN

encompass extremely conservative thinkers whose public views fall in line with rnainstream conservatism, but they also manage to

satisfy the needs of a far more radical bloc. The FN is

comprised of a radical and moderate split which Le Pen is able to

keep in check (Fysh and Wolfreys, 1992). Further, there exists

at least five interna1 divisions in the EN which Vary in their degree of conservatism and extremity. Generally, the FN takes issue with immigration, claiming that immigrants drive labor wages down and that unskilled immigrant labor impedes plant modernization; they claim that homosexuals spread AIDS and tear away at France's moral fabric; they argue that abortion is a

French Holocaust, calling for its legal termination, in addition to promoting the sanctity of the "traditional farnily," where a woman's position is in the home.

The Front National, as we have seen with the Heritage Front and the Freedom Party, has made an effort in recent years to appear less extreme in the public eye. For example, Le Pen has replaced his early position on immigration, which suggested that immigrants were racially inferior, with a plea for a defense of western culture. Further, the fascist slogan, "French People

First" which Le Pen was famous for has been replaced with

"national preference" (Fysh and Wolfreys, 1992:321) . However, Le

Pen and the Front National continue to concentrate on immigration and economic hardship. In 1981, for example, Le Pen adopted the slogan, "1.5 million unemployed, thatts 1.5 immigrants too rnany."

And although immigration had dropped 10% from 1985, he had changed the figure to three million immigrants. Despite Le Pen's critical position, his popularity increased throughout the late

1980s and 1990s.

Following Le Pen's warm reception in the 1988 presidential election, the Front National's electoral support increased. For instance, in 1995 the FN received over 15% of the vote in the first round of the presidential election, capturing three municipalities in southern France: Orange, Marignane and Toulan. Further, in February, 1997 Catherine Megret, the wife of Bruno

Megret, Le Pen's second in command, captured a fourth municipality: Vitrolles (New York Times, February 10, 1997). It is amazing how successful the Front National has been considering that Le Pen is running in the 1998 presidential election promoting a massive overhaul to immigration, as well as French separatism. If elected, Le Pen plans to deport three million immigrants and he is opposed to surrendering a degree of French sovereignty to allow free movernent across the European Union's boarders,

At least two factors which have led to Le Pen's startling popularity. First, changes in France's social and political climate such as the hundreds of thousands of second generation

North African immigrants who are coming of age and entering the work force; the failure of a socialist government to solve the social problems resulting from a near stagnant economy; large scale third world immigration which has resulted in decreasing labor value, high demands on housing and welfare assistance, al1 coupled with an unemployment rate at nearly 13% have contributed to resentment of foreigners in France. Second, given Le Pen's recent popularity, mainstream political parties have adopted several of Le Pen's positions on immigration in an effort to appeal to a wider audience. For example, after Le Pen was warmly received for opposing Fllegal immigration, the Chirac Conservative government implemented tougher immigration laws and has recently introduced a new Bill placing even greater restrictions on illegal immigration (New York Times, February 13, 1997) . Policies such as these appeal to France ' s voters, as two- thirds of the public in a recent opinion poll were found to favor tougher immigration laws (Globe and Mail, March 3, 1997).

However, Le Pen has responded to this phenomenon by re-adjustinq his policies. For example, when Chirac's conservative party began to speak out against illegal immigrants, claiming that chey were responsible for crime and increased drugs use, as Le Pen had previously done, the Front National began to speak out against al1 immigration. This bilateral trend has established the Front National as a bona fide political party, while simultaneously worsening conditions for France's immigrant population.

It would be a mistake to assume that the Front National has not experienced some resistance. For example, in May, 1990 four

Skinheads smashed 39 grave Stones in Marseille in the south of

France where the Front National has enjoyed its greatest support.

Apparently, these individuals proceeded to exhume a body and lay it over a tombstone where they engraved "a souvenir from the neighbors" (France-Presse, April 24, 1997) . Following this incident, residents began to attribute the climate of intolerance to the Front National. Nonetheless, the negative sentiment was short-lived and the EN continues to enjoy increasing support, despite recent policy irnplementation in their four municipalities. In Orange, for exarnple, the local library was ordered not to purchase any books about North African culture

(New York Times, February 10, 1997). In Orange and Marignane "Liberation," a liberal newspaper, was banned and replaced by three right wing newspapers (Miami Herald, March 16, 1997). And Bruno Megret has recently called for a tax to be imposed on al1 companies who continue to employ immigrants in an effort to send al1 Arab, Asian and African immigrants back home.

Of the opinions echoed by the Front National, none are unique to the right wing, but what is remarkable is Le Pen's success in mainstream politics. Indeed Husband (1992:273) claims that "few can dispute that Le Pen is now the most significant figure in the European Extreme right." Arnong other things, Le

Pen believes that the Conservative government of Chirac is in the pay of Jewish groups, especially B'nai B'rith. He has publicly displayed xenophobia, racisrn and anti-Semitism, in addition to calling for the overthrow of the French government. Le Pen has called for abortion to be outlawed. And he calls for a total repatriation of al1 Asian, African and Arabian immigrants. AS

Fysh and Wolfreys (1992: 325) write,

The FN has made its appearance in a country with mass unernployment, a social crisis, bankrupt politics; it has built a mass base on a personality cult and exploitation of a ready-made scapegoat; others have records for terrorism or other forms of violence. It is a new party ....It has a name. The name is fascism.

And although France has been witness to startling right wing success in the political arena, it is in Germany where we see the highest degree of right wing violence.

GERMANY: Violence

The history of fascism in Germany presents a unique case for the revival of the right wing across Europe. Certainly, fascism is a far more sensitive word in Germany than in many other parts of Europe and German history has without doubt lirnited its appeal. Roberts (1992) draws attention to five factors which have impeded the development and expansion of the right wing in

West Germany following W.W.11. First, the almost uninterrupted growth of West Germany's economy presented little economic motivation for a right wing movement. Second, the Bonn Party system offered three parties which encompassed a wide enough range of issues that no alternative was needed. Third, when right wing movements did spring up, they were usually wrought with interna1 conflicts and more often than not they destroyed themselves. Fourth, in an attempt to come to terms with their bitter past, any extreme form of political expression-Left or

Right- was rejected, especially East German cornmunism. And

Fifth, following W.W. II intensive efforts were made at denazification which were coupled with West Germany's law chat al1 political parties must be licensed. Given these £ive factors, Germany's right wing movement(s) have enjoyed limited success in the past 50 years.

Several attempts were made to introduce a right wing alternative in West Germany between 1949 and 1989 and three parties have made significant gains in legitimate politics: the

Republicans (Republikaner), the National Democratic Party (Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschland) and the German

People's Union (DVU). The DVU and the Republican Party have made the greatest gains and the DVU is most threatening. Founded in

1971, the DVU publishes Deutsche National-Zeitung with a circulation of 100 000. It glorifies the Nazi regirne, calls into question the Holocaust, and takes a strong stand on migrants, asylum seekers and foreign influences. Despite the DVU1s recent increase in popularity, in 1989 the Republican Party emerged with

7.5% of the vote in the West Berlin city elections and in 1992 with 11% of the regional vote in SchleswigHolstein. Among other things, the Republicans oppose immigration flows of non-German immigrants and they are against al1 foreign influences. Roberts

(1992) contends that it was with their unanticipated success in the West Berlin city election that rnembership numbers increased from an estimated 14 000 at the end of 1988. And in 1989 the

Republicans polled 7.1% in the elections for European parliament, resulting in over six million pounds in state election subsidies.

Further, in 1996 the Republicans received 437 000 votes in the regional elections and became the first German fascists to be re- elected since 1945. What has led to a right wing revival in Germany?

It was not until the early 1990s when the right wing took hold in Germany. Following renunciation, one might expect nationalism to be a minor concern; however, nationalistic sentiment has found new ground and mounted against Germany's rather large population of political asylurn seekers, migrants from other parts of Europe, southern European guest workers and third world immigrants. Perhaps what is most significant is that while these many of these populations await the approval of their applications for political asylum, they are placed in hostels or camps, unable to work. There exists a perception among the German population that foreigners are simply living off the

State, unwilling to get a job. Further, although only 5% to 10% of applicants are actuaily granted political asylum (Robert,

1992:332), there is a lengthy appeal process that applicants can endure. With the long periods of state-subsidized residency of foreigners in plaifi view of the German population, while Germans struggle for jobs, adequate housing and social assistance, the perfect target for the right wing is presented. However, right wing political parties in Germany are not the biggest threat to the foreign population.

Far more striking than the moderate political success of established right wing parties, Gerrnany has been witness to non- political right wing movements prone to extreme violence. For example, Roberts (1992) suggests that 5000 to 6000 Skinheads exist across East and West Germany. They have become internationally known for their attacks on foreigners, hostels, migrant labor camps, as well as establishing links on a global scale. With rising numbers of guest workers, asylum seekers and claimants to the right of settlement in Germany, coupled with high unemployment levels, housing shortages, rising taxes and increasing demands on social services, al1 combined with a dissatisfaction of political leaders, intolerance intensifies.

For instance, in 1991 there were almost 1500 attacks against foreigners (Levin and McDevitt, 1993). The following year fascists were responsible for more than 23 000 criminal acts

(Searchlight, 1997). It will be useful to review a few examples of the upsurge of right wing violence. In September, 1991 600 right wing German youths fire-bombed

a home occupied by foreigners and proceeded to assault 200

Vietnamese and Mozambicans in the streets of Hoyerswerde. Two

days later, a group of adults and teens gathered outside an

apartment complex of foreign workers throwing rocks and bottles

at the building, One week later, the rocks and bottles were exchanged for grenades. The following year, Skinheads attacked

hostels in the now famous case of Rostock city. The attacks,

which spanned seven days, targeted not only dark-skinned

foreigners, but also Jews, homosexuals and Roma people.

Amazingly, the Skinheads were joined by hundreds of local

residents and when the attacks in Rostock were stopped by police

(after a week of violence) the focus shifted to Vietnamese guest

workers' homes.2

It has been suggested that the German working class are the

"victims of modernization" (Roberts, 1992). The irony is that

for that modernization, cheap labor from outside Germany is

required to keep industry competitive. Many of the jobs filled

by foreigners are not even desired by Germans. Nonetheless in

times of economic hardship, the millions of foreigners in Germany

serve as a convenient scapegoat. Recently, for example, in

March, 1997 German soldiers walked the streets of Detmold looking

for foreigners. When two Turks and an Italian were found, the

group of nine men beat the three foreigners with baseball bats

shouting "bloody foreigners out of Gerrnany.") Only weeks before,

-- -- ppp See http:lIindiS.iam.uni-bonn.delnizkor/rtp... dvskinhead-intemationavskins-gemy for a chronilve of activity in Germany from 199 1 to 1994. http:llwww.cs.uti.no/-paaldeMazismExposeScripews/ 1703.t~t a gang of German teens beat and robbed a Bangladashi asylum- seeker and surrounded the man while letting a dog bite him. And in August, 1997 two German soldiers set a hostel on fire which was occupied by Italian guest workexs. Two swastikas were inscribed on the wall near the entrance and witnesses reported that they set the hostel ablaze while giving Nazi sa lu te^.^

Germany, with its £ive million foreign residents seeking political asylum, three million guest workers, 400 000 ethnic

Germans returning home and being granted automatic citizenship, and the hundreds of thousands of refugees pouring into the country, xenophobia, racism and the right wing have been revived.

With East Germany's transition from a tightly controlled economic system to a free market econorny characterized by dramatic levels of unemployment, housing shortages and a general loss of status,

Germans are susceptible to the program offered by the right wing.

Conclusion

Although I have focused my attention on three European examples, a resurgence of right wing activity has been seen around Europe. In Belgium, for example, a faction of the Front

National operates in conjunction with a second group, Vlaams

Blok. With an influx of immigrants from Morocco and Turkey in the 1960s, coupled with a recent influx of asylum seekers from

Zaire and Poland, xenophobic and racist sentiments have intensified. We also see support for the right wing in Denmark where in September, 1988 almost 68% of voters rejected having refugees on "their territory" (Husband, 1992:271). And in Italy, the Movimento Sociale Italiano has made recent gains in the political sphere (Furlong, 1992) .

Knight (1992:293-4) points out that "the dense web of informal contacts which exists within the 'national' milieu and extends into the neo-Nazi fringe means there can hardly be a neat separation between right, extreme right and neo-Nazi." Indeed, as we have seen the right wing in Europe has increasinqly moved closer to the mainstream, or rather the mainstream has moved closer to the right wing. 1s Canada in an early stage of the world right wing network? It appears as though as migrant populations continue to mobilize, racism and xenophobia grow stronger. Yet as 1 have suggested throughout the study, it is not only that the internet provides a medium for advertising and recruitment, but also for right wing groups to strengthen contacts, internationally. As European groups make greater gains in mainstream politics, will Canada follow suite?

The right wing in Europe appears to be stronger and more politically motivated than the Canadian right wing. But this is not to suggest that the European exarnple does not offer significant insight into Canada. With efficient use of the internet, coupled with the exarnple that the European right wing sets for Canadian groups, there exists a danger of the right wing joining forces on an international level. Also, with the continued success of the European right wing, immigration levels in European countries will be severely curtailed. It would be reasonable to conclude that as the right wing in Europe mobilizes politically, an increased presence of immigrants, asylum seekers and refugees will appear in Canada. As we have seen, migrant populations have resulted in increased levels of tolerance around

Europe and in Canada-

Support for the right wing in Europe presents one major important difference from Canada. In countries such as France or

Italy, there is a strong sense of who is and is not a real

Frenchman or a real Italian. In Canada, there is a significantly weaker sense of blood-ties to the country which produces a stronq sense of nationalism. Canadians might have a strong preference for their "own people," but it is not the same as in many

European countries. This factor might in part curtail support for the right wing in Canada, but it is not a definitive deterrent.

Outside of these differences, the Canadian right wing shares a number of similarities with the European right wing. Cznada, like the three examples provided in this chapter, has seen right wing members running for municipal office and receiving modest support. Further, in Austria, Gottfried Kussel planned to overtake a governrnent body using military force, as we saw with

Dreoge, Perdue, Ladas and others in 1981. In addition, Haider has been linked numerous times to extreme right wing individuals and groups, despite his efforts to appear mainstream. This is not too dissirnilar from Paul Fromm and Wolfgang Droege who have made similar efforts. And Canada, like Europe, has seen a dramatic change in social demographics over the past two decades, characterized by non-white immigrants entering the country. But as 1 concluded above, the European right wing is far more

successful in the political arena, as exemplified by Le Pen, and/or far more violent, as exemplified by Germany. Tt would be difficult to conclude that someone such as Marc Lemire could

receive the electoral support that Le Pen enjoys, but it is quiie

reasonable to conclude that the right wing, on a national and

international scale, should be taken seriously, as they pose a significant threat to a resurgence of fascist politics around the world. 9 DISCUSSION

On an evening in mid-February, 1997 1 sat in a Toronto

restaurant with Jeurgan Newman. He explained to me the

significance of the labels that society designates to groups and individuals. Regardless of what a person believes in or stands

for, Newman explained, the difference is in how a person is perceived through the label(s) attached to them. He related a

story of how he had told an acquaintance that he was a National

Socialist. The man, unclear to what this meant, inquired

further. Newman explained how immigration was destroying the country and that Jews had their hands in everyone's affairs. The man was still unclear, so Newman stated that he was a Nazi! The man distanced hirnself. The point of the story was that the groups on the Freedorn-Site can no longer publicly operate under labels such as "Nazis" or "white supremacists." They cannot openly claim to be fascists if they wish to appeal to the public, but they can advertise as so-called special interest groups for white people. With the introduction of the World Wide Web, the opportunity for promoting a more favorable image to a wider range of people has been made available for these right wing organizations.

Within the last few years, the World Wide Web (WWW) has gained increasing popularity. In Canada alone, awareness and use of the WWW is pervasive, as the seerningly exponential increase of

Internet Service Providers dernonstrates. Yet it was not until the introduction of the World Wide Web in 1992 that the general public took notice of the internet. Given the relatively recent public interest in the internet, it is remarkable to consider the rapid growth in the number of on-line users. For example, Ogden

(1994) indicates that in the late 1980s and early 1990s the Pace of the growth of the internet doubled annually. Batty and Barr

(1994) suggest that by 1994 the internet population had reacned almost 2.2 million users and Kristula (1997) contends that the current estimate of the number of internet users has exceeded 15

000 000.

Concerning the right wing, the internet in general, and the

WWW in particular, should be seen as the culmination of years of technological innovations used to espouse racist beliefs and opinions. For example, William John Beattie's Canadian National

Socialist Party had set up 6 telephone hateline in the 1960s and as early as 1973 Don Andrews had established the first Western

Guard teiephone hotline (B'nai B'rith, 1994). Consequently, in

1985 Andrews, along with Robert Wayne Smith, was convicted of violating section 319 (2) of the Charter of Rights ond Freedoms.

Eventually, an appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada reversed the original decision, as it was determined that section 319(2) infringed on their right to freedom of expression. Several years earlier, between 1977 and 1979, John Ross Taylor set up a telephone hateline which resulted in Taylor and the Western Guard being charged with violating section 13(1) of the Canadian Human Rights Act and being ordered to shut the hotline down (Li, 1995).

Eleven years after the first cornplaints were laid against Taylor, he was convicted by the Supreme Court of Canada in 1990. And although telephone hotlines are still popular today, there has been a continually trend towards modernizing advertising methods.

Tony McAleer, who was discussed in chapter 6, presented a somewhat more sophisticated computerized hateline, but even McAleer's outfit paies in cornparison to the internet.

In chapter 7 1 argued that the right wing cannot be explained independent of the society in which it exists.

Similarly, we cannot assume that the right wing presence on the internet is an isolated social phenornenon. Indeed, since the introduction of the WWW in 1992 dozens of right wing groups have taken to the Web and joined millions of on-line users £rom around the world. Prior to 1992, right wing groups had used Bulletin

Boards to advertise on a local level, and modem connections were used to communicate with other right wing groups, but computerized âdvertising was not a significant concern simply because it received little notice. Today, however, right wing

Web sites attract considerable attention, including the Ontario

Human Rights Commission.

What are the social implications of having a right winq presence on the internet? It will be remembered from chapter 1 that Henry and Tator (1994) put forth the argument of democratic racism. They suggested that Canadians are caught between conflicting views of egalitarianism and racism concerning the colored population. Further, 1 suggested that people refrain from openly embracing organized right wing groups, not because there is widespread opposition to the views of the right wing, but rather because such an action carries with it aversive social repercussions. Not al1 readers will agree with this argument, which 1 will outline below, nor will al1 readers agree with the argument which suggested that an institutional form of racism lends a certain degxee of support to the right wing (Barrett, 1984a, 1987). As such, let me simplify the latter argument with one further example.

Levin and McDevitt (1993) offer an analysis of what they refer to as a "culture of hate." The culture of hate, as they suggest, reflects a growing intolerance for al1 disadvantaged groups in society. This intolerance is reflected in such areas as comedy acts, music and popular films. For exampie, thousands of people pay to see Andrew Dice Clay who refers to the "urine coloured people with towels on their heads" or Sam Kinison who, reflecting on famine in Ethiopia, States that "Of course those silly mother fuckers in Ethiopia are dying ....who ever told thern to live in the desert? Human beings are not supposed to live in the fucking desert!" (Levin and McDevitt, 1993:35). Further, on an album which sold more than 4 million copies, Guns N' Roses offer lyrics which target blacks, immigrants and hornosexuals.

But the culture of hate reaches beyond racial groups. There is a huge market for movies which sexually degrade women and convey misogynistic undertones. In addition, violent sexual themes emerge in popular music repeatedly referring to 'bitches" and

"whores." Far from being extreme or radical manifestations, these sentiments are directly supported by the thousands of tickets sold to concerts, movies and comedy acts which perpetuate stereotypes against racial minorities and present women in a subservient and dehumanizing light. And the examples listed above do not even scratch the surface of the bigotry, racism, xenophobia and misogyny which perrneate society.

Considering the "culture of hate' it is reasonable to conclude that the entertainment industry would not thrive on such extreme manifestations of intolerance and hatred if there was not an incredibly large demand for such a product. Similarly, we can argue that the same applies to the internet. For example, in recent times we have seen a modest effort to curtail the amount of pornography on the WWW. Although some legal action has been taken to restrict this material, hundreds of sites offer pornographie pictures which cater to a large audience and satisfies a growing demand. And what is often overlooked in discussions of pornography on the internet is that many of these sites requixe credit card access.

1 do not mean to suggest by the previous argument that most people intentionally or directly promote violence against racial minorities or women. However, to the limited number of individuals in society which are inclined to carry-out criminal acts against disadvantaged groups, or to the greater number of people who take actions to intentionally discriminate against these individuals, when their victims are seen, not as human beings per se, but rather as "whores," "bitches" or "urine coloured people," and conversely any other stereotype concerning Jews, blacks and third world immigrants, the act becomes that much easier and that much more justified in the mind of the racist, bigot, misogynist or anti-Semite. And this brings us to an important characteristic of the internet: removal from the human or physical context.

Sarder (1996:30) writes that "...the totalizing online character of cyberspace ensures that the marginalized stay marginalized: the external racism of Western society is echoed in cyberspace as on-line rnon~culture.~' He goes on to suggest that cyberspace provides an escape from the inescapable reality of

diversity in the modern world. Further, several recent authors

(Slouka, 1997; Brown, 1997) have argued that the nature of online

computing removes humanity from its physical context and projects

hman consciousness into a cybernetic abyss. 1 do not wish to explore the existential realities, or non-realities, of

cyberspace, but what 1 do wish to do is build upon the argument

that cyberspace rernoves human experience from its physical context . Similar to the "culture of hate" argument which suggests

that there is a large demand for an entertainment industry which

continues to promote racism and bigotry largely because people do

not see these things as hurniliating and dehumanizing to their victims, the same argument can be applied to the internet. To

sit in the confines of one's own home and read about how the

Holocaust is an historical myth, fabricated by Jews to gain political leverage, is not the same as to discuss these opinions

in open debate. Further, the presence of a swastika on a Web page is not the same as seeing that same symbol painted on the

front of a synagogue. The right wing realizes this fact and they have made an effort to modify their public presentations and to present their views in the most positive and appealing way.

Previously, 1 argued that the reason why people do not openly embrace right wing politics is not because of resentment against racism and bigotry, but rather for fear of social repercussions. The internet, in turn, provides a medium whereby people can stay informed of right wing activities and indlrectly support right wing organizations without becoming openly involved. As we have seen, there are radio programs on the internet which argue that immigrants are taking over the country, mailing lists which openly target homosexuals, and there are hundreds of essays promoting the protection of white, European heritage. Tt can be reasonably argued that individuals such as

Marc Lemire would not invest the tirne that is required to maintain an operation like Radio Freedom if they were not attracting a significant amount of users.

CONCLUSION

The majority of right wing Web sites are still based in

North Arnerica, but there is a significant number of right wing

Web sites being run out of Europe. In only five years the World

Wide Web has corne to host at least one hundred right wing organizations from around the world, and as time progresses and technology develops, these sites only become more sophisticated.

But is the solution censorship? Although we saw in chapter 6 that Keegstra, Ross and Fromm have been rernoved from their teaching posts for their beliefs and associations, this only serves to ease the minds of the general public. Not one of these individuals is going to be silenced in the face of persona1 reprisal, and as we have seen in the case of Fromm, it only drew him closer to the radical right.

Concerning the internet, there is little doubt that censorship efforts will continue to mount in the face of on-going pressure, but this will not silence the right wing. In the case of the Canadian Patriots Network, we saw one of the dangers of censorship when Bernard Klatt was caught in the rniddle of the censorship battle in British Columbia. In my opinion, censorship efforts to silence the right wing only mask the widespread intolerance which runs through Canadian society. When a man like

Paul Fromm is fired from his job it does little to eradicate racism or the right wing. This is not to suggest that the right wing should be ignored, but it is definitely meant to suggest that there exists a wider, more deep-seated intolerance which fuels the Canadian right wing. References

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