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Chapter 5. Between Gleichschaltung and Revolution
Chapter 5 BETWEEN GLEICHSCHALTUNG AND REVOLUTION In the summer of 1935, as part of the Germany-wide “Reich Athletic Com- petition,” citizens in the state of Schleswig-Holstein witnessed the following spectacle: On the fi rst Sunday of August propaganda performances and maneuvers took place in a number of cities. Th ey are supposed to reawaken the old mood of the “time of struggle.” In Kiel, SA men drove through the streets in trucks bearing … inscriptions against the Jews … and the Reaction. One [truck] carried a straw puppet hanging on a gallows, accompanied by a placard with the motto: “Th e gallows for Jews and the Reaction, wherever you hide we’ll soon fi nd you.”607 Other trucks bore slogans such as “Whether black or red, death to all enemies,” and “We are fi ghting against Jewry and Rome.”608 Bizarre tableau were enacted in the streets of towns around Germany. “In Schmiedeberg (in Silesia),” reported informants of the Social Democratic exile organization, the Sopade, “something completely out of the ordinary was presented on Sunday, 18 August.” A no- tice appeared in the town paper a week earlier with the announcement: “Reich competition of the SA. On Sunday at 11 a.m. in front of the Rathaus, Sturm 4 R 48 Schmiedeberg passes judgment on a criminal against the state.” On the appointed day, a large crowd gathered to watch the spectacle. Th e Sopade agent gave the setup: “A Nazi newspaper seller has been attacked by a Marxist mob. In the ensuing melee, the Marxists set up a barricade. -
Code of Conduct (Verhaltenscodex)
1 Code of conduct (Verhaltenscodex) Unser Unternehmen zeichnet sich durch eine aktive Haltung gegen Diskriminierung aus. Als Teil unseres Unternehmens fordern wir alle Mitarbeiter*innen dazu auf, einen Beitrag zum Abbau von Vorurteilen und Vorbehalten gegenüber ethnischen, nationalen oder religiösen Minderheiten zu leisten. Im Sinne des Antidiskriminierungsgesetzes (AGG) sind alle unsere Mitarbeiter*innen zu einem wertschätzenden und respektvollen Umgang miteinander angehalten. Ein weltoffenes Klima ohne Ausländerfeindlichkeit ist Teil unserer Firmenpolitik. Als Mitarbeiter*in sind Sie deswegen dazu aufgefordert, entsprechend des Grundsatzes der Nichtdiskriminierung und der Gleichbehandlung alle unmittelbaren und mittelbaren Diskriminierungen aufgrund der ethnischen Herkunft, Abstammung, Religion, Nationalität oder der sexuellen Orientierung sowie Belästigungen, Mobbing und fremdenfeindliche Handlungen zu verhindern bzw. zu unterlassen. Als Mitarbeiter*in des Unternehmens 1. verpflichte ich mich dazu, die freiheitlich demokratische Grundordnung anzuerkennen und die darin vertretenden Werte in Gesellschaft und Betriebsleben zu verkörpern. 2. verpflichte ich mich dazu, alle Betroffenen, mit denen ich zusammenarbeite (eingeschlossen Menschen aus Krisengebieten und Schutzsuchenden), fair und mit Respekt, höflich, würdig und übereinstimmend mit den Gesetzen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, internationalem Recht und ortsüblichen Regeln zu behandeln. 3. verpflichte ich mich, insbesondere Straftaten, die mit einer rechtsextremistischen Haltung -
European Semiotics and the Radical Right Christian Maines Feature
feature / 1 Crusaders Past and Present: European Semiotics and the Radical Right Christian Maines In a Tortoiseshell: In his Writing Seminar R3, Christian Maines puts the discourse we see today in the news regarding the Alt-right into historical context, letting his research guide his understanding of the group, rather than the other way around. His use of structuring elements—purposeful orienting, definitions of key terms, clear topic sentences, consistent tie back sentences—sets his argument up for success. Motivating his thesis from the beginning to the end, Christian is able to not only sustain his topic, but make an insightful contribution to our understanding of the Alt-right. Feature Between Aug. 11th and 12th of 2017, crowds swarmed the streets of Charlottesville wearing plate armor, carrying torches, and calling out battle cries—chants of “You will not replace us!” and “Deus Vult!” echoed through the streets.1 By sundown on the 13th, there was a memorial of flower wreathes on the ground for Heather Heyer, struck down by a car in the midst of the protests.2 Coverage of the violence largely associated the protests with the “Alt-Right,” a loosely- defined collection of radical American nationalists with undertones of racism and extremism.3 Immense violence and tragedy came about in this single instance of conflict spurred on by the Alt-Right. However, in recent months, the consensus in news media has been that the movement is dead, as authors claim that the Alt-Right “has grown increasingly chaotic and fractured, torn apart by infighting and legal troubles,” and cite lawsuits and arrests, fundraising difficulties, tepid recruitment, counter protests, and banishment from social media platforms.4 1 Staff, “Deconstructing the symbols and slogans spotted in Charlottesville,” accessed 14 April 2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2017/local/charlottesville- videos/?utm_term=.370f3936a4be. -
The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share. -
Azov Phenomenon How Ukrai
INFORMATION GROUP ON CRIMES AGAINST THE PERSON (IGCP) INFORMATION GROUP ON CRIMES AGAINST THE PERSON (IGCP) Azov Phenomenon How Ukrainian Neo-Nazis Became Infl uential Political Force “IGCP Reports” (published since 2016) Head of the Project A.R. Dyukov. Issue 3. Editor M.A. Vilkov. Maltsev V. Azov Phenomenon How Ukrainian Neo-Nazis became Influential Political Force / Information Group on Crimes against the Person (IGCP). M.: “Istoricheskaya pamyat” Foundation, 2017. — 98 pages. There were the days when participants of right-wing and neo-Nazi groups in the Ukraine were marginal ones, being expelled to the edge of political and social life. Everything changed in 2014, during the so-called “Revolution of Dignity”. Ukrainian neo-Nazis gained money and weapon, they were given official status as Army, Police and Special Forces units, they got representatives in the Parliament. The history of “Azov” — notorious neo- Nazi detachment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukraine — became an image of such transformation. “Azov” offsprings hold leading offices in Ukrainian Police, raise the youth in neo-Nazi ideology encirclement, effectively expand their representation on the Ukrainian political field and getting ready for the struggle for power. This report is devoted to the process of Ukrainian nationalists becoming influential political power. IGCP, 2017. Contents Preface ............................................................................7 Chapter 1. Street Militants...............................................11 Social-National Party of Ukraine .................................... 13 The Social-National Assembly ........................................ 25 Chapter 2. Neo-Nazis Get Armed ..................................... 41 Chapter 3: Forced March to Power ..................................69 Preface “Any man who has once acclaimed violence as his METHOD must inexorably choose false- hood as his PRINCIPLE.” A.I. -
Political Trends & Dynamics
Briefing Political Trends & Dynamics The Far Right in the EU and the Western Balkans Volume 3 | 2020 POLITICAL TRENDS & DYNAMICS IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE A FES DIALOGUE SOUTHEAST EUROPE PROJECT Peace and stability initiatives represent a decades-long cornerstone of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung’s work in southeastern Europe. Recent events have only reaffirmed the centrality of Southeast European stability within the broader continental security paradigm. Both de- mocratization and socio-economic justice are intrinsic aspects of a larger progressive peace policy in the region, but so too are consistent threat assessments and efforts to prevent conflict before it erupts. Dialogue SOE aims to broaden the discourse on peace and stability in southeastern Europe and to counter the securitization of prevalent narratives by providing regular analysis that involves a comprehensive understanding of human security, including structural sources of conflict. The briefings cover fourteen countries in southeastern Europe: the seven post-Yugoslav countries and Albania, Greece, Turkey, Cyprus, Bulgaria, Romania, and Moldova. PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED • Civic Mobilizations • The Digital Frontier in • The European Project in the Western in Southeast Europe Southeast Europe Balkans: Crisis and Transition February / March 2017 February / March 2018 Volume 2/2019 • Regional Cooperation in • Religion and Secularism • Chinese Soft Power the Western Balkans in Southeast Europe in Southeast Europe April / Mai 2017 April / May 2018 Volume 3/2019 • NATO in Southeast Europe -
Mapping Right-Wing Extremism in Victoria Applying a Gender Lens to Develop Prevention and Deradicalisation Approaches
MAPPING RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN VICTORIA APPLYING A GENDER LENS TO DEVELOP PREVENTION AND DERADICALISATION APPROACHES Authors: Dr Christine Agius, Associate Professor Kay Cook, Associate Professor Lucy Nicholas, Dr Ashir Ahmed, Dr Hamza bin Jehangir, Noorie Safa, Taylor Hardwick & Dr Sally Clark. This research was supported by the Victorian Department of Justice and Community Safety Acknowledgments We would like to thank Dr Robin Cameron, Professor Laura Shepherd and Dr Shannon Zimmerman for their helpful advice and support. We also thank the stakeholders who participated in this research for their important feedback and insights which helped shape this report. All authors were employees of Swinburne University of Technology for the purpose of this research, except for Associate Professor Lucy Nicholas who is employed by Western Sydney University. Publication Design by Mina Teh, Swinburne Design Bureau. Disclaimer This report does not constitute Victorian Government policy. The content of this publication is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the views of the Victorian Government. Suggested Citation Agius C, Cook K, Nicholas L, Ahmed A, bin Jehangir H, Safa N, Hardwick T & Clark S. (2020). Mapping right-wing extremism in Victoria. Applying a gender lens to develop prevention and deradicalisation approaches. Melbourne: Victorian Government, Department of Justice and Community Safety: Countering Violent Extremism Unit and Swinburne University of Technology. ISBN: 978-1-925761-24-5 (Print) 978-1-925761-25-2 (Digital) DOI: https://doi.org/10.25916/5f3a26da94911 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive summary 2 Background 2 Aims 2 Main Findings 2 Policy Considerations 2 Glossary 3 A. Project Overview 6 Overview and Background 6 Aims and Objectives 6 Scope and Gap 6 B. -
Shirt Movements in Interwar Europe: a Totalitarian Fashion
Ler História | 72 | 2018 | pp. 151-173 SHIRT MOVEMENTS IN INTERWAR EUROPE: A TOTALITARIAN FASHION Juan Francisco Fuentes 151 Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain [email protected] The article deals with a typical phenomenon of the interwar period: the proliferation of socio-political movements expressing their “mood” and identity via a paramilitary uniform mainly composed of a coloured shirt. The analysis of 34 European shirt movements reveals some common features in terms of colour, ideology and chronology. Most of them were consistent with the logic and imagery of interwar totalitarianisms, which emerged as an alleged alternative to the decaying bourgeois society and its main political creation: the Parliamentary system. Unlike liBeral pluralism and its institutional expression, shirt move- ments embody the idea of a homogeneous community, based on a racial, social or cultural identity, and defend the streets, not the Ballot Boxes, as a new source of legitimacy. They perfectly mirror the overwhelming presence of the “brutalization of politics” (Mosse) and “senso-propaganda” (Chakhotin) in interwar Europe. Keywords: fascism, Nazism, totalitarianism, shirt movements, interwar period. Resumo (PT) no final do artigo. Résumé (FR) en fin d’article. “Of all items of clothing, shirts are the most important from a politi- cal point of view”, Eugenio Xammar, Berlin correspondent of the Spanish newspaper Ahora, wrote in 1932 (2005b, 74). The ability of the body and clothing to sublimate, to conceal or to express the intentions of a political actor was by no means a discovery of interwar totalitarianisms. Antoine de Baecque studied the political dimension of the body as metaphor in eighteenth-century France, paying special attention to the three specific func- tions that it played in the transition from the Ancien Régime to revolutionary France: embodying the state, narrating history and peopling ceremonies. -
Brenton Tarrant: the Processes Which Brought Him to Engage in Political Violence
CSTPV Short Papers Brenton Tarrant: the processes which brought him to engage in political violence Beatrice Williamson 1 Contents Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 3 Brenton Tarrant .................................................................................................................... 3 Conceptualising Tarrant and his violence ............................................................................. 5 The Lone Actor Puzzle ........................................................................................................... 5 ‘A dark social web’: online ‘radicalisation’ ............................................................................ 7 Online communities: Social Network Ties and Framing .................................................... 7 Funnelling and Streams ..................................................................................................... 9 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................... 11 Bibliography ........................................................................................................................ 12 2 Introduction Individual radicalisation is a complex and bespoke process influenced by multiple factors and variables, meaning every individual follows their own path to terrorism and political violence. This paper will endeavour to demonstrate and explore some of the -
Building a Nazi Europe the Sss Germanic Volunteers 1St Edition Pdf
FREE BUILDING A NAZI EUROPE THE SSS GERMANIC VOLUNTEERS 1ST EDITION PDF Martin R Gutmann | 9781107155435 | | | | | List of books about Nazi Germany - Wikipedia Neo-Nazism consists of post- World War II militant, social or political movements seeking to revive and implement the ideology of Nazism. Neo- Nazis seek to employ their ideology to promote hatred and attack minorities, or in some cases to create a fascist state. Neo-Nazism is a global phenomenon, with organized representation in many countries and international networks. It borrows elements from Nazi doctrine, including ultranationalismracismxenophobiaableismhomophobiaanti-Romanyismantisemitismanti-communism and initiating the Fourth Reich. Holocaust denial is also a common feature espoused by neo-Nazis. In some European and Latin Building a Nazi Europe The SSs Germanic Volunteers 1st edition countries, laws prohibit the expression of pro-Nazi, racist, anti-semitic, or homophobic views. Many Nazi-related symbols are banned in European countries especially Germany in an effort to curtail neo-Nazism. The term neo-Nazism describes any post- World War II militant, social or political movements seeking to revive the ideology of Nazism in whole or in part. The term neo-Nazism can also refer to the ideology of these movements, which may borrow elements from Nazi doctrine, including ultranationalismanti- communismracismableismxenophobiahomophobiaanti-Romanyismantisemitismup to initiating the Fourth Reich. Holocaust denial is a common feature, as is the incorporation of Nazi symbols and admiration of Adolf Hitler. Neo-Nazism is considered a particular form of far-right politics and right-wing extremism. Neo-Nazi writers have posited a spiritual, esoteric doctrine of racewhich moves beyond the primarily Darwinian -inspired materialist scientific racism popular mainly in the Anglosphere during the 20th century. -
'With a Stretched Arm. Like Superman, Not Like
‘With a stretched arm. Like Superman, not like Hitler’. The Politics of Commemorative Irreverence in Astronaut van Oranje (2013) by Andy Fierens and Michaël Brijs ‘Met gestrekte arm. Zoals Superman, niet zoals Hitler’. De uitdagingen van het culturele geheugen in Astronaut van Oranje (2013) van Andy Fierens en Michaël Brijs Jan Lensen, Freie Universität Berlin Abstract. This essay offers an analysis of the aesthetical and political implications of the seemingly random use of names of figures from Belgian collaborationist history in the novel Astronaut van Oranje (2013) by Flemish authors Andy Fierens and Michaël Brijs. More specifically, it investigates the framing of the memory of World War II in Belgium by means of a satirical fantasy story that fuses elements from the dystopian imagination, science fiction, Gothic horror, and popular culture. Drenched in satire, hyperbole, absurdities, coarse humor, and blatant clichés, the novel eschews historiographical relevance and deliberately ignores the sensibilities that govern public and political discourses about this war past. By doing so, so I argue, it offers a provocative engagement with established practices in both Belgian and Flemish cultural memory, implementing what I will call a ‘politics of commemorative irreverence’. Keywords: Second World War, collaborationism, cultural memory, Andy Fierens, dystopia, science fiction, satire / Tweede Wereldoorlog, collaboratie, cultureel geheugen, Andy Fierens, dystopie, science fiction, satire Journal of Dutch Literature, 6.2 (2015), 37-58 Jan Lensen 38 Introduction The use of the comic in cultural representations of suffering and perpetration seems governed by a stringent ethical imperative. While the comical presentation of affliction is considered the privilege of those subjected to it (the insiders and, by extension, their descendants), the permission to laugh at perpetrators is tied to the condition of not being one (the outsiders, although this category is obviously much more difficult to demarcate). -
Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin.