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AUBASH and THEIR ROLE in MODERN IRAN Hiroshi Kan

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AUBASH and THEIR ROLE in MODERN IRAN Hiroshi Kan AUBASH AND THEIR ROLE IN MODERN IRAN Hiroshi Kan KAGAYA* Following my previous article, "A Socio-Historical Study of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution-the Role of Popular Preacher, Sayyed Jamal,"(1) this is my second article of a series of socio-historical studies of modern Iran, discussing an aspect of socio-political functions of aubash in modern Iran. Modern history of Iran has witnessed three main revolutions, giving rise to counter-revolutionary reactions by aubdsh, respectively; 1) the Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 1905-11, accompanied with the reactionary incident of Tupkhane Square; 2) the Oil Nationalization Movement, 1951-53, followed by General Zahedi's Coup, 1953; and 3) the Islamic Revolution of 1978-79, on which an unholy alliance of aubash with revolutionary 'Ulama has been generally discussed. However, it was followed, sometimes, with violent counter- attacks on it by aubash. In the first and specifically the second case, their reactionary roles were crucial to turn the mood of revolutions, while in the third, sporadic and desperate attempts made by some part of them could not prevail, after all. The word aubash is used as a pejorative to label an ignoble and coward man, denoting outlaw, generally.(2) The word is, in collective sense, some- times interchangeable or equivalent with aradhel (hoodlums), chaqu-kashan (knife wielders),(3) alwat (lewd persons), jahilha and so on. Outside Iran, every society has no lack of hooligans(4) and outlaws, for example, one can mention neo-Nazi skin-head youths in Germany, or mafias in post-Cold War Russia, as well as yakuzas, chinpiras, right-wingers, etc. in modern Japan. In modern Iran, aubash have various functions; social, religious, economic and political: a) Socially, they have, first of all, a close tie with their own mohalle (ward), which they protect, control and identify themselves with. Along with it, they belong to a traditional varzishgah (sport center), or zurkhane (wrestling club) as a center of physical and spiritual activities. A boss of aubash is * Professor, Osaka University of Foreign Studies. 108 ORIENT AUBASH AND THEIR ROLE IN MODERN IRAN usually supposed to be a master wrestler who sometimes embodies civic virtues of javanmardi. An athlete club in Iran has traditionally such a function for the promotion of ethico-religious ideal of citizens.(5) In the later Qajars, infamous farrdsh (footmen) joined these clubs along with aubash.(6) Thus, an aubash is regarded as a folk hero, culturally. b) Religiously, they function as organizers as well as managers of Shi'ite religious ceremonies within their ward, leading daste (religious procession), joining sine-zani (beating the breast with the hands or fists) and controlling ta'zie (the passion play, mourning Imam Husain) during Moharram. Being enthusiastic for keeping Islamic injunctions, they show loyalty to a mojtahed, which unites them with 'Ulama to a common cause, confronting a revolution or a reform. c) Economically, they have control over underworld of society: brothels as well as gambling houses; a similar function is to be found in Japanese yakuzas. Further, important enough, in respect of labour and employment, they gather unskilled workers, mostly slum-dwellers and urban migrants from rural areas, seeking for employment even in dirty and unlawful works through the inter- mediary of them. In short, underemployed or unemployed slum-dwellers need aubash for their daily earnings. In turn, some parts of their income earned are exploited by aubash; the similar relation is found in most cases of the relation between yakuzas and temporary workers in Japan. d) Finally, in respect of politics, aubash are allies of an established regime. They are heads of mob demonstrations to be hired easily by security organiza- tion. The fact suggests that they have been a reservoir of violent reaction- aries in modern Iran, while this could be somewhat remodeled after examin- ing their function in the Islamic Revolution. Anyhow, it is this function of them, on which this article tries to focus. 1. Aubash and the Incident of Tupkhane Square, 1907 It was in the Constitutional Revolution that aubash emerged as a crucial social force, for the first time, in modern Iran. In the morning, the ninth of Dhi Qa'da 1325, in December 1907, a large number of mobs, some of them armed, gathered from wards of Tehran, started to march through main streets toward Maidan-e Tupkhane (Tupkhane Square, situated at the entrance of the Arg), some on foot, others on various car- Vol. XXX-XXXI 1995 109 riages, beating drums and brawling of drunkenness. Upon arrival at the Square, they pitched a number of tents, one of which was for the use of 'Ulama, and began to display abdar -khane (butler's pantry), qahve-khane (tea shop) and even ashpaz-khane (kitchen) for the entertainment of huge gathering. The rally at the Square appeared an occasion of unrestraind orgy, exhilaration and expression of every kind of abuses against the Constitutionalists. Excited 'Ulama, standing on the pulpit brought in the middle of the Square, condemned the Constitution as un-Islamic, stigmatizing the Constitutionalists as 'Baha'is' (heretics). Audiences surrounding 'Ulama, shouted slogans, like "Down with the Constitution!", "Down with the Majles!", at every time. The gathering was, according to Malekzade, composed of the following groups; mashrute-mashru'e 'Ulama, demanding Islamic Constitution, repre- sented by Shaykh Fadlo'llah Nuri, royal qaterchi (muleteers), farrash, jelodar (vanguards) and some tribal chiefs, as well as disguised soldiers.(7) Besides them, many unskilled workers and the poorest of the poor joined the rally.(8) Having taken main streets such as Nasiriye and 'Ala'od-dowle (Ferdowsi, today) under their control, two groups of them, each led by the two mob heads were formed to assail the Majles and the adjacent Sepahsalar Seminary, two centers of the Constitutionalists, near the noon.(9) However, after small skirmishes, the assailants were compelled to retreat to the Square. In the evening, more than ten thousand mobs were rallying at the Square, toasting wine-cups for the Shah. The two mob leaders were Khosrow Khan 'Moqtader Nizam' and Seyyed Mohammad Khan 'Sani' Hadrat', the former was originally an aubash from the Sangilaj ward, the most populated in Tehran, while the latter, from the Chalmeidan ward, center of variegated aubash. The city of Tehran, in those days had a population of around one hundred and fifty thousand, being composed of five mohalles; Arg or Dowlat, Bazar, Sangilaj, 'Awdlajan and Chalmeidan. Among them, Sangilaj was most dense and at the same time it was politically most active.(10) For example, both the prominent leader of the Constitutionalists, Sayyed Moham- mad Tabataba'i and the leader of reactionaries, Sheykh Fadlo'llah Nuri, belong- ed to this ward. As a center of political activity, aubash were active, demonstrating their spirit of ta'assub (party spirit). On the other hand, Chalmeidan, the second populated ward after the former, had different characteristics. As the name 'chal' suggests, it had originally pits, dug to 110 ORIENT AUBASH AND THEIR ROLE IN MODERN IRAN extract soil to construct the city wall and city buildings. It was there that garbages of the city were thrown into. Around those pits, homeless street- artists, darwishes and low class people had come to build their slums. Upon this background, outlaws and aubdsh thrived in this area. It was easy to hire numerous mobs from these wards, through the networks of the two powerful heads, for the anti-Constitutionalist rally at Tupkhane Square. Moreover, aubash had a close connection with the Court; sani' Hadrat had been assigned as official of qurkhane (arsenal of the Arg), as a favour from the Shah. In the same way, Moqtader Nizam had been appointed to a similar official position. However, the position was in fact titular in later Qajars, his main responsibility was to manage the illumination of the Square on the occasion of festivals, as well as to arrange firework, for which duty, he was called as 'Sardar-e Fashfash' (Head of Sky-rocket).(12) The incident revealed a general discontent among unpaid and underpaid civil officials as well as soldiers against the Majles which attempted to legislate reforms under financial strains. Their discontent was expressed by the two heads of aubash. Prior to the incident, the Majles had passed laws; the abolition of tuyuldar (land assignment holders), ketabche-ye qat'-e huquq (reduction of salary) and so on. These reforms, naturally, affected not only soldiers who had long been unpaid, but also petty officials, like footmen who had been compelled to intimidate poor citizens to extract money compensating their lack of salary. Under such constrained situation of them and agitated by demagoguery, they had no choice but to take side of the Shah, joining with aubash and mobs in disguise, to uprise against the Majles. Indeed, this incident which looked a rally of mobs, had a wider social background of dicontents among them. In a few days, the Constitutionalists who had been unprepared at first, succeeded in making the Majles and the neighbouring Masjed-Seminary their strongholds against surprise of mobs. Percieving their preparedness, the Shah condescended to retreat, withdrawing mobs and aubash from the Square, for the moment. Although the plot of overthrawing the Majles failed in its first attempt, this incident proved to be one of the most critical moments in the Constitu- tional Revolution, as it revealed the mobilization ability of aubash, for the first time in modern history. Months after this interlude, the crucial bom- bardment of the Majles took place in June, 1908 in which aubash played a Vol. XXX-XXXI1995 111 decisive role in crushing the precarious Constitution, together with the military forces. In parallel with the incident of the Tupkhane Square, similarly reac- tionary movement against the Majles was instigated in Tabriz, the second largest city and the seat of crown prince.
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