AUBASH AND THEIR ROLE IN MODERN IRAN

Hiroshi Kan KAGAYA*

Following my previous article, "A Socio-Historical Study of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution-the Role of Popular Preacher, Sayyed Jamal,"(1) this is my second article of a series of socio-historical studies of modern Iran, discussing an aspect of socio-political functions of aubash in modern Iran. Modern history of Iran has witnessed three main revolutions, giving rise to counter-revolutionary reactions by aubdsh, respectively; 1) the Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 1905-11, accompanied with the reactionary incident of Tupkhane Square; 2) the Oil Nationalization Movement, 1951-53, followed by General Zahedi's Coup, 1953; and 3) the Islamic Revolution of 1978-79, on which an unholy alliance of aubash with revolutionary 'Ulama has been generally discussed. However, it was followed, sometimes, with violent counter- attacks on it by aubash. In the first and specifically the second case, their reactionary roles were crucial to turn the mood of revolutions, while in the third, sporadic and desperate attempts made by some part of them could not prevail, after all. The word aubash is used as a pejorative to label an ignoble and coward man, denoting outlaw, generally.(2) The word is, in collective sense, some- times interchangeable or equivalent with aradhel (hoodlums), chaqu-kashan (knife wielders),(3) alwat (lewd persons), jahilha and so on. Outside Iran, every society has no lack of hooligans(4) and outlaws, for example, one can mention neo-Nazi skin-head youths in Germany, or mafias in post-Cold War Russia, as well as yakuzas, chinpiras, right-wingers, etc. in modern Japan. In modern Iran, aubash have various functions; social, religious, economic and political: a) Socially, they have, first of all, a close tie with their own mohalle (ward), which they protect, control and identify themselves with. Along with it, they belong to a traditional varzishgah (sport center), or zurkhane (wrestling club) as a center of physical and spiritual activities. A boss of aubash is

* Professor, Osaka University of Foreign Studies.

108 ORIENT AUBASH AND THEIR ROLE IN MODERN IRAN usually supposed to be a master wrestler who sometimes embodies civic virtues of javanmardi. An athlete club in Iran has traditionally such a function for the promotion of ethico-religious ideal of citizens.(5) In the later Qajars, infamous farrdsh (footmen) joined these clubs along with aubash.(6) Thus, an aubash is regarded as a folk hero, culturally. b) Religiously, they function as organizers as well as managers of Shi'ite religious ceremonies within their ward, leading daste (religious procession), joining sine-zani (beating the breast with the hands or fists) and controlling ta'zie (the passion play, mourning Imam Husain) during Moharram. Being enthusiastic for keeping Islamic injunctions, they show loyalty to a mojtahed, which unites them with 'Ulama to a common cause, confronting a revolution or a reform. c) Economically, they have control over underworld of society: brothels as well as gambling houses; a similar function is to be found in Japanese yakuzas. Further, important enough, in respect of labour and employment, they gather unskilled workers, mostly slum-dwellers and urban migrants from rural areas, seeking for employment even in dirty and unlawful works through the inter- mediary of them. In short, underemployed or unemployed slum-dwellers need aubash for their daily earnings. In turn, some parts of their income earned are exploited by aubash; the similar relation is found in most cases of the relation between yakuzas and temporary workers in Japan. d) Finally, in respect of politics, aubash are allies of an established regime. They are heads of mob demonstrations to be hired easily by security organiza- tion. The fact suggests that they have been a reservoir of violent reaction- aries in modern Iran, while this could be somewhat remodeled after examin- ing their function in the Islamic Revolution. Anyhow, it is this function of them, on which this article tries to focus.

1. Aubash and the Incident of Tupkhane Square, 1907

It was in the Constitutional Revolution that aubash emerged as a crucial social force, for the first time, in modern Iran. In the morning, the ninth of Dhi Qa'da 1325, in December 1907, a large number of mobs, some of them armed, gathered from wards of , started to march through main streets toward Maidan-e Tupkhane (Tupkhane Square, situated at the entrance of the Arg), some on foot, others on various car-

Vol. XXX-XXXI 1995 109 riages, beating drums and brawling of drunkenness. Upon arrival at the Square, they pitched a number of tents, one of which was for the use of 'Ulama, and began to display abdar -khane (butler's pantry), qahve-khane (tea shop) and even ashpaz-khane (kitchen) for the entertainment of huge gathering. The rally at the Square appeared an occasion of unrestraind orgy, exhilaration and expression of every kind of abuses against the Constitutionalists. Excited 'Ulama, standing on the pulpit brought in the middle of the Square, condemned the Constitution as un-Islamic, stigmatizing the Constitutionalists as 'Baha'is' (heretics). Audiences surrounding 'Ulama, shouted slogans, like "Down with the Constitution!", "Down with the Majles!", at every time. The gathering was, according to Malekzade, composed of the following groups; mashrute-mashru'e 'Ulama, demanding Islamic Constitution, repre- sented by Shaykh Fadlo'llah Nuri, royal qaterchi (muleteers), farrash, jelodar (vanguards) and some tribal chiefs, as well as disguised soldiers.(7) Besides them, many unskilled workers and the poorest of the poor joined the rally.(8) Having taken main streets such as Nasiriye and 'Ala'od-dowle (Ferdowsi, today) under their control, two groups of them, each led by the two mob heads were formed to assail the Majles and the adjacent Sepahsalar Seminary, two centers of the Constitutionalists, near the noon.(9) However, after small skirmishes, the assailants were compelled to retreat to the Square. In the evening, more than ten thousand mobs were rallying at the Square, toasting wine-cups for the Shah. The two mob leaders were Khosrow Khan 'Moqtader Nizam' and Seyyed Mohammad Khan 'Sani' Hadrat', the former was originally an aubash from the Sangilaj ward, the most populated in Tehran, while the latter, from the Chalmeidan ward, center of variegated aubash. The city of Tehran, in those days had a population of around one hundred and fifty thousand, being composed of five mohalles; Arg or Dowlat, Bazar, Sangilaj, 'Awdlajan and Chalmeidan. Among them, Sangilaj was most dense and at the same time it was politically most active.(10) For example, both the prominent leader of the Constitutionalists, Sayyed Moham- mad Tabataba'i and the leader of reactionaries, Sheykh Fadlo'llah Nuri, belong- ed to this ward. As a center of political activity, aubash were active, demonstrating their spirit of ta'assub (party spirit). On the other hand, Chalmeidan, the second populated ward after the former, had different characteristics. As the name 'chal' suggests, it had originally pits, dug to 110 ORIENT AUBASH AND THEIR ROLE IN MODERN IRAN extract soil to construct the city wall and city buildings. It was there that garbages of the city were thrown into. Around those pits, homeless street- artists, darwishes and low class people had come to build their slums. Upon this background, outlaws and aubdsh thrived in this area. It was easy to hire numerous mobs from these wards, through the networks of the two powerful heads, for the anti-Constitutionalist rally at Tupkhane Square. Moreover, aubash had a close connection with the Court; sani' Hadrat had been assigned as official of qurkhane (arsenal of the Arg), as a favour from the Shah. In the same way, Moqtader Nizam had been appointed to a similar official position. However, the position was in fact titular in later Qajars, his main responsibility was to manage the illumination of the Square on the occasion of festivals, as well as to arrange firework, for which duty, he was called as 'Sardar-e Fashfash' (Head of Sky-rocket).(12) The incident revealed a general discontent among unpaid and underpaid civil officials as well as soldiers against the Majles which attempted to legislate reforms under financial strains. Their discontent was expressed by the two heads of aubash. Prior to the incident, the Majles had passed laws; the abolition of tuyuldar (land assignment holders), ketabche-ye qat'-e huquq (reduction of salary) and so on. These reforms, naturally, affected not only soldiers who had long been unpaid, but also petty officials, like footmen who had been compelled to intimidate poor citizens to extract money compensating their lack of salary. Under such constrained situation of them and agitated by demagoguery, they had no choice but to take side of the Shah, joining with aubash and mobs in disguise, to uprise against the Majles. Indeed, this incident which looked a rally of mobs, had a wider social background of dicontents among them. In a few days, the Constitutionalists who had been unprepared at first, succeeded in making the Majles and the neighbouring Masjed-Seminary their strongholds against surprise of mobs. Percieving their preparedness, the Shah condescended to retreat, withdrawing mobs and aubash from the Square, for the moment. Although the plot of overthrawing the Majles failed in its first attempt, this incident proved to be one of the most critical moments in the Constitu- tional Revolution, as it revealed the mobilization ability of aubash, for the first time in modern history. Months after this interlude, the crucial bom- bardment of the Majles took place in June, 1908 in which aubash played a Vol. XXX-XXXI1995 111 decisive role in crushing the precarious Constitution, together with the military forces. In parallel with the incident of the Tupkhane Square, similarly reac- tionary movement against the Majles was instigated in , the second largest city and the seat of crown prince. In the same way as in Tehran, a split between the Constitutionalists and mostabed, their opponents, emerged in the city. Some forty days after the Incident in Tehran, the first strife broke out between mojahedan guards of the Constitutionalists and chaqu- kashan, from Devechi and Sorkhab wards on the occasion of the ritual of shotr-qurbani (camel sacrifice), on the 12 th Dhe'l Hejje, 1325.(13) After that, the feud between the two forces became ever increasing. Finally, mostabed including chaqukashan, established its center, Anjoman-e Islamiye, later renamed Anjoman-e Islami, in front of Bazarche-ye Sorkhab, in the ward of Devechi. In this anjoman, 'Ulama, aubash and footmen of the city, forces similar to those of Tehran were united. Among 'Ulama, the most influential figure was Mir Hashem, called sometimes Sayyed Hashem. The reactionaries justified their uprising on the ground of defending shar'-e Islam against the Azadi-khwahan, having branded them as 'Babi', popular symbol of heretics. Fighting with the Constitutionalists was justified as jihad against the enemy of Islam. In opposition to them, the local Constitutionalists rallied in the Anjuman-e Haqiqat, situated in Amirkhiz ward.(14) The popular hero of the defence of Tabriz against the royalists, Sattar Khan was a jawanmard, a luti, migrated to the ward, from Qaradagh. He was by occupation an experienced dasht-gir (a dealer of horses) in the horse market at that time. He was uneducated and unknown among citizens, until the fighting began, when he showed unrivalled leadership before all the citizens. According to his biographer, Isma'il Amirkhizi, he had personal virtues; bravery, mastery of military skill, honesty, justice and belief in Islam,(15) those virtues required of a jawanmard. That explains why he op- posed to oppression to citizens done by petty officials. In connection with this, there is an episode of the murder of his brother. The latter was a bandit- like jawanmard of Qaradagh, too, who had a tie with Russian Caucasian bandits-jawanmardan; Karam, Nabi and Farhad, who had often crossed the frontier of the Aras river to escape from Russian officials. Finally his brother was chased and killed after fighting with royal muleteers. To revenge the

112 ORIENT AUBASH AND THEIR ROLE IN MODERN IRAN murder of his brother motivated Sattar khan's participation in the defence of Tabriz. The second popular hero after him, was Baqer khan, a dash or luti belonging to Khiyaban ward. He was an illiterate construction worker by occupation, once elected as kadkhuda of the ward, as well as once nominated as farrash by the Crown Prince for a while, which indicated his high reputation in his ward. Unlike the migrant luti, Sattar khan, who fought for the defence of the whole Tabriz, this indigenous luti was more concerned with the defence of his own ward. Except these two and some like them, many other jawanmardan and aubash might have taken side with the royalists. Nevertheless, it is interesting to notice that the two historical heroes of Tabriz were both jawanmard-luti.

2. Aubash and the Coup of 1953

The Oil Nationalization mouvement of 1951-53, marked an upsurge of post-War Iranian nationalism. After the Constitutional Revolution, once again, a large-scale mass protest emerged, organized by the National Front which was supported by bazaris, students, some of 'Ulama and oil-workers in Abadan. However, in the last phase, a drama similar to the incident of Tupkhane in 1907, was played in this historical Coup, in which an alliance of the royalist military, some of 'Ulama, aubash and zage-neshinan (slum- dwellers) took place.(16) However, the majority of 'Ulama did not intervene in this movement, either positively or negatively. The top-ranking and the most respected 'Ulama in Qom at that time, Ayatollah Sayyed Hoseyn Borujerdi (d. 1961), the sole marja'-e taqlid (the supreme authority), took attitude of silence. Following the example, Hojjato'l-Islam (later Ayatollah) Sayyed Ruho'llah Musawi Khomayni, who had studied under him, was quiet politically. Unlike them, some politically active 'Ulama, notably, the anti-British Ayatollah Sayyed Abu'l-Qasem Kashani (d. 1962), the Speaker of the Majles, who had many followers in Bazar and southern sections of Tehran, extended active support to Mohammad Mosaddeq regime at the critical moment, when Qawamo's-Saltane was appointed to prime minister in July 1952. Mass demon- strations upsurged in Tehran to support Mohammad Mosaddeq under his influence. The Bazar was closed in protest. However, after the reestab- Vol. XXX-XXXI1995 113 blishment of Mohammad Mosaddeq as prime minister, a split among the former supporters came to appear, as a result of which Kashani deserted him. Finally, he seemed to allow royalist mobilization of slum-dwellers under aubash against the prime minister. One day before the Coup, the Ayatol- lah wrote a warning letter to prime minister, informing the imminent danger of Coup by General Zahedi. The Ayatollah's direct involvement in the Coup, however, can not be documented definitely.(17) Anyhow, it is a fact that no other 'Ulama could have had as much influence as he had among the Bazaris and the slum-dwellers, concentrated in southern suburbs of Tehran. At present, the deceased Ayatollah is highly memorialized as Shaykh Fadlo'llah Nuri in the Constitutional Revolution, under the Islamic Revolution. On the other hand, an evident case of direct commitment with the Coup is found in the royalist 'Ulama, Sayyed Mohammad Behbahani, the son of Sayyed 'Abdo'llah Behbahani, one of the two prominent Mojtahed leaders of the Constitutional Revolution. He had had his network in the southern sections of Tehran, as well, to recruit and mobilize mobs.(18) The earlier pro-Shah demonstration in front of Royal Palace, on 28 th February 1952, was plotted by him, hiring aubash from those sections. As the city of Tehran developped economically in the post-War days, so the number of unskilled rural-urban migrants increased rapidly. The growth of the city was estimated ten times more than that at the Constitu- tional Revolution. Most of these migrants inhabited slums, concentrated in southern sections of Tehran. It was easy for aubash or chaqukashan to recruit and mobilize them for political ends, whenever it was felt necessary. The popular hero of the Coup of 1953 was Sha'ban Ja'fari, surnamed Sha'ban Bimokh (the Brainless), a master athlete of luti tradition.(19) Another mob leader, Mahmud Messgar had controlled prostitutes of Tehran. A certain lady, Qamaro'l-Moluk led a strange demonstration of prostitutes.(20) It was reported that "a grotesque procession made its way along the streets leading to the heart of Tehran." Behind these bosses, there were two brothers of Rashidian, Habibo'llah and Asado'llah, called 'Bosko brothers' by CIA agent, Kermit Roosevelt, the sponsor of the Coup. The brothers sought contact with Sha'ban Ja'fari and other heads of mobs. The famous 'British agents', Rashidians functioned as the channel of financing mobilization of aubash. In the street demonstration, leaflets giving warning to citizens of Com- munist threat to Islam, prepared by Behbahani, were distributed among 114 ORIENT AUBASH AND THEIR ROLE IN MODERN IRAN

amazed on-lookers on the streets, along with photos of the Shah. In this way, street demonstrations against the Mohammad Mosaddeq regime, played by slum-dwellers, rogues and hooligans heralded the military Coup under General Zahedi. That combination of aubash and the military was the key to the extraordinary success, paralell to that of the Cossacks with aubash in the Bombardment of the Majles, forty five years ago.

3. Aubash and the Islamic Revolution

Since 1960s, especially since 1973, when oil revenue quadrupled, the construction boom accelerated in large cities. Migrants from rural areas rushed in Tehran to seek employment in construction work, which was in great demand. The population of Tehran was estimated more than four million and half at that time. They made up slums in the southern parts of Tehran. Their growth was only reduced to a lower level, after the Revolu- tion which broke down the rapid pace of development of Tehran. Although it seems premature to conclude final remark on the structure of forces of either the Revolution or the Counter-revolution, it seems that there are two different views concerning the role cf aubash and slum-dwellers in the Islamic Revolution of Iran, 1978-79 ; one estimates their participation in the Revolution, agitated by revolutionary 'Ulama, and the resultant sacrifices among them in the street demonstrations positively,(21) the other view stresses rather on non-commital attitude of urban poor towards the Revolution. The latter emphasizes aspect of counter-attacks on the protest demonstrations, in which aubash resorted to violences under the manipulation of desperate SAWAK. Thus, throwing doubt on the first view, Misagh Parsa argues that slum-dwellers were so preoccupied with earning their daily wages that they could not afford to join a street demonstration.(22) The beginning of the Islamic Revolution is formally traced back to the incident of 1963, when Ayatollah Khomayni openly protested against the Shah. It is interesting to observe that the two bosses of the underworld of Tehran; Sha'ban Bimokh, who had the credit of restoring the Shah in the Coup of 1953, and Taiyeb, who controlled the green market in Tehran, strug- gled with each other for expanding each territory, under the marshal law. In the end, it was the first that prevailed by winning the favour of the Shah, while the latter was defeated and arrested by the regime, simultaneously

Vol. XXX-XXXI 1995 115 with the exile of Ayatollah Khomayni from Iran and strict measure toward the National Front.(23) The episode revealed rivalry, existed between bosses of the underworlds in Tehran, struggling for supremacy. On the other hand, preceding to the Revolution, it happened that slum- dwellers in Tehran protested against the eviction notices from the Government in August 1977, in which a number of them were killed.(24) This incident, among other causes, might have induced them to participate in the street demonstrations in the Revolution. In addition, it can be argued that with the expansion of unrest and deterioration of economy, an increasing number of slum-dwellers lost their jobs and out of desperation, they joined anti- Shah demonstrations. Confronting with grave phase of the Revolution, it was in October 1978 that the SAWAK attempted to hire mercenary aubash and chaqukashan, systema- tically for counter-attack against protest demonstrations, so that the situation might turn over once again in favour of the Shah.(25) Some hooligans, having collected not only slum-dwellers, but also villagers who had benefitted from the Land Reforms of the Shah, openly attacked street demonstrations, plun- dered bazars, which were centers of the protests, and intruded into hospitals which were also centers, engaged in treating injured citizens shot by the troops, throughout Iran. From the beginning to the end of the Sharif Emami's administration, it is recorded that hooligans, shouting royalist slogans in vain, had attacked almost every city, large and small.(26) These attacks on protest movements took a more intensified form during the subsequent military government. In rural areas, villagers, uneasy of losing their rights to land, attacked local cities and towns, while police were unwilling to intervene to protect citizens from these attacks. In this way, hooligans' attacks continued after the military goverment was replaced by the Bakhtiyar administration preceding to the final collapse of the Shah. Though it will be oversimplification to state that the slum-dwellers provided the main force of the street demonstrations under the guidance of revolutionary 'Ulama, however, their credit in the Revolution was recognized in that the slum-dwellers and lower class people, as a whole, have been treated favourably as mostada'fin under the present regime, at least for a while. After the Revolution, people of southern parts of Tehran, inhabited by more traditional as well as 'Islam-oriented' masses, are evaluated more positively than those of the westernized northern parts of the city, suggesting 116 ORIENT AUBASH AND THEIR ROLE IN MODERN IRAN a shift of value from Western to Islamic. It should be noted that immediately after the Revolution, Sha'ban Ja'fari, who had prospered under the Shah was arrested as a collaborator.(27)

Conclusion

I have discussed some aspects of aubash and slum-dwellers throughout the modern Iranian history, in this paper. In general, they have been sub- servient to regimes of the time; at first, to Mohammad 'Ali Shah, in the Tupkhane Square incident of 1907 and the subsequent Bombardment of Majles in 1908, secondly they took a decisive role in overthrawing Mohammad Mosad- deq regime in the 1953 Coup, and lastly, some of them, at least, were employ- ed by SAWAK for a series of unsuccessful attempts of crushing the Islamic Revolution of 1978-79. However, inheriting tradition of jawanmardi-luti, some of them have played the opposite role, representing inhabitants in protest, as cases of Sattar Khan and Baqer Khan. Slum-dwellers, who have increased in great number, as a result of the rapid economic development, have been hired by bosses of aubash, as in the case of mobilization of mobs in the Coup of 1953, while sometimes, apart from the usual pattern of being recruited by aubash heads, they joined voluntarily protest demonstrations under the influence of revolutionary 'Ulama in the Islamic Revolution. In the light of the present study, shadows in the modern Iranian society have made their partial appearance. This study is merely an initial attempt to penetrate into the depth of modern Iran. In the end, I wish to thank Prof. Hashem Rajabzade, my colleague, who was kind to read my paper and gave some precious suggestions on that.

Notes

(1) Orient, 28 (1992), pp. 41-57. (2) The word is originally Arabic plural form. According to Persian lexicographies, it is singular in usage, of which plural is 'aubashan'. I propose to use it here as col- lective. (3) Richard W. Cottam, Nationalism in Iran, updated through 1978, University of Pittsburgh Press, 1979, is an unique work which emphasizes their role in modern Iran. He uses 'chaqukeshan' for aubash. (4) Misagh Parsa, Social Origins of the Iranian Revolution, Rutgers University Press, 1989, also a suggestive work, uses 'hooligans' for aubash. (5) 'Abdo'llah Mostawfi, sharh-e zendagani ya tarikh-e ejtema'i o edariye dawre -e

Vol. XXX-XXXI 1995 117 qajariye, third impression, 1360/1981-82. pp. 304-6. (6) Habibo'llah Mokhtari, tarikh-e bidari-ye iran, Chapkhane-e Danishgah, 1326/ 1947-8., p. 12. The illustration shows farrash practicing koshti-giri. (7) Malekzade, tarikh-e enqelab-e mashrutiyat-e iran, vol. III, Tehran, 1330/1951- 52. p. 139. (8) , Iran between Two Revolutions, Princeton University Press, 1982, pp. 94-95. (9) 'Ali Akbar Dehkhoda, charand parand, Kantin-e Ma'rifat, p. 70. Accoding to him, the date was 6th Dhi Qa'da, not 9th of the same month. (10) It had 4,448 khane in1320 A. H./1902-3. See, E. Bosworth & C. Hillenbrand (eds.), , Mazda Publishers, 1983, p. 204, Table 2. (11) It had 3,372 khane in the same year. The ward was subdivided into six 'patuqs'. See, ibid, p. 204. For further details, refer to 'Abdo'l Aziz Jawahir Kalam with a foreword by Mohammad Qazvini, tarikh-e tehran, second impression, 1375/1986- 87, p. 75. Also see Sadvandiyan & M. Ettehadiye, eds., amar-e daro'l-khilafe-e tehran, esnadi az ta'rikh-e ejtemai-ye tehran dar 'asr-e qajar, Tehran, 1368/1989-90. (12) Mahdi Bamdad, tarikh-e rejal-e iran, qarn-e 12, 13 & 14, vol III, Tehran, 1347/ 1968-69, pp. 278-9. (13) Isma'il Amirkhizi, qiyam-e adharbaijan o sattar khan, Ketabfortishi-ye Tehran, Tabriz, 1339/1960, pp. 27-28. (14) Ibid., p. 29. (15) Ibid., pp. 22-23. (16) Concerning inside history of the Coup of 1953, I have mainly consulted the following sources; Sarhang Ghulam-reda Najati, junbish-e melli shudan-e san'at-e naft-e Iran, 1365/1986-7, and Richard W. Cottam, op. cit. (17) Nejati, op. cit., p. 355. (18) Ibid., p. 359. (19) Takashi Kakizaki, "Politics and Islam, My Experience in Iran," World of Islam, 43, (1994), p. 122. He visited Japan and appeared in a radio program, in the summer 1960. (20) Ibid., p. 122. (21) In Japanese learned circles, a sociologist, Hiromasa Kano, based on statistical data, argues that migrant slum-dwellers took an important role in the protest demon- strations. (22) Misagh Parsa, op. cit., p. 5. (23) Kakizaki, op. cit., p. 123. (24) Michael M. J. Fisher, Iran, From Religious Disputes to Revolution, Harvard University Press. 1980, p. 189. (25) M. Parsa, op. cit., p. 115. (26) Ibid., p. 115. (27) However, it is said, he could manage to escape and left Iran.

118 ORIENT