[Re]-Presenting Knowledge: the Coverage of Xenophobia Research in Selected South African Newspapers, 2008 -2013

[Re]-presenting knowledge: The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers, 2008 -2013

*KUDAKWASHE PAUL VANYORO AND **LYTON NCUBE, Ph.D.

Abstract Recurring xenophobic attacks on perceived foreign immigrants stand out as one of the major setbacks on South Africa’s envisaged ‘rainbow’ nation discourse. These attacks remain a topical issue in, academic, media, social, economic and political circles. While a significant body of literature explores the coverage of migration and xenophobia issues in the South African mainstream press, studies examining media coverage of xenophobia research from research institutions are scarce. This study explores the [re]-presentation of xenophobia research findings in two popular South African newspapers: the Mail & Guardian and the Sowetan from 2008 to 2013. The study utilizes a qualitative research approach. Findings show that the two analyzed newspapers uncritically picked up stories and purveyed them without a strong base facilitated by empirical research. In essence, empirical research findings were selectively utilized to ‘authenticate’ or legitimize convenient ideological positions. Finally, a clear tension between discourses of ‘empirical knowledge’ and ‘popular perceptions’; was evident in analyzed stories.

Key Words: Immigrants, Mail & Guardian, [Re]-presentation, Research findings, Sowetan, Xenophobia

the total population (Polzer, 2010; Crush, Introduction 2011; Statistics South Africa, 2011). Archbishop Desmond Tutu regards South Africa However, it is not surprising that the as a ‘rainbow’ nation, a term he coined in 1994, numbers of international migrants in the due to a number of different races residing in the country are constantly inflated and country. Almost twenty-two years after misrepresented by politicians and policy independence, South Africa finds itself being makers (for e.g., see Vanyoro, 2015; home to the second highest number of migrants in Palmary & de Gruchy, 2016 for a Africa (International Organization for Migration dedicated account on the politics of (IOM), 2013). These are mostly refugees, asylum migration data in the country). Forging a seekers and labour migrants from neighboring common South African national identity African countries. According to Statistics South remains elusive, as the country can be best Africa (2011), an estimated 3.3% of the country’s understood as a developing idea (Alegi, population was born out of the country. Results 2010; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2011). Partly from the analysis of 2011 South Africa Census because of the perception and alarmist data revealed that there were 2 173 409 discourse that migrants are ‘swarming’ the international migrants (4.2% of the 2011 total country (see Neocosmos, 2008; Forced population) (Statistics South Africa, 2015). The Migration Studies Programme (FMSP) & rural to urban migrant labour system, converging Musina Legal Office, 2010) - what towards mines and peri-urban informal settlements Neocosmos (2008) calls a politics of fear - in the country’s metropoles, has also created great of late, xenophobic attacks continue to spatial mobility (Vearey, Nunez & Palmary, recur as ‘indigenous’ South Africans target 2009). Consequently, internal migration is ar more perceived ‘foreigners’ whom they blame significant than international migration at 7% of for their social and economic problems.

* Kudakwashe Paul Vanyoro is a Research Communications Officer and Doctoral Researcher at the African Centre for Migration & Society, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. ** Lyton Ncube, Ph.D. is a lecturer in the Department of Media and Society Studies, Midlands State University, Gweru Zimbabwe and a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Department of Communication, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa.

JCMR Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018, 76 - 89 Vanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 77

These xenophobic episodes hardly by some epistemic communities challenge evade the watchful eyes of the media at any popular press discourse, attitudes and powerful given moment. Indeed, both the mass media positions. Because re-presentation is a fluid and the new media in South Africa and across process (Hall, 1997), we are interested in the globe have been awash with stories exploring the coverage of xenophobia research concerning the recurring xenophobic attacks in findings in two popular South African the ‘rainbow’ nation. Academics from political newspapers, the Mail & Guardian and the science, sociology, cultural studies as well as Sowetan from 2008 to 2013. This endeavor media studies have also engaged with the allows us to critically tease out the relationship discourse of xenophobia from different angles. between ‘empirical knowledge’ and ‘anti- Most of these academics have focused on the immigrant’ sentiments, as polarized discourses, manner in which the media portray xenophobia, in these media texts. migrants and migrant related issues (for e.g., see Danso & McDonald, 2001; Smith, 2010). Recurring xenophobia: A contested South But, from a Media Studies viewpoint, there is African reality one issue that is conspicuously absent: the In South Africa the apartheid state implemented coverage of xenophobia empirical research racist pass laws in order to control permanent findings from research institutions such as the urban settlement and try to ensure that the black African Centre for Migration & Society African population remained in their (ACMS), Southern African Migration Project ‘homelands’ (Bakewell, 2008; Castles, 2010). (SAMP), Centre for the Study of Violence and After years of protracted violence, owing to Reconciliation (CSVR), Institute for Security (among others) international pressure, on 27 Studies (ISS) and others in the mainstream April 1994, South Africa held its first, non- media. racial, democratic elections. The African We argue that the coverage of these National Congress (ANC), led by Nelson findings in the popular press is political; Mandela won 252 of the 400 seats in the therefore, it requires rigorous investigation and National Assembly, falling only two seats short detailed analysis. This issue, which epitomizes of the two-thirds majority needed to effect a representation of a re-presentation (see Hall, unilateral constitutional change. Ultimately, on 1997), has received very little amount of May 9 1994, the National Assembly attention in the academic world of Media unanimously elected Nelson Mandela as Studies due to its ‘unconventional’ standing. president, with Thabo Mbeki and F.W. de Klerk While an array of global literature exists on the as the country’s deputy presidents. role of the media in communicating research, This development was earmarked to be the particularly in the public health and beginning of a new epoch governed by an development sector, most of this work is biased audacious principal in the constitution which towards research translation and development states that ‘South Africa belongs to all who live communication (See Court & Young, 2003; in it’. That the country’s black majority thought Fisher & Vogel, 2008; McPhail, 2009; Oronje, that their economic misfortunes would be Undie, Zulu & Crichton, 2011; Vanyoro, 2015). reshaped as a result is also unquestionable. But As such, it also does not adequately tease out today South Africa remains one of the most the interaction between research findings and unequal societies in the world. The country is popular discourse in the mainstream media. marked by an extended history of regular One notable contribution however is by Goslin experiences of violent conflicts such as violent (1974) who highlights different types of crime, violent service delivery protests, research information that may be communal violence, vigilantism within its communicated by the media. Beyond this work, townships and informal settlements (Misago, little more exists, especially in the global south, 2016). Within this context, the foreigner has more specifically in South Africa. become a political scapegoat. Xenophobia and This lacuna forms a central part of the intolerance have indeed become a recurrent impetus for writing this paper. In essence, what reality in South African politics (Thakur, 2010). we interrogate here are the power contestations Significant studies have therefore that exist in the coverage of marginalized issues extensively explored xenophobia and its and groups when empirical knowledge produced recurrence in South Africa at different epochs in 78 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018 an attempt to explain its morphology (for e.g., state institutions have never condoned violence see Harris, 2001; Black, Crush & Peberdy, against migrants and have regularly condemned 2006; Crush, 2008; Neocosmos, 2008; Crush & it, ‘they have provided an environment wherein Frayne, 2010; Landau, 2011; Misago, 2011; such xenophobic violence has effectively been Misago, 2016). The World Conference Against legitimized by the state’ (p. 589). This Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and observation resonates well with Adjai and Related Intolerance (WCAR) Declaration (as Lazaridis’ (2013) argument that, under cited in Adjai & Lazaridis, 2013, p. 194) defines xenophobia, institutions have been used to xenophobia as ‘attitudes, prejudices and exclude the ‘other’ through practice and not by behavior that reject, exclude and often vilify design. persons, based on the perception that they are Second, foreign migrants are also constant outsiders or foreigners to the community, targets and victims of violent xenophobic society or national identity’. Meanwhile, attacks. This is not a new phenomenon. ‘Foreign Neocosmos (2008, p. 587) argues that: nationals have been attacked repeatedly in South Africa since 1994’ (Misago, 2011, p. 96; Adjai Xenophobia must be understood as a & Lazaridis, 2013, p. 195-196; Misago, 2016). political discourse […] the result of Crush (2008) has also argued that xenophobia political ideologies and has been a long-standing feature of post- consciousnesses – in brief, political apartheid South African society. Indeed, many subjectivities – which have been grueling accounts of violence against foreign allowed to arise in post-apartheid migrants have been recorded between 1998 and South Africa, as a result of a politics 2008 (Crush & Frayne, 2010). However, one of of fear prevalent in both state and the most notorious occurrences of xenophobic society’. violence in the world was the May 2008 violence. Most scholars agree that 62 people lost Xenophobia in South Africa takes multiple their lives, a third of whom were local forms; it can either be violent or institutional. inhabitants, whereas at least 670 were wounded; We will briefly touch on the two forms of dozens raped and more than 100 000 displaced xenophobia we have put forward in an attempt (Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in to foreground our study’s point of departure. South Africa (CoRMSA), 2008; Polzer, First, institutional xenophobia is seen in the Igglesden & Monson, 2009; Landau, 2011). unapologetically xenophobic remarks by top Misago (2016) argues that young people formed ranking officials since 1994 including ex-Home the vast majority of the perpetrators of the 2008 Affairs Minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Zulu violence. But ongoing studies are showing that King Goodwill Zwelithini, Johannesburg Mayor it is not angry, poor, young uneducated men Herman Mashaba, Minister of Police Fikile who are most likely to perpetrate the violence Mbalula, and most recently his deputy Bongani by looting shops during protests for example. Mkongi to name but a few. As Harris (2002) Ongoing research by Social Surveys Africa has puts it, ‘the shift in political power has brought begun to show that there is no significant about a range of new discriminatory practices correlation with age, household-income level, and victims and the ‘foreigner’ is one such education and poverty and the propensity or victim’ (p. 169). Institutional xenophobia disposition to loot from foreigners. manifests itself in South African practices Several scholars have tried to explain the through the exclusion and discrimination of causes of xenophobic violence differently. foreigners in various institutions like banks, While it is not the intention of this paper to hospitals, the Department of Home Affairs, settle those debates, it will briefly identify a few police, and social service providers (Landau, arguments and concepts that are key to the 2010). This has persuaded critics to assert that following discussion and analysis. Misago xenophobia has thus become institutionalized in (2016) has argued that the May 2008 violence practices of ‘street-level bureaucrats’ like cannot be understood nor investigated in immigration officers, health care providers, isolation from the general history of violence in police officers and policy makers since 1994 informal settlements and townships. Structural because of the perceived ‘threat’ foreigners violence by the state through repression and pose. Neocosmos (2008) argues that, although resource, opportunity inequalities during Vanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 79 apartheid created a climate where housing, definitional preoccupations. Naming the education, jobs, wages and service delivery are violence ‘Afrophobic’ is politically expedient today politicized (Hamber, 1999 as cited in because it focuses on the effects of apartheid Misago, 2016). Indeed, as Misago (2016) notes, and internalized racism rather than the actual the violence against foreign nationals speaks in political drivers, including poor leadership part to the history of tensions between local (Polzer & Takabvirwa, 2010); absolving the urban residents and internal migrants in state of any blame in the process. In other townships. In light of this, others have thus words, it also allows the state to blame the proposed that xenophobia can be explained by violence on a third force (Nyar, 2010; Landau, relative deprivation. Lerner, Roberts and 2011), a term that largely refers to unidentified Matlala (2009, p. 16) for example submit that, ‘white racists’ attempting to stifle the pan- ‘In South Africa, high expectations for Africanist agenda and the ‘African renaissance’. employment, housing and other social This argument is cemented by Ndlovu-Gatsheni provisions, coupled with the realization that (2011) who argues, ‘The outbreak of delivery of these is not immediate, are seen to xenophobic attacks in May 2008 […] ran result in frustration targeted at foreigners.’ In counter to the philosophies of ‘Ubuntu’ and other words, xenophobia manifests itself as a African Renaissance that Mbeki was spillover of citizen opposition to migration and a articulating’ (p. 281). Ultimately, ‘xenophobia by-product of political scapegoating which undermines concepts such as the rainbow blames migrants for the country’s nation’ (Adjai & Lazaridis, 2013, p. 194). unemployment woes. Foreigners are seen as The denials of xenophobia in the country taking jobs away from locals and, as we will have gone as far as citing criminal elements as show, there is a perception among locals that the responsible ‘third-force’. Polzer and they fare better economically as a result. Takabvirwa (2010) argue that the South African However, conditions of real or perceived Police Service’s (SAPS) response to the 2008 socio-economic and political deprivation alone violence in protecting victims was quite cannot explain the outbreak of violence in ambivalent and left a lot to be desired. Yet, the specific locations in specific times (and not Thabo Mbeki regime then took a denialist stance others) (Fauvelle-Aymar et al., 2011). and underplayed the attacks as ‘criminal’ and Therefore, the concept of relative deprivation is not xenophobic (Polzer & Takabvirwa, 2010; not a sufficient explanation on its own (Misago, Landau, 2011). Mbeki even went as far as 2016). As Neocosmos adds, it requires little arguing that there was no xenophobia in the effort to see that, however real; economic country (Amisi, Bond, Cele & Ngwane, 2010). factors cannot account for why those deemed There is a general consensus in the literature we non-South Africans are attacked (Neocosmos, reviewed that the tendency by public officials in 2008). South Africa to reduce xenophobia to There has also been scholarly and political criminality is a long-standing discourse in the contestation over the terminology of country, more profoundly within the police xenophobia. Sevenzo (2010) refers to the attacks service (Polzer & Takabvirwa, 2010). It aims at on foreigners as ‘Afrophobic’ and not sustaining other discourses beside those of a xenophobic. However, while more Africans are ‘xenophobic crisis’. This observation reiterates targets, referring to the violence as ‘Afrophobia’ Lindley’s (2014) argument that ‘political actors fails to adequately explain why other non- may promulgate a ‘business-as-usual’ or non- African groups including Pakistanis, crisis discourse, seeking to deny or minimize Bangladeshis and Chinese are targeted. Against empirical experiences and objective indicators this argument Sevenzo’s (2010) definition of the of severe threat and discontinuity’ (p. 6) (italics 2008 and subsequent xenophobic violence as ours). ‘Afrophobia’ is contentious. This is one term, In terms of actual justice, only one person which is empirically unsubstantiated, and one was brought to book by the South African that we shall have occasion explicitly to reject. justice system (The Times, 2015). Besides that, Political interests and attempts not to taint the hundreds of other perpetrators of the violence romanticized image of Desmond Tutu’s so- simply went unpunished. That said there was called inclusive ‘rainbow’ nation by avoiding another recurrence of xenophobia in 2015, the ‘X-word’ have in large part driven such starting off in the township of Soweto and 80 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018 manifesting more acutely in Durban and across xenophobic violence publicly, an argument that other parts of Gauteng. Our review of existing has also been made elsewhere (for e.g., see literature suggests that, in the long run, Vanyoro, 2015). notwithstanding other factors, this recurrence Second, in terms of scholarly responses, can be partly accounted for by the culture of most studies that have explored xenophobia in impunity underscored by scholars like Misago the country have tended to focus on violent and (2016). Impunity has allowed violence to institutional xenophobia. We are particularly become one of the ways citizens use to grab responding to this gap: that Media Studies have government attention to attend to poor service simply focused on the manner in which the delivery issues, especially in poor townships and media portray xenophobia, migrants and informal settlements. migrant related issues (institutionalized). This Xenophobic sentiments by top leaders forms the point of departure for our paper in have also elevated the xenophobic attitudes of which we take a nuanced approach. We locals. Zulu King, Goodwill Zwelithini in his subscribe to Bourdieu’s (1999, p. 11) concept of speech a few days before the attacks encouraged symbolic violence by arguing that xenophobia is Zulus to ‘remove ticks and place them outside in symbolic violence where symbolic capital in the the sun’. SAPS officially reported that seven form of mass communication is used as a means people were killed in the violence, three of of power to reinforce an institutional and which were South Africans. A thousand more structural form of discrimination (italics ours) undocumented by SAPS were displaced. This (Kamali, 2005; Sjoberg & Rydin, 2008). As time around, for scholars like Achille Mbembe Foucault (1980) argues, every regime of (2015) the cancer had metastized. In what was a representation is a regime of power formed. His foreseeable and inevitable reincarnation of the assertion holds true, as the media in South violence, the rainbow nation’s image has again Africa are a heated terrain of identity politics. been brought to international disrepute in recent By examining how xenophobia research as a attacks in 2016 and 2017. discourse in itself has been covered in the two We contend that there appears to be a bias newspapers under study and how these in both scholarly and media responses to newspapers uncritically picked up stories and xenophobia in general. First, xenophobic purveyed them without a strong base facilitated violence grabs more media attention than by research - to reinforce institutional forms of institutional xenophobia. For example, it was discrimination - this paper presumes to fill this only in the month of May in 2008, a remarkably scholarly gap. violent, dark period in post-apartheid South Africa, that the rainbow nation’s mainstream Method of Study media was flooded with graphic images of The study utilizes a qualitative research violence against foreign migrants; burning approach. Qualitative research is an approach to shacks and even burning people that left the human science research in which the researcher continent and the whole world shocked (Nyar, studies people, cultural practices or beliefs, 2010). This phenomenon and ‘politics of institutions, or communities in their natural representation’ is well articulated in the work of settings (Bryman, 2012; Yin, 2014). Qualitative Polzer and Segatti (2011). They argue that, research is usually utilized when there is need some politicians, civil society, celebrities and for a complex, detailed understanding of a ‘ordinary’ South Africans stood up in solidarity difficult problem that has debarred condemning the violence as it occurred. They comprehension (Yin, 2014). The scarcity of further posit that the violence in 2008 received studies on the interface of empirical research global media coverage and was debated publicly findings and press coverage of xenophobic (p. 200). They then refer to the violence as a attacks in South Africa is a serious problem ‘crisis’ which created ‘political opportunity worth investigating utilizing a qualitative structures and universes of political discourse’ research methodological lens. Through a critical for collective action. In other words, their analysis of stories from the Mail & Guardian conclusion is that violence provides a and the Sowetan newspapers on migration and convenient window of visibility for multiple xenophobia, we provide a detailed account on actors within the public sphere to assert their the extent to which empirical research findings legitimacy and relevance through condemning informed the selected newspapers’ framing of Vanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 81 the xenophobia discourse. Data was collected using an online Grounded in the interpretive prism of archive called SA Media. Because of the need to qualitative research, we make inferences by access documents created at some point in the interpreting different trends, and forms of relatively distant past, this archive provided meaning constructed through textual access that the researchers might not otherwise representation by the two newspapers under have had (Ventresca & Mohr, 2001). Purposive study (one could call these media frames) sampling was used to select articles for analysis. immersed in social context. This is a fitting Purposive sampling is simply selecting groups complement to the qualitative research process or categories to study on the basis of their that entails identifying categories, and patterns relevance to the research questions and the that emerge from the data under scrutiny (Leedy theoretical position (Yin, 2011; Bryman, 2012). & Ormrod, 2005). The sampling procedure involved two stages. The study employs an explanatory case Firstly, articles falling within the period between study approach. A case study is ‘an empirical 2008 and 2013, and exclusively reporting on the inquiry that investigates a contemporary themes of migration and xenophobia, were phenomenon within its real-life context, collected. In the second stage, relevant articles especially when the boundaries between that used xenophobia research findings in their phenomenon and context are not clearly reporting were screened towards much detailed evident’ (Yin, 2011, p. 13). Case studies are analysis. Eventually, from a total of 476 generally associated with a qualitative migration and xenophobia articles, there methodology, and have become a common way remained only 14 articles from the Sowetan and to conduct qualitative enquiry (Yin, 2011). A 57 articles from the Mail & Guardian that case study approach suits the intention of this grappled with the discourse of research findings research, which examines newspaper coverage in their reportage. This disparity is explained by of a contemporary topic in South Africa: the fact that most articles in the Sowetan had a xenophobia. Often, case studies are the huge inclination towards sensationalism at the preferred strategy ‘when ‘how’ or ‘why’ expense of engaging critically with the questions are being posed’ (Yin, 2011, p. 1). discourse of knowledge unlike, in the Mail & The paper shows how the Mail & Guardian and Guardian, a more ‘elite’ newspaper which takes the Sowetan newspapers in reporting recurring evidence relatively more seriously. Analysis xenophobic attacks in South Africa, from 2008- was narrowed exclusively to these 71 articles, 2013, ‘conveniently’ deployed empirical employing a Foucauldian discourse lens to research findings. However, the limitation of the analyze the ‘discursive formation’ of text case study is that the findings cannot be through the nature of reporting. In the following generalized. Yin (2011) contends that case section, the findings are discussed employing studies can only be generalized to theoretical insights from Foucault’s theory of discourse, propositions and not to populations or universes. power and knowledge. In this case, our findings are specific to the Mail & Guardian the Sowetan newspapers. Research findings and discussion Our focus was on the Sowetan, the (See tables 1 and 2 for summation of largest morning daily with over 1.5 million daily coverage trends). readers and the Mail & Guardian, a weekly publication (Danso & McDonald, 2001). The choice of the two newspapers was influenced by our observation that these are popular newspapers reporting significantly on migration and xenophobia issues. 82 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018

Table 1: Trends: Mail & Guardian coverage of migration related issues (2008 2013)

Year migration xenophobia Research Total articles coverage coverage coverage reporting migration related issues/year 2008 69 65 14 150 2009 36 10 3 49 2010 42 14 15 71 2011 34 5 12 51 2012 64 0 2 66 2013 67 11 11 89 Total 312 105 57 476 Frequency

Table 2: Trends: Sowetan coverage of migration related issues (2008 to 2013) Year migration xenophobia Research Total articles coverage coverage coverage reporting migration related issues/ year 2008 3 100 8 126 2009 0 15 6 20 2010 2 15 0 17 2011 0 9 0 10 2012 4 10 0 14 2013 1 6 0 7 Total 10 158 14 198 frequency

Research coverage by both newspapers xenophobia issues (65 times) and migration was relatively lower than overall migration issues (150 times), which is a lot than in and xenophobia coverage. Therefore, it is subsequent years. Similarly, from Table 2, plausible to assert that the two newspapers we observe that, in 2008, the Sowetan did not use much scientific evidence in reported more on xenophobia issues (100 their reporting. As we demonstrate later, times), which is also significantly higher where the two newspapers employed than in subsequent years. This suggests that ‘empirical evidence’, they did so in an there could have been a reactive interest in uncritical manner. However, when the issues because it was also the year that juxtaposed, the Mail & Guardian relatively the first major recorded xenophobic utilized empirical data more than the violence outbreak took place in 21st Sowetan. This could be explained by the century South Africa. different patterns of their target audiences. A closer scrutiny of data shows that, The Mail & Guardian mainly targets a on 5 June 2008, the Mail & Guardian had more elite group than the Sowetan, which 16 articles in one publication that reported thrives more on sensational reporting. on xenophobia, and a similar trend can be From Table 1, we observe that in 2008 the found in the 29 June 2008 edition. On 21 Mail & Guardian reported more on June 2008, the Sowetan had 11 articles in Vanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 83 one publication reporting on xenophobia centered on reporting xenophobic issues, and a similar trend also took place incidences with little attention to research on 20 May 2008. Inferring from the findings on the issue (e.g., what causes context, which shows that the worst xenophobia?). Where it did, it also reported xenophobic violence took place in May ‘using’ findings, but in an uncritical and June of 2008, this trend also suggests manner. reactive interest in the xenophobic violence In 2008, the Mail & Guardian of that month. published an article Xenophobia: Business Our interpretation of these findings in Africa set to take a dive. The article was persuades us to argue that the Mail & concerned with how South African Guardian and the Sowetan had a reactive, business was set to take a dive ‘following rather than proactive interest in these the wave of xenophobic attacks against issues. Where the two newspapers were foreigners in the past few weeks’. The interested, they picked up stories and journalist interviewed Saki Macozoma, one purveyed them without a strong base of South Africa’s most prominent facilitated by research, which is largely businessmen, and wrote: contradictory to popular discourse. In so doing, we argue, the two newspapers “These attacks will have serious implicitly became complicit in a political implications for South African business agenda that selectively deploys knowledge in other countries. Standard Bank’s to reconsolidate state autonomy, political personnel has been threatened in power, order and preserve the reputation of Mozambique,” he told the Mail & the ‘rainbow’ nation. This view resonates Guardian. “Doing business on the with Foucault (1980) who argues that, not continent is going to be harder.” only is knowledge always a form of power, Macozoma cited an Institute for but power is implicated in the questions of Security Studies assessment of the whether and in what circumstances situation, which states: “What we have knowledge is to be applied or not. In this seen is what some have termed a perfect regard, media coverage uninformed by storm- the coming together of pent-up scientific knowledge becomes tantamount frustrations over poor service delivery, to ideology (seeThompson, 1990). This lack of leadership and the legacy of mediated ideology, wittingly or not, apartheid”. “If you add into that witch’s mobilizes a range of meanings and brew the culture of violence and general practices to establish and sustain relations criminality, you have a potent cocktail of domination and alterity (Chimni, 2000). of explosive material”, said Macozoma. In order to strengthen this argument, we draw on an analysis of the newspapers’ (Mail & Guardian, 05-06-2008, p. 2). content itself in the following two sections. From the excerpt above, we argue that the Reporting ‘using’ findings and not ‘on’ article was primarily interested in South findings African business operations in other As tables 1 and 2 have shown, during the countries and its potentially negative plight period 2008 to 2013, the Mail & Guardian in the light of xenophobic violence. It was and the Sowetan’s research coverage was only in passing that the source made brief relatively lower than that of migration and reference to a particular piece of research xenophobia issues. In this section, we from ISS. Research was only used in order focus our analysis on the content of the to ‘build a story’ connected to other relatively few articles that carried out possibly more ‘important’ proceedings and ‘research coverage’. During this period, the ground a totally different story on Mail & Guardian research coverage did empirical evidence in order to qualify not report ‘on’ research findings per se, Macozoma’s viewpoints. Research but, rather, it reported ‘using’ findings in coverage itself does not appear to be the an uncritical manner. In contrast, the primary interest here. Rather, empirics Sowetan’s focus seemed to be more were only used to meet the objective, 84 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018 acceptable standards of social critique. If voice of the researcher, rather than to anything, by using research as a reference problematize research evidence. Yet, as we point, the article most probably created have already shown through our review of ‘moral panic’. This view is consistent with existing literature, economic factors alone Boin (as cited in Lindley, 2014, p. 6) who cannot adequately explain the occurrence argues that, ‘Political actors may be very of xenophobia (Neocosmos, 2008; Misago, active in the construction of a crisis, 2016). typically because it serves to justify, or However, there were a few reorient the dominant policy agenda in notable exceptions where the Mail & ways they deem desirable’. In another Guardian gave researchers space to write article headlined Copy-cat ethnic opinion pieces or special columns, in order cleansing, the journalist wrote: to put some of their findings across. Here is an excerpt from an article headlined Xenophobia may have been the spark Xenophobia: No one is safe, written by two that set Ajax alight this week, but researchers from ACMS (FMSP at the joblessness, crime, a lack of service time). They wrote: delivery and soaring prices provided the kindling. Loren Landau of the Forced This week the International Migration Studies programme at the Organization for Migration launched a University of the Witwatersrand points report on the violence and responses to out that “in some instances, leaders have it. With research conducted by the blamed foreigners to deflect criticism Forced Migration Studies Programme around the lack of jobs and service at Wits, it argues that the violence is delivery”. Lashing out at foreigners is rooted in the antisocial politics of life rather like domestic violence, he says: in our townships and informal “A man who loses his job may go home settlements. Based on almost 300 and beat his wife. He’ll feel better for interviews across the country, it shows five minutes, but in the morning his that local leaders mobilized the wife is bruised and he still doesn’t have violence to claim and consolidate a job.” power and further their economic and political interests. There was no third (Mail & Guardian, 22-05-2008, p. 4). force. (Mail & Guardian, 26-03-2009, p. 23). The article only made reference to xenophobia research findings against a pre- We observe differences in tone existing premise. The researcher as a between this excerpt and the previous one ‘source’ was called upon to validate the where the journalist only appealed to journalist’s viewpoint that ‘joblessness, knowledge to substantiate their premise. crime, a lack of service delivery and By use of technocratic language and a soaring prices provided the kindling’, strong ownership of claims and voice instead of objectively unpacking actual through premises such as ‘There was no research findings and discussing them third force’, we begin to see the value such against the context they exist in. The forms of coverage ‘on’ findings can bring researcher was called upon to provide their to critical journalism. We also begin to see view, against an already established lead, much critical analysis of the causes of the paradigm and discourse. Reference to violence, beyond popular discourse that research was made within the ‘parameters’ presents xenophobia as purely economic or of the journalist’s biases and agenda by ‘Afrophobic’ while ignoring its political first establishing their own premise then drivers. But there are very few cases of validating this viewpoint using a solicited such opinion pieces within our sample and quote to justify a ‘certain kind’ of during the period we investigated. argument. In this regard, research was only Findings of this article are consistent used as reference point. For some reason, with Danso and McDonald’s (2001) study, the journalist preferred to use the active which show that the South African press Vanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 85 tends to be unanalytical, uncritical and categories as ‘his people’ and ‘others’, lacking in depth, even where they do report revolving around the ‘dangerous’ using research findings. They mostly use nationalist binaries of insider-outsider that research to appease acceptable standards of caused xenophobia in the first place. The social critique which emphasize the need same article cited Human Science Research for evidence-based reporting, but as Danso Council (HSRC) and ISS research showing and McDonald (2001) note, the coverage that a majority of South Africans were in may appear neutral, but there is a tendency fact xenophobic. Here is the excerpt: by so-called ‘statistics-happy’ journalists and editors to catalogue statistics and other Research conducted by the data on migration and so this apparent Human Sciences Research neutrality does not necessarily constitute Council (HSRC) and the Institute good reportage or a lack of bias. for Security Studies in 1996 and 1997 showed that South Africans Tension between discourses of ‘empirical were becoming more xenophobic knowledge’ and ‘popular perceptions’ in their attitudes towards migrants The article also shows that tension was generally and illegal immigrants visible between discourses of ‘empirical in particular. The survey showed knowledge’ and ‘popular perceptions’ in that almost two-thirds of the Mail & Guardian and the respondents (65 percent) believed Sowetan’smedia coverage. Few articles in that illegal immigration was “bad” both newspapers either written by or “very bad” for the country. researchers or citing research, seemed to (Sowetan, 04-09-2008, p. 13). always suggest a contrary belief system to popular public and political discourses on This research countered Mbeki’s denialist migration and xenophobia. Polemical claims, again confirming tensions between discourses were evident between popular empirical knowledge and popular public perceptions and research in the two and political discourse. Another article in newspapers, wherein ‘indigenous locals’ the Mail & Guardian headlined Sanco perceived foreign migrants negatively even chief in war over RDP houses, also when scientific evidence suggested that demonstrated the overt contestation migrants are positive contributors to South between empirical and popular discourse in Africa’s socio-economic dynamic. the text. The Mail & Guardian reported: For instance, an article in the Sowetan entitled Xenophobia deepening reflected ANC MP Rose Sonto, also the these contestations. Thabo Mbeki, then head of the South African National South African president, strongly denied Civic Organisation (Sanco) in the that the 2008 violent attacks were Western Cape, this week repeated xenophobic, arguing instead that they were unsubstantiated allegations that criminal. In a clear ring of denial, he was foreigners are buying government quoted as saying: “When I heard some subsidized houses and forcing accuse my people of xenophobia, of hatred South Africans to live in shacks. of foreigners, I wondered what the accusers […]. Following the allegations, the knew of my people, which I did not know.” provincial minister of housing, (Sowetan, 04-09-2008, p. 13) Richard Dyanti, went on a fact- This excerpt portrayed tensions finding mission to Du Noon. between research showing that the violence Dyanti and 32 officials conducted a was xenophobic and not criminal (Polzer & door-to-door investigation of 500 Takabvirwa, 2010) with popular houses in the township, and government discourse. Mbeki used discovered that only one was inclusive and exclusive phrases like ‘my owned by a foreigner. people’, to disregard the existence of (Mail & Guardian, 12-06- xenophobia in the country. Implicitly, his 2008, p. 10). speech suggested that there were such 86 Journal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 10, No. 1, April 2018

Housing is a highly politicized owned by foreign nationals whose discourse in South Africa, and it has been refugee status is unknown to us as responsible for most service delivery citizens of this country. outrages by citizens over the years. Consequently, locals in the Western Cape (Mail & Guardian, 12-06-2008, p. 10). township of Du Noon had been repeatedly blaming foreigners for supposedly The Sowetan also reported an almost ‘stealing’ their Reconstruction and similar story on the topic of foreigners Development Programme(RDP) housing. ‘stealing’ RDP housing from locals, As a result, foreigners had been targeted in headlined Corruption fans the anger (4 the 2008 xenophobic attacks. The literature June, 2008). Unlike the above article, the we reviewed shows that politicians also journalist did not use any research to prove stirred this discourse. For example whether the claim that foreigners steal Mangosuthu Buthelezi the ex-Home migrant housing was true or not. But given Affairs Minister stated in 1998, ‘if we as the little amount of research used in the South Africans are going to compete for newspaper’s overall coverage during this scarce resources with millions of aliens period; this observation comes as a little who are pouring into South Africa, then we surprise. can bid goodbye to our Reconstruction and In an article titled, ‘Putting out ‘fire Development Programme’ (Neocosmos, next time’ in the Mail & Guardian, we also 2008, p. 588). However, as an investigation observe tensions between empirical by Richard Dyanti, the Member of the knowledge and popular perceptions. The Executive Council (MEC) for local writer presented evidence from FMSP at government and housing in the Western Wits University, which argued that, Cape later proved, the notion that ‘immigrants, even at the bottom of the foreigners were ‘stealing’ RDP housing heap’ help to create employment belonging to locals was a pure case of opportunities for South Africans ‘rather scapegoating, perpetrated through popular than taking away their jobs’. But this perceptions. Du Noon is predominantly a argument did not sit well with an 18-year- black population with an unemployment old South African, also featured in the rate of 53%. There are 2 500 RDP homes article. This ‘indigenous local’: “[…] in Du Noon therefore, while it is not clear expressed the standard sentiment: “They what sampling strategy Dyanti’s Housing must go back to their countries. They do Occupancy Survey used, it is safe to say not belong in South Africa.” (Mail & the sampled 500 houses are illustrative of Guardian, 25-02-2010, p. 40). the township profile. Nowhere is this One lady in that same article was also contestation clearer than in Sonto’s quoted as saying: “These foreign people conviction (like Buthelezi) that foreign come to South Africa with nothing, but migrants were ‘stealing’ local RDP tomorrow he has cash, third day he owns a housing, despite Dyanti’s evidence to the shop and fourth day he has a car. Where do contrary. In February 2008, Mr Sonto told these foreign people get this money?” an audience at the Human Settlement (Mail & Guardian, 25-02-2010, p. 40). Summit in Cape Town that ‘three-quarters’ In all fairness, given the huge of the 2 500 RDP houses in Du Noon were disparity of inequality in South Africa, it is owned by foreigners (South African to be expected that locals will be Institute of Race Relations, 2008). In a suspicious of foreigners who generally tend speech, Sonto was quoted as saying: to work harder to climb the social ladder, and have been found to sometimes accept With no apology, I must say, in lower wages in sectors like hospitality what many would regard as being because of their precarity and poor xenophobic, when laying bare the monitoring of employer minimum dangerous problem that is creeping standards by the Department of Labour. into our democracy […] many But, through our observation, we are houses in various localities are critical of the writer’s unanalytical Vanyoro & Ncube; The coverage of xenophobia research in selected South African newspapers 87 standpoint. The writer stated that perhaps were used; this was done in an unanalytical ‘this makes perfect sense’ for people who and uncritical manner. have just come out of apartheid expecting a better life, which it does - though References inadequately (Misago, 2016) - as explained Adjai, C., & Lazaridis, G. 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