Arthurian Chronicles: Roman De Brut by Wace, Ca. 1100-Ca. 1175
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Queen Guinevere
Ingvarsdóttir 1 Hugvísindasvið Queen Guinevere: A queen through time B.A. Thesis Marie Helga Ingvarsdóttir June 2011 Ingvarsdóttir 2 Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Enskudeild Queen Guinevere: A queen through time B.A. Thesis Marie Helga Ingvarsdóttir Kt.: 060389-3309 Supervisor: Ingibjörg Ágústsdóttir June 2011 Ingvarsdóttir 3 Abstract This essay is an attempt to recollect and analyze the character of Queen Guinevere in Arthurian literature and movies through time. The sources involved here are Welsh and other Celtic tradition, Latin texts, French romances and other works from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Malory’s and Tennyson’s representation of the Queen, and finally Guinevere in the twentieth century in Bradley’s and Miles’s novels as well as in movies. The main sources in the first three chapters are of European origins; however, there is a focus on French and British works. There is a lack of study of German sources, which could bring different insights into the character of Guinevere. The purpose of this essay is to analyze the evolution of Queen Guinevere and to point out that through the works of Malory and Tennyson, she has been misrepresented and there is more to her than her adulterous relation with Lancelot. This essay is exclusively focused on Queen Guinevere and her analysis involves other characters like Arthur, Lancelot, Merlin, Enide, and more. First the Queen is only represented as Arthur’s unfaithful wife, and her abduction is narrated. We have here the basis of her character. Chrétien de Troyes develops this basic character into a woman of important values about love and chivalry. -
The Hero with Three Faces
Wilfrid Laurier University Scholars Commons @ Laurier Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive) 1974 The Hero With Three Faces Rebecca Susanne Larson Wilfrid Laurier University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.wlu.ca/etd Part of the English Language and Literature Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Larson, Rebecca Susanne, "The Hero With Three Faces" (1974). Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive). 1523. https://scholars.wlu.ca/etd/1523 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations (Comprehensive) by an authorized administrator of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT THE HERO WITH THRF.F. FACES By REBECCA SUSANNF. LARSON A study of the relationship between myth and litera ture in relation to: 1) the origin and form of myth as literature developed through the Legend of King Arthur; and 2) the function of myth as literature tracing Dr. Philip Potter's motif of salvation through the novels Zorba the Greek, Don Quixote and The Once and Future King. 1 THE HERO WITH THREE FACES By REBECCA SUSANNE LARSON B.A. Waterloo Lutheran University, 1971 THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts deqree Wilfrid Laurier University 1974 Examining Committee Dr. Lawrence Toombs Dr. Aarne Siirala Dr. Eduard Riegert ii UMI Number: EC56506 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent on the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. -
A Welsh Classical Dictionary
A WELSH CLASSICAL DICTIONARY DACHUN, saint of Bodmin. See s.n. Credan. He has been wrongly identified with an Irish saint Dagan in LBS II.281, 285. G.H.Doble seems to have been misled in the same way (The Saints of Cornwall, IV. 156). DAGAN or DANOG, abbot of Llancarfan. He appears as Danoc in one of the ‘Llancarfan Charters’ appended to the Life of St.Cadog (§62 in VSB p.130). Here he is a clerical witness with Sulien (presumably abbot) and king Morgan [ab Athrwys]. He appears as abbot of Llancarfan in five charters in the Book of Llandaf, where he is called Danoc abbas Carbani Uallis (BLD 179c), and Dagan(us) abbas Carbani Uallis (BLD 158, 175, 186b, 195). In these five charters he is contemporary with bishop Berthwyn and Ithel ap Morgan, king of Glywysing. He succeeded Sulien as abbot and was succeeded by Paul. See Trans.Cym., 1948 pp.291-2, (but ignore the dates), and compare Wendy Davies, LlCh p.55 where Danog and Dagan are distinguished. Wendy Davies dates the BLD charters c.A.D.722 to 740 (ibid., pp.102 - 114). DALLDAF ail CUNIN COF. (Legendary). He is included in the tale of ‘Culhwch and Olwen’ as one of the warriors of Arthur's Court: Dalldaf eil Kimin Cof (WM 460, RM 106). In a triad (TYP no.73) he is called Dalldaf eil Cunyn Cof, one of the ‘Three Peers’ of Arthur's Court. In another triad (TYP no.41) we are told that Fferlas (Grey Fetlock), the horse of Dalldaf eil Cunin Cof, was one of the ‘Three Lovers' Horses’ (or perhaps ‘Beloved Horses’). -
Sir Gawain and the Green Knight: Not Really a Chivalric Romance Mladen M
Sir Gawain and the Green Knight: Not Really a Chivalric Romance Mladen M. Jakovljević University in Kosovska Mitrovica, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of English, Filipa Višnjića bb, 38220 Kosovska Mitrovica, Serbia [email protected] Vladislava S. Gordić Petković University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of English Studies, Dr Zorana Djindjića 2, 21101 Novi Sad, Serbia [email protected] Medieval English romance Sir Gawain and the Green Knight is unique not only in its form, content and structure, but also in the poet’s skillful use of conventions that play with the reader’s expectations by introducing elements that make the poem exquisitely ambivalent and place it in the fuzzy area where reality and fiction overlap. Although the poem seemingly praises the strength and purity of chivalry and knighthood, it actually subtly criticizes and comments on their failure when practiced outside the court and in real life. This is particularly noticeable when the poem’s symbolism, its hero, and the society he comes from are read against historical context, i.e. as reflections of the realities of medieval life. Accordingly, Sir Gawain and the Green Knight can be read as a poem that praises chivalry and knighthood more by way of commenting on their dissipation than through overt affirmation, as the future of the kingdom, its rulers and society, with its faulty Christian knights, is far from bright, given the cracks and flaws that mar its seemingly glossy façade. Keywords: English literature / medieval romance / Sir Gawain and the Green Knight / love / knighthood / chivalry Sir Gawain and the Green Knight is one of the best medieval English romances and also one of the most unconventional. -
1 the Æğelen of Engle
1 The Æðelen of Engle: Constructing Ethnic and Regional Identities in Laõamon’s Brut At the beginning of Laõamon’s Brut, the author makes a striking point of identifying himself by telling us his name and that of his father Leovenath. This strong statement of identity—an oddity for a vernacular writer of the late twelfth or early thirteenth century—sets up ethnic and national tensions that permeate the rest of the poem.1 To some readers, Laõamon’s Scandinavian name and his father’s Anglo-Saxon one may have suggested that the author was of mixed ancestry.2 Whether or not this was the case, the names serve as a reminder of the multiple origins of Laõamon’s countrymen, foreshadowing the ethnic ambiguities that problematise his attempt to 1 See Lesley Johnson and Jocelyn Wogan-Browne, “National, World and Women’s History: Writers and Readers in Post-Conquest England,” in The Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature, ed. David Wallace (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 92-121 at p. 96. For the dating of the Brut, see Françoise Le Saux, Laõamon’s Brut: The Poem and its Sources (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1989), p. 10. 2 The word lagamaðr or lögmaðr originally applied to a judicial office in Scandinavia or regions settled by Scandinavians but passed from a title to a personal name as early as the eleventh century; however, it may still have been a marker of Scandinavian heritage one or two hundred years later. See J.S.P. Tatlock, The Legendary History of Britain: Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britanniæ and Its Early Vernacular Versions (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1950), p. -
Geoffrey of Monmouth's De Gestis Britonum and Twelfth-Century
Chapter 8 Geoffrey of Monmouth’s De gestis Britonum and Twelfth-Century Romance Françoise Le Saux Geoffrey of Monmouth’s De gestis Britonum had a long and influential after- life. The work was exploited to endow Anglo-Norman Britain with a founda- tion myth on which to build a common (though not unproblematic) political identity, giving rise to a new historiographical tradition in Latin, French, and English. At the same time, the great deeds of past British kings form a treasure house of narratives, with the figure of King Arthur at the heart of a new literary phenomenon, the Arthurian romance. The entertainment potential of the DGB is flagged up by Geoffrey of Monmouth himself in his prologue, where he sketches a context of oral tradi- tion and popular story-telling “about Arthur and the many others who suc- ceeded after the Incarnation” related “by many people as if they had been entertainingly and memorably written down”.1 The exact nature of this pre-existing narrative tradition is not specified, though the archivolt of the Porta della Peschiera of Modena Cathedral, depicting a scene where Arthur and his knights appear to be attacking a castle to free the captive Winlogee (Guinevere?), is proof of the popularity of tales of Arthur in western Europe by 1120–40.2 The huge success of the DGB therefore reinforced and reshaped an already existing tradition, and as such was instrumental in the flowering of the courtly Arthurian romances of the latter 12th century. Geoffrey of Monmouth made King Arthur enter the Latinate cultural mainstream. -
Reading Across Languages in Medieval Britain by Jamie Ann Deangelis a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfaction of the Requ
Reading Across Languages in Medieval Britain By Jamie Ann DeAngelis A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jennifer Miller, Chair Professor Joseph Duggan Professor Maura Nolan Professor Annalee Rejhon Spring 2012 Reading Across Languages in Medieval Britain © 2012 by Jamie Ann DeAngelis Abstract Reading Across Languages in Medieval Britain by Jamie Ann DeAngelis Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Jennifer Miller, Chair Reading Across Languages in Medieval Britain presents historical, textual, and codicological evidence to situate thirteenth- and fourteenth-century vernacular-to- vernacular translations in a reading milieu characterized by code-switching and “reading across languages.” This study presents the need for—and develops and uses—a new methodological approach that reconsiders the function of translation in this multilingual, multi-directional reading context. A large corpus of late thirteenth- through early fourteenth-century vernacular literature in Britain, in both English and Welsh, was derived from French language originals from previous centuries. These texts include mainly romances and chansons de geste, and evidence suggests that they were produced at the same time, and for the same audience, as later redactions of the texts in the original language. This evidence gives rise to the main question that drives this dissertation: what was the function of translation in a reading milieu in which translations and originals shared the same audience? Because a large number of the earliest or sole surviving translations into English from French language originals appear in Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, Advocates’ MS 19.2.1 (the Auchinleck Manuscript), my study focuses on the translations preserved in this manuscript. -
The Royal Library As a Source for Sir Robert Cotton's Collection: a Preliminary List of Acquisitions
THE ROYAL LIBRARY AS A SOURCE FOR SIR ROBERT COTTON'S COLLECTION: A PRELIMINARY LIST OF ACQUISITIONS JAMES P. CARLEY PUBLIC Record Office, Augmentation Office, Misc. Books i6o (E. 315/160), ff. iO7v-i2or, contains an alphabetical list of 910 books, printed and manuscript, found in the Upper Library at Westminster Palace in 1542.^ At approximately the same time the inventory was compiled, so it would appear, a number was entered into each book: this number corresponded to the place where the book occurred in the alphabetical sequences established by the list. Slightly afterwards, probably around 1550, more books came to Whitehall - presumably from Hampton Court and Greenwich - and these too were put into alphabetical order and an inventory number inserted.^ Somewhat later the printed and manuscript books were separated.^ The form of the inventory number inserted in each book is characteristic: it is always found on an upper recto corner of an early folio, and always takes the form 'No '. Most of the manuscripts found in the Upper Library at Westminster Palace, and it is manuscripts alone that I shall be discussing in this paper, were rescued from monastic houses at the time of the Dissolution^ and many have remained in the royal collection ever since. Not every title in the inventory, however, can be matched with a surviving royal book: indeed, approximately half disappeared at some point after 1542. The first major disruption, it would seem, must have occurred shortly after Henry VIII's death in 1547, in the period when Traheron, a radical evangehst, was librarian and when Edward VI's injunctions concerning the destruction of popish books were promulgated.'' Throughout Elizabeth's reign, too, books trickled out. -
Why All the Fuss About Geoffrey of Monmouth?
Why All The Fuss About Geoffrey? Geoffrey of Monmouth is the Welsh historian who wrote the “Historia Regum Britannie” (History of the Kings of Britain), completed in 1136. It was based on an ancient source which he did not name, at least not to the satisfaction of later historians. His work was popular in his time, but his failure to clearly name his source left him open to attack from historians who have unjustifiably thrown the entire history of the Britons, from Brutus to Cadwaller into the rubbish bin. However, the attack has not been based on any genuine pursuit of scholarship, but has been motivated by political and sectarian predjudice. Note: In this discussion, the term “British” means “Welsh”. The Britons were driven into Wales during the Saxon invasion. What Was Geoffrey’s Source? Geoffrey begins his book by expressing his concern about the lack of knowledge about the kings of Britain, before the Christian era, and he describes his acquisition of a “very ancient book” as follows: At a time when I was giving a good deal of attention to such matters, Walter, Archdeacon of Oxford, a man skilled in the art of public speaking and well informed about the history of foreign countries, presented me with a certain very ancient book written in the British language. This book, attractively composed to form a consecutive and orderly narrative, set out all the deeds of these men, from Brutus, the first King of the Britons, down to Cadwallader, the son of Cadwallo. At Walter’s request I have taken the trouble to translate the book into Latin, although, indeed, I have been content with my own expressions and my own homely style and I have gathered no gaudy flowers of speech in other men’s gardens. -
Medieval Beliefs in Arthur's Atlantic Voyages
3 MEDIEVAL BELIEFS IN ARTHUR’S ATLANTIC VOYAGES ARTHUR’S DEATH OVERSEAS IN GEOFFREY’S HISTORY Geoffrey’s Reconcilation of Two Traditions The thesis set out in this book, that Arthur sailed west to a distant land in the sixth century, here identified as North America, is not a new one. It was present at the time that Geoffrey of Monmouth wrote his famous History of the Kings of Britain in c. 1138. Geoffrey drew on a wide range of material to write his book and would have been familiar with the entry in the Annales Cambriae that Arthur died at the battle of Camlann along with Mordred (Medraut) in 537/539. Camlann was thought to be located in Britain. In his pseudo-history, Geoffrey expands this data into a tale of adultery and betrayal. He presents Mordred as Arthur’s nephew, usurping the crown and having a sexual relationship with Guinevere (Gwenhwyfar), while Arthur was fighting in Europe. Hearing this news, Arthur returns to Britain and engages Mordred in a series of battles until Mordred flees to Cornwall. There at the River Camblam (Geoffrey’s location for Camlann) the final battle took place, where Mordred is killed. However at this point Geoffrey inexplicably departs from the basic data of the Annales Cambriae. Instead of Arthur dying at Camlann, Geoffrey presents him as only being severely wounded and abruptly states that he was then carried off to the Isle of Avalon so that his wounds might be healed. No information or explanation concerning the Isle of Avalon is given. The key question of interest is why did not Geoffrey simply allow Arthur’s life to end at Camlann, as in the Annales Cambriae, dying a heroic death but winning the battle against the traitors and heathens opposed to him? The answer to this is that Geoffrey was aware of a different tradition that had Arthur dying at a distant place overseas. -
Geoffrey of Monmouth's De Gestis Britonum and Twelfth-Century
Chapter 8 Geoffrey of Monmouth’s De gestis Britonum and Twelfth-Century Romance Françoise Le Saux Geoffrey of Monmouth’s De gestis Britonum had a long and influential after- life. The work was exploited to endow Anglo-Norman Britain with a founda- tion myth on which to build a common (though not unproblematic) political identity, giving rise to a new historiographical tradition in Latin, French, and English. At the same time, the great deeds of past British kings form a treasure house of narratives, with the figure of King Arthur at the heart of a new literary phenomenon, the Arthurian romance. The entertainment potential of the DGB is flagged up by Geoffrey of Monmouth himself in his prologue, where he sketches a context of oral tradi- tion and popular story-telling “about Arthur and the many others who suc- ceeded after the Incarnation” related “by many people as if they had been entertainingly and memorably written down”.1 The exact nature of this pre-existing narrative tradition is not specified, though the archivolt of the Porta della Peschiera of Modena Cathedral, depicting a scene where Arthur and his knights appear to be attacking a castle to free the captive Winlogee (Guinevere?), is proof of the popularity of tales of Arthur in western Europe by 1120–40.2 The huge success of the DGB therefore reinforced and reshaped an already existing tradition, and as such was instrumental in the flowering of the courtly Arthurian romances of the latter 12th century. Geoffrey of Monmouth made King Arthur enter the Latinate cultural mainstream. -
The Virgin Mary As the Arms of King Arthur
The Virgin Mary as the Arms of King Arthur C. Baxter∗ www.Colin-Baxter.com © 2019, 2020 Colin Baxter January, 2020 Abstract We present an account of how the Virgin Mary came to have a medieval heraldic association with King Arthur, and suggest a possible reason why the association began in England. Writers on Arthurian heraldry and literature sometime mention that King Arthur used a depiction of the Virgin Mary as his coat-of-arms. Usually little detail is given, other than indicating that the arms are fictitious, and perhaps quoting Nennius, a supposed Welsh monk, as the authority to the claim that Arthur bore the image of the Virgin Mary. The ultimate source of the heraldic association of King Arthur with the Virgin Mary is the Historia Brittonum, which although appearing fanciful at times, is an account of the history of the British Isles from the time of its first settlers up to the Sixth Century. As well as a history, the Historia Brittonum also contains other material such as genealogies and place names. From textual arguments, it is thought to have been written or compiled in Wales, sometime in the Ninth Century by an anonymous author (Fitzpatrick-Mathews, 2015). The attribution of its authorship to a Welsh monk called Nennuis is now discredited. However, the Historia Brittonum is not a Ninth Century document as such, but comprises over forty enigmatic and confusing Latin manuscripts, all of which contain different versions of text. All the extant copies are medieval in origin and therefore date four to five hundred years after the estimated time of an original compilation.