Revue D'histoire De La Culture Materielle

SAt~1P~C. Copy

Material HistoryReview SPRING 1991 I PRINPEMPS 1991 33 Revue d'histoire de la culture materielle

NATIONAL MUSEUM OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

MUSEE NATIONAL DES SCIENCES ET DE LA TECHNOLOGIE Editorial Board / Comite de redaction The contents of contributions to Material History Review are solely the responsibility of the individual authors and are not to be attributed to Material Editor in Chief l Chef de la r6daction History Review, its editors, production stall or Peter E. Rider Editorial Board, or the National Museum of Science CANADIAN MUSEUM OF CIVILIZATION / and Technology. MUSEE CANADIEN DES CIVILISATIONS La teneur des articles de la Revue d'histoire de la Associate Editor and French-Language Review culture matArielle n'engage que les auteurs desdits Editor l R6dacteur adjoint et responsa6le des articles. La responsabilit6 Wen saurait 2tre attribuAe comptes rendus en frangais A la Revue d'histoire de la culture matdrielle, A ses Jean-Pierre Hardy r6dacteurs et r6viseurs, A son personnel de CANADIAN MUSEUM OF CIVILIZATION / production ou 9 son comitA de r6daction, ni au MUSEE CANADIEN DES CIVILISATIONS MusAe national des sciences et de la technologie. Managing Editor l Directeur administratif Geoff Rider NATIONAL MUSEUM OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY I MUSEE NATIONAL DES SCIENCES ET DE LA TECHNOLOGIE Published by the National Museum of Science and Technology, Ottawa . / Mem6res Members ISSN 1183-1073 Norman R. Ball UNIVERSITY OF WATERLOO Publi6 par le Musr;e national des sciences et de la Marian Brown technologie, Ottawa . ISSN 1183-1073 OTTAWA

Catherine Cooper Cole © National Museum of Science and Technology 1991 / PROVINCIAL MUSEUM OF ALHERTA MusAe national des sciences et de la technologie 1991 G6rard Collomb CENTRE D'ErHNOLOGIE FRANGAISE Robert S. Elliot NEW BRUNSWICK MUSEUM A. Gregg Finley KINGS LANDING, FREDERICTON Editor & Production Co-ordinator / R6viseuse anglaise et coordonnatrice de la production Adrienne Hood Lynn M . Wilson ROYAL ONTARIO MUSEUM NATIONAL MUSEUM OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY / Robert B . Klymasz MUS$E NATIONAL DES SCIENCES ET DE LA TECHNOLOGIE CANADIAN MUSEUM OF CIVILIZATION / French Editor l Rdviseuse franqaise MUSE`E CANADIEN DES CIVILISATIONS Gis6le Cyr Richard MacKinnon NATIONAL MUSEUM OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY / MUS9E NATIONAL DES SCIENCES ET DE LA TECHNOLOGIE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF CAPE BRETON Graphic Designers / Graphistes Jocelyne Mathieu Gail Blimkie, Joanne B. Bergeron UNIVERSITE LAVAL NATIONAL MUSEUM OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY / W . John McIntyre MUSEE NATIONAL DES SCIENCES ET DE LA TECHNOLOGIE SENECA COLLEGE Typesetter / Compositrice Dianne Newell Lori Polger UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA NATIONAL MUSEUM OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY / MUS$E NATIONAL DES SCIENCES ET DE LA TECHNOLOGIE Sharon Reilly MANITOBA MUSEUM OF MAN AND NATURE Thomas J. Schlereth UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME

All cover illustrations are taken from text inside ; clockwise from top right, see pages 58, 21, 73, 26 and 39 . ~`'``°cd° `` c`°, .° Les illustrations de la couverture sont tir6es du corps de 1'ouvrage ; en bout & droite, puis °~`~~ 1 oa°~' 0 dans le sens des aiguilles d'une montre, voir o' \°~ ~° °ro° \°o pages 58, 21, 73, 26 et 39. o~° ~ ~°" °ca ~°' °"a° Material History Review SrRUVG 1991 / PRNrDPs 1991 33 Revue d'histoire de la culture materielle

Table of Contents / Table des matieres

Articles L'industrie de la bibre : le cas de la brasserie Boswell NIcoLE DORION ...... 1

An Uncertain Harvest: Hard Work, Big Business and Changing times in Prince Edward County, Ontario PETER LOCKYER ...... 11

The Industrial Archaeology of the Organization of Work: A Half Century of Women and Racial Minorities in British Columbia Fish Plants DIANNE NEWELL ...... 25

Frederick Augustus de Zeng: Glass Pioneer in Canada WILLIAM RALPH CLARK ...... 37

Research Reports / Rapports de recherche Reproducing Textiles for the Krieghoff Room at the Canadian Museum of Civilization JUDITH RYGIEL ...... 53

The Early days of the Lobster Fishery in Atlantic Canada A . J . B . JOHNSTON ...... 56

Conference Reports / Rapports de conferences Canadian Maritime Museum Curators' Symposium / Colloque des conservateurs de mus6es maritimes du Canada NIELS JANNASCH ...... 61

VII International Congress of Maritime Museums GARTH WILSON ...... 63

Notes and Comments / Notes et commentaires Ongoing Changes to Material History Review / Nouvelle orientation de la Revue d'histoire de la culture materielle PE7ER E . RIDER ...... 67

Le Comit6 canadien pour la conservation du patrimoine industriel / The Canadian Committee for the Conservation of Industrial Heritage LOUISE TROTTIER ...... 6$

New Research in Museum Studies ...... 69

Veronika Gervers Research Fellowship ...... 69

i r

Reviews / Comptes rendus Impact of Bauhaus: Ceramics from the Weimar Republic, 1918-1933 DIANNE REID ...... 71

Joy L. Santink, Timothy Eaton and the Rise of His Department Store RHONDA MAWHOOD ...... 75

Norman J. G. Pounds, Hearth and Home : A History of Material Culture LUCE VERMETTE ...... 78

Thomas Melville Bailey, ed., Dictionary of Hamilton Biography, Volume 1 Francess G. Halpenny, ed., Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Volume 12, 1891-1900 NORMAN R . BALL ...... 77

C. J. Taylor, Negotiating the Past: The Making of Canada's National Historic Parks and Sites DANIEL T . GALLACHER ...... 78

Contributors / Collaborateurs ...... 81

11 L'industrie de la biere Le cas de la brasserie Boswell

Ntcot.e VORION

Abstract lM'sume

Boswell's Brewery was an important business De ses debuts en 1844 jusqu'a sa fermeture en in Quebec City from its beginnings in 1844 until 1968, la Brasserie Boswell a ete Line entreprise its closure ill 1968 . This studv deals with the importante a Quebec. Cette etude axee stir la brewery's workJbrce and, through the use of Inain-d'ceuvre de la brasserie se penche, par le oral interviews and other research findings, biais d'entrevues et d'autres outil s de recherche, sur les repercussions des changements tech- examines the impact of technological change, nologiques, du transfert du titre de propriete et transj'er of ownership and evolving labour de I'evolution des relations de travail sur le relations upon the status, attitudes, working statut, les attitudes, les conditions de travail et conditions and work of employees . The steps la tirche des ernployes . Les etapes techniques required for Inaking beer are also presented in de 1a fabrication de la biere sont aussi presen- table form. Throughout its existence, Boswell's tt;~es sous forrne de tableau . Tout au long de son Brewery offered employees the advantages of a existence, la Brasserie Boswell a offert a ses large employer with respect to working elrl ployes les avantages d'unegrosse compagnie conditions and tasks but within a working en ce qui concerne 1'aspect technique et les environment characteristic oJ' a small family conditions de travail, tout en presentant cer- business. talneS pal'tlcularltf's df.',s pf .'tltes elltreprlses a caractere familial .

On sait (I tie 1'industriebrassicole a, a une certaine L'examen des rbles d'evaluation pour la periode Fig. 1 epoque, oc:cupC Line place d'importance a comprise entre 1821 et 1830 a permis aux Bcitiments de la Quebec . Dans Line etude prepar6e par Jean auteurs de denombrer jusqu'a cinq brasseries Brasserie Boswell. 1928, Benoit, Daniel Laroche et Marc Vallieres, il est dans le secteur du Palais.= Quant A la Brasserie par T. Lebel. Quehrc . mentionne que deja, aentre 1790 et 1800, Boswell, devenue par la suite la Brasserie Dow 1928 . (.1 VQ) au moins trois entreprises de production et a laque.lle nous interessons " Lions parti- s'implantent dans la Vieille Capitale . . .)> . ' culierement, on sait qu'elle a 06 en op6ration pendant plus de cent ans dans la basse ville de Quebec . Situee plus pr6cisement dans le quadrilatere forme par les rues Saint-Vallier, Vallic?res, des Prairies et Saint-Nicolas, cette industrie a fourni du travail a plusieurs generations de Quebecois . L'histoire relativement recente de cette industrie permettait d'envisager line etude oil la demarche A caractere ethnologique serait basee principalement sur les t6moignages d'ouvriers ayant muvre A cet endroit, afin de connaitre le milieu de vie et les conditions de travail dans lesquels evoluaient ces homlnes . Au total, nous avons rejoint 54 personnes, dont 37 anciens travailleurs . Basee principalement sur des enquetes orales, cette recherche s'appuie toutefois 6galement stir des donn6es historiques, archeologiques et iconographiques . L'etude couvre principalement la periode comprise entre 1940 et 1968, cette derniere annee etant celle oil la brasserie a mis fin A ses activites de brassage .

Material History Rewdoiv 33 /Spring 19911 / Revue d'his]oire de la culture ma]erielle 33 (printemps 1991) L'histoire de la Brasserie Boswell com- centraliser toutes les op6rations A Montr6al . mence en 1844, alors qu'un jeune brasseur Ainsi, le 18 octobre 1968 marque le point final irlandais du nom de Joseph Knight Boswell de toute activit6 de brassage et d'embouteillage arrive A Qu6bec, dans le but de s'y installer et A la Brasserie Dow de Qu6bec . d'ouvrir sa propre brasserie. Fort de son exp6- rience, ayant 6tudi6 le m6tier de brasseur A Un univers de travail Mimbourg et 06 propri6taire d'une brasserie A Quo nous r6vble le discours des ouvriers A Dublin, il achcte de John C. Racey une petite propos du genre de vie qu'on retrouvait dans ce brasserie situ6e rue Saint-Paul, au pied de la milieu de travail? Peut-on reconnaitre, A Me de la Canoterie.3 travers les faits qu'ils jugent importants, ce qui Son entreprise s'av6re un tel succ6s que, contribue A donner sa sp6cificit6 A cette vers 1852, il doit songer A trouver des locaux entreprise? C'est A partir des 6v6nements r6pondant mieux A ses besoins. ll se porte alors quotidiens qui nous ont W relat6s que nous acqu6reur d'un terrain situ6 non loin de 15, au arriverons A faire ressortir les particularit6s de pied de la Me du Palais, sur lequel il fait 6riger cot univers de travail. des batiments modernes et fonctionnels, afin Pour les travailleurs, la biCre repr6sente d'y loger sa brasserie.' Coincidence ou destin, certes une valeur 6conomique, puisqu'elle lour cot emplacement a d6j6 W le site d'une permet d'avoir des emplois stables et bien industrie brassicole . En effet, c'est sur le ter- r6mun6r6s. 11 s'agit d'un produit de consom- rain longeant la rue Saint-Vallier qu'entre 1668 mation trc?s appr6ci6 dans la province de et 1670, 1'intendant Talon y avait fait cons- Qu6bec, ce qui signifie pour les employ6s que truire la premicre brasserie commerciale de 1'industrie pout lour offrir du travail sur une Qu6bec. base r6guli6re, parce qu'on y fabrique un pro- L'Annuaire manufacturier de 1870 nous duit de consommation populaire, vendu tout apprend que la Brasserie Boswell est recon- au long de 1'ann6e. De plus, comme la Brasserie nue comme 6tant «la plus consid6rable de Boswell occupe une tr6s large part du march6, Qu6bec». D6jA A cette 6poque, 75 hommes y les ouvriers peuvent compter sur des salaires trouvent de 1'emploi ; la r6mun6ration an- assez 6lev6s et recevoir r6guli6rement des nuelle totale qu'ils re~oivent s'6l6ve ia pr6s de augmentations. 23 400 $. En 1909, la brasserie Boswell and Pour 1'employ6 de la brasserie, la bi6re a Brother Limited est vendue ia une entreprise 6galement une valeur sociale importante. Le nomm6e The National Breweries Limited et on travail constitue une place pour un individu, confie alors le poste de vice-pr6sident A Vesey quelque chose qui le situe socialement . Ainsi, Boswell .s Lorsqu'il prend sa retraite en 1922, le travailleur de la Brasserie Boswell est C. A. Allen, le sixi6me fils de J. K. Boswell, conscient d'occuper un emploi au sein d'une prend la relbve et devient vice-pr6sident et compagnie r6put6e et de pouvoir acqu6rir une directeur de la National Breweries. 11 continue reconnaissance ouvri6re . La valeur que les A s'occuper activement des affaires de la employ6s de la brasserie accordent ~ la bi6re brasserie jusqu'A sa mort en 1942 .6 pout aussi etre reli6e a 1'aspect social de sa En 1952, Canadian Breweries Limited fait consommation, puisque la bii're est associ6e A 1'acquisition de National Breweries et quatre plusieurs 6v6nements de groupes ; ainsi, A brasseries (Dow, Dawes, Frontenac et Boswell) toutes les occasions que les travailleurs ont de se fusionnent en une seule, La Brasserie Dow se r6unir, tant A 1'int6rieur de 1'usine qu'A Limit6e . La v6n6rable brasserie qu6b6coise 1'ext6rieur - repas, rencontres sociales ou cesse dcs ce moment, aprcs une centaine sportives -, la bi6re est toujours pr6sente . d'ann6es, de brasser la bi6re Boswell, pour ne d6sormais se consacrer qu'A la production de la Organisation du travail bi6re Dow.' Cette brasserie, la seule fonction- Pendant pr6s d'un si6cle, la Brasserie Boswell nant dans la ville de Qu6bec, dessert tout 1'est fabrique de la bi6re selon une recette originale, de la province du meme nom.8 L'entreprise dont le secret jalousement gard6 se transmet connait une mont6e progressive de ses ventes d'une g6n6ration de brasseurs A 1'autre. et plusieurs informateurs avancent meme La r6ussite de la production de la bi6re qu'A un certain moment, elle en vient jusqu'A d6pend a la fois de Faction de la nature et de occuper pr6s de 75 p .100 du march6 de la bibre 1'intervention humaine . On convient qu'une pour la r6gion de Qu6bec. partie de la m6thode de fabrication de la Wre La brasserie connait toutefois des diffi- ne pout etre chang6e, car elle suit les lois cult6s importantes en 1966 et, quelques ann6es immuables de la nature . En revanche, on sait plus tard, ses dirigeants prennent la d6cision par exp6rience que 1'observation de r6gles de proc6der A la fermeture de 1'usine et de strictes et 1'utilisation d'outils de travail Tableau 1 : Les fstapes techniques de la fabrication de la bifi!re

Opdratlons Sous-opdrations Recommandations Syst6me

Pr6paration des matiisres Concassage du grain (orge malt6e) Ne pas r6duire en poudre Moulin A cylindres premibres Filtrage de I'eau Filtres au sable, sttsrili- Mesure du houblon (7 vari6tes) sation A I'ultra-violet Pr6paration du mout Pes6e du grain (15 000 Ib) Ajuster la quantit6 d'eau selon la Balance Mesure de I'eau chaude quantitts de grain M6lange et trempage du grain et Cuve d'empAtage de I'eau

Filtration Transvasement de la pate clans une Cuve de filtration autre cuve Brassage de la pate Respecter le temps de brassage Lames de brassage Varier la hauteur des lames Arrosage A plusieurs reprises Ajouter juste I'eau necessaire Acheminement de I'extrait de malt a Tuyaux la bouilloire de cuisson Nettoyage de la cuve de filtration Plus facile a laver lorsque chaud Manuellement Acheminement du grain usagis A Reservoir A dreche I'exterieur, pour vente aux fermiers

Ebullition Ajout de houblon, de sucre et de sel Ingredients et mesures sont d6ter- Mesurds manuellement d'Epsom A I'extrait de malt mintss selon la sorte de bi6re Bouillissage pendant quelques heures Maintenir la temperature constante Chaudibre A cuisson Vidange de la chaudibre de cuisson Pompe et tuyaux Nettoyage de la chaudibre de cuisson Plus facile a laver lorsque chaud Manuellement S6paration du houblon Acheminement de la bi6re dans un reser- Verifier la pression reguli6rement Centrifugeuse, voir pourvu d'une centrifugeuse pompe, tuyaux Refroidissement Passage du mout bcuillant par un Verifier regulierement les machines Compresseurs fi ammo- refroidisseur pour I'amener A pour eviter une surchauffe ou un niaque, refroidisseur 59°, 60° F. mauvais fonctionnement a plaques d'acier inox.

Fermentation Acheminement du moGt clans les r6ser- Surveiller la propretd des ustensiles Reservoirs d'acier inox. voirs de fermentation ouverts Ajout de levure liquide au mout biter le contact avec I'air Reservoir hermtstique, levure pouss6e A pression El6vation lente de la temperature Monter de 1/4 de degre a I'heure , jusqu'A 65°, 66° F. Ecumage (enlevement du surplus de biter de respirer le gaz qui se D'abord manuellement, levure) degage lors de I'operation A I'aide d'un genre de pelle trouee, puis plus lard, systisme auto. Analyse et entreposage d'une partie Conserver a 36°, 38° F Contenants en acier inox. de la levure pour brassages subsequents Recuperation du gaz de fermentation Reservoirs de fermentation ferm6s Reservoirs pour gaz Vidange du reservoir Pompe, tuyaux Nettoyage du reservoir Evacuer le reste de levure avant D'abord manuellement de proceder au lavage avec brosses, laines d'acier, eau, acide sulfurique, puis aPres, systbme automatis6 Murissement Acheminement de la biere dans les Ajouter du houblon, biere Boswell Cuves en bois, cuves (Boswell, 90 jours) cuves de maturation Garder a temperature pres du d'acier, interieur (Dow, 26 jours) point de congelation en verre Vidange des cuves de maturation Pompe, tuyaux Nettoyage des cuves Laver I'interieur et I'exterieur D'abord manuellement Graisser les valves avec balais, savon sptscial, eau de javel, puis systeme auto. Filtration et saturation Passage de la biere dans 3 appareils Laver les filtres quotidiennement Chaque rdservoir con- en gaz carbonique de filtration tient 20 filtres de pulpe Maintien en repos pendant 15 jours Garder la biere au froid Reservoirs d'embouteil- Deuxieme filtrage lage Refroidissement de la biere a 31°, 32° Saturation de la biere en gaz carbonique Appareil automatis6 Conservation de la biere au froid, Reservoirs d'embouteil- avant I'embouteiilage lage en granit

3 appropri6s peuvent contribuer A r6duire au par les employ6s, bien qu'ils en reconnaissent minimum les risques de variations sus- la n6cessit6. ceptibles d'entrainer des diff6rences notables Vraisemblablement, le travail demand6 A au niveau des r6sultats. Aussi, les personnes chacun des ouvriers ne laisse que peu de place qui ex6cutent les diff6rentes op6rations 6 1'autonomie et A 1'initiative . Aussi, plus sou- doivent-elles poss6der autant un savoir vent qu'autrement, les hommes doivent se empirique que des connaissances techniques contenter de suivre les directives de leurs dans le domaine. sup6rieurs, devenant pour ainsi dire un pro- Les dirigeants de la brasserie voulant longement, un rouage de la machine de pro- mettre de lour cot6 le plus de chances possibles duction. Mais meme si les employ6s d6plorent de r6ussir, cherchent A 6viter tout impon- parfois les nombreux controles dont ils font d6rable en cours de production. Pour cola, 1'objet, on sait que lorsqu'il s'agit des op6ra- ils misent sur des controles nombreux et tions relatives au brassage, les travailleurs vari6s . Cola signifie pour les travailleurs qu'ils pr6f6rent laisser toute la responsabilit6 au doivent faire face quotidiennement A un maitre brasseur. monde de discipline, de contraintes, d'ho- raires stricts et de surveillance . Ameliorations technologiques La direction de la brasserie exige que les Avant la guerre 1939-1945, il semble que la employ6s observent certaines r6gles de con- majeure partie de la machinerie et des duite A 1'int6rieur de 1'6tablissement, en ce qui installations en usage A la brasserie ne soit pas concerne 1'hygi6ne, les m6thodes de travail, la de conception trcs r6cente . Par cons6quent, consommation de biere, etc.l Si g6n6ralement meme si on se sert de machines pour effectuer les ouvriers se soumettent aux r6glements la plupart des op6rations, il Wen reste pas institu6s par la compagnie, ils ne d6daignent moins que le gros de 1'ouvrage se fait manuel- pas d'y faire entorse A 1'occasion. Cependant, il lement et demande A 1'ouvrier de fournir des semble que 1'organisation meme du travail ne efforts physiques importants. Le travail exige laisse aux ouvriers que rarement 1'ocasion de aussi souvent une certaine rapidit6 d'ex6cu- contrevenir aux r6glements de la compagnie . tion. On remarquera que la semaine de travail Mais s'il arrive qu'ils les transgressent, 1'atti- comporte alors de nombreuses heures . tude de la direction parait A cot 6gard trbs Aprbs la guerre, des changements sont tol6rante. graduellement apport6s aux installations et Darts le but de maintenir un controle machines . Quoique parfois difficile A situer continuel sur 1'organisation du travail et ainsi dans le temps, 1'arriv6e d'am6liorations tech- s'assurer de 1'uniformit6 de la qualit6 de la nologiques correspond habituellement A des production, la direction exerce sa surveillance besoins d'augmenter la production. Pour le de diff6rentes fagons. Par exemple, les prin- travailleur, ces am6liorations technologiques cipaux services sont r6partis en ensembles peuvent entrainer une diminution des efforts bien distincts et meme s6par6s physiquement physiques exig6s A certains postes, un change- les uns des autres. En plus de minimiser les ment dans son rythme de production et (ou) risques de contamination, il devient possible une red6finition de son role dans le processus d'exercer un certain controle sur les all6es et de travail . venues du personnel . A partir du moment oiu la Si les ouvriers d6montrent plus de satisfac- direction d6cide de fournir aux travailleurs des tion que de r6sistance face aux changements, costumes de travail, on remarque que chaque c'est parce qu'ils constatent que 1'arriv6e de service se voit attribuer une couleur diff6rente . nouvelles machines leur apporte une am6lio- Ce mode d'identification pout sugg6rer une ration de leurs conditions de travail, le travail nouvelle forme de surveillance mais, en g6n6- manuel diminuant ou devenant moins exi- ral, 1'employ6 consid6re plut6t comme un geant. Cette satisfaction des travailleurs profite avantage suppl6mentaire tr6s important le fait 6galement A 1'employeur, car il est prouv6 que que dor6navant on lui remette r6guliCrement 1'am6lioration des conditions de travail con- des vetements de travail . tribue A augmenter la productivitV Les contraintes subies par les travailleurs A mesure qu'on effectue des changements, r6sultent bien souvent des exigences de la pro- on en profite pour augmenter la vitesse de la duction : observer des mesures d'hygi6ne tres chaine d'embouteillage. L'acc6ldration du strictes, suivre des indications pr6cises con- rythme exige de 1'ouvrier un redoublement cernant les op6rations (temp6rature, dur6e), d'attention, ce qui contribue A 1'augmentation ou encore faire preuve de rapidit6 lors de de sa tension nerveuse . Cost d'ailleurs cette 1'accomplissement de certaines taches. Cette pression occasionn6e par 1'augmentation de la surveillance constante est souvent d6nonc6e vitesse de production que les travailleurs

4 reprochent le plus A la modernisation. Vue tone et peut amener a Line perte de 1'int6ret 1'interd6pendance des op6rations, tous les au travail. postes voient alors leur cadence s'acc6l6rer; 11 est permis de penser qu'avec 1'instal- cela ne convient pas n6cessairement au rythme lation d'une machinerie plus moderne et auto- de chaque travailleur, mais tous doivent matis6e, Line bonne part du role de supervision s'adapter. exerc6 par les contremaitres incombe d6sor- En plus d'acc6l6rer le rythme, la direction mais aux ouvriers. Lorsque la majeure partie d6cide que, dor6navant, la production ne sera du travail 6tait accomplie manuellement, les plus interrompue pendant les p6riodes de contremaitres soumettaient le travail des em- pauses; les hommes sont alors remplac6s a tour ployr;s a de nombreuses v6rifications. Avec de role. Pour la brasserie, cela signifie 6vi- 1'automatisation, les contremaitres diminuent demment Line augmentation de la rentabilite, la fr6quence des controles, car ce sont plut6t puisqu'il n'y a aucune perte de temps de les ouvriers qui voient a la surveillance des production. machines pour s'assurer de leur efficacit6. Dans d'autres services, on constate que le La cadence acc6l6ree exige Line v6rification rythme de travail des ouvriers change suite a et un entretien continuels des machines . Bien 1'installation de systcmes automatis6s . 11 s'agit entendu, on ne peut se permettre un arret en fait d'appareils qui executent en partie ou prolong6 d'rme des composantes de la chaine en totalit6 un travail qui 6tait auparavant fait sans qu'il Wen r6sulte Line baisse de pro- manuellement par des ouvriers . On peut donc ductivit6 . Dor6navant, la difficult6 du travail penser que les temps forts qui brisent ou ne sera plus jug6e uniquement d'apres les 6vitent la monotonie, omnipr6sente dans toute efforts physiques requis, ou la rapidit6 d'exr;- industrie, sont alors diminu6s ou meme cution dont doit faire preuve le travailleur, 6limin6s . mais aussi selon les problemes techniques qui Comme on peut le constater, si la moder- peuvent surgir, d'oir probablement Line impor- nisation permet de r6duire consid6rablement tance grandissante du travail des m6caniciens le travail manuel, elle augmente par contre le et des reparateurs, qui s'assurent du bon r6gime de production . Mais si le travailleur fonctionnement des machines . accepte sans trop maugr6er d'acc6l6rer son rythme, c'est qu'il peut en tirer quelques avan- Suggestions des employes tages. En effet, au meme moment, on diminue Quelques changements ou am6liorations sont le nombre d'heures de travail hebdomadaires, apportes suite A des propositions amen6es par puisqu'on arrive A produire la meme quantite les travailleurs . Plus souvent qu'autrement, de Wre qu'auparavant, mais dans un laps de 1'initiative d'effectuer des changements a la temps beaucoup plus court. Toutefois, 1'ou- brasserie provient des dirigeants de 1'entre- vrier retire alors le meme salaire qu'avant, mais prise. Mais il Wen reste pas moins qu'en ins- pour Line semaine de travail abreg6e, ce qru tallant Line boite a suggestions, la direction 6videmment 6quivaut a Line augmentation . veut encourager chaque employ6 a soumettre Les ameliorations technologiques out aussi toute idee pouvant conduire a 1'am6lioration pour consequence d'amener des ouvriers a de « n'importe quelle phase des operationsu ."' redr;finir leur role dans la machine de produc- L'abondance des suggestions indique que tion, piusqu'on note des modifications impor- plusieurs changements seraient appreci6s . tantes au niveau de quelques taches. Toutefois, le personnel croit que la direction L'arrivee de nouvelles machines et instal- retient principalement et presque wiiquement lations, plus rapides et souvent de fonction- les suggestions qui l1u permettent de r6aliser nement different, pose un nouveau defi au des economies appreciables ou d'augmenter lravailleur deja en place. CelLu-ci doit alors ses profits . Lorsque, apres etude, la direction coordonner ses gestes routiniers en fonction d6cide d'accepter et d'ex6cuter la suggestion d'wie nouvelle m6thode de travail . Parfois, proposee, le travailleur en retire Line double il s'agit plus de surveillance que de travail satisfaction . En plus de recevoir en r6com- manuel . Quant au nouvel employe, on sup- pense Line certaine somme d'argent, il est pose que sa periode d'apprentissage est re- conscient d'avoir apporte sa contribution per- lativement plus courte qu'anterieurement, sonnelle a la bonne marche de 1'entreprise . mais qu'en contrepartie, le savoir ouvrier qu'il peut acquerir est proportionnellement moins Conditions de travail grand. Ainsi, a certains postes, 1'employe Les postes a la brasserie sont d'abord recher- passerait d'un travail actif d'executant a celui ch6s et appreci6s parce que les travailleurs plus passif d'op6rateur de machine, ce qui sont assures d'y trouver des emplois stables et repr6sente un travail beaucoup plus mono- rr;mLuierateurs. D'ailleurs, on sait que, mis A

5 part le temps de la guerre, il est tr6s difficile de valorisation de chaque tache, il ne semble d'obtenir un emploi A la brasserie, car ceux qui pas que les postes soient organis6s selon une y d6tiennent des postes quittent tr6s rare- hi6rarchie tr6s d6finie. ment la compagnie avant de prendre leur Lorsqu'un poste est vacant, suite A une retraite. absence temporaire ou A un d6part, un ouvrier Afin de r6pondre A la demande grandis- travaillant d6jA a 1'usine peut demander et sante en bi6re et demeurer concurrentielle, la obtenir 1'autorisation d'occuper ce poste. Le direction proc6de A la modernisation de ses travailleur peut voir dans ce changement une installations et A 1'automatisation de certains occasion de briser la monotonie de sa vie outils de travail. Il en r6sulte que chacune des ouvri6re, tout en augmentant ses revenus . op6rations effectu6es A 1'aide d'une de ces Ainsi, A 1'intdrieur de 1'usine, il arrive parfois nouvelles machines n6cessite la pr6sence de qu'un ouvrier qui effectue sensiblement le moins de travailleurs qu'auparavant. Par con- meme travail que son compagnon re~oive un tre, comme on augmente le nombre de ma- salaire diff6rent. Sa r6mun6ration d6pend chines, les travailleurs ne sont pas cong6di6s alors du niveau de compkence que lui recon- mais plut6t replacds A 1'int6rieur de 1'industrie. nait la direction. Ce mode de fonctionnement La compagnie augmente ainsi sa production cr6e 6videmment des in6galit6s salariales tout en maintenant ses couts. mais, dans 1'ensemble, cela ne semble pas Si les travailleurs avouent Urement d6te- ennuyer les employ6s outre mesure. nir des emplois stables, ils d6plorent toutefois Certains avantages peuvent aussi etre ne pas connaitre la s6curit6 d'emploi. Avant reconnus comme faisant partie de la r6mu- 1'arriv6e du syndicat, ils sont convaincus que, n6ration de 1'employ6. Il en est ainsi des meme si un employ6 travaille depuis de nom- vetements de travail fournis par la brasserie, breuses ann6es pour la brasserie et considcre ainsi que de la possibilit6 pour les employ6s qu'il occupe un poste permanent, les pr6textes de d6guster gratuitement une certaine quan- les plus futiles peuvent etre invoqu6s pour le tit6 de Wre sur place et de s'en procurer A licencier. Du meme coup, ils admettent qite, prix coutant, ce qui est consid6r6 comme un dans les faits, tr6s peu d'employds ont 60 privil6ge tr6s particulier, r6serv6 aux travail- cong6di6s, qu'il s'agit plut6t de cas tr6s excep- leurs de ce genre d'industrie. tionnels, les dirigeants se bornant A adresser des remontrances A un ouvrier jug6 fautif. Securite au travail On convient que tout travail physique impli- Remuneration que une part de risque de blessures . A ce sujet, A 1'instar des grandes industries brassicoles, la on sait qu'il survient A la brasserie de nom- Brasserie Boswell est reconnue pour les tr6s breux accidents . La plupart des blessures sont bons salaires qu'elle offre A ses employ6s. Si les des coupures dues A des 6clats de verre, ouvriers ne peuvent gu6re compter augmen- des brulures avec des produits chimiques ou ter leurs revenus en faisant des heures sup- des chutes sur un plancher glissant . Les pl6mentaires, on sait toutefois que, pendant causes d'accidents sont multiples . Certains quelques anndes, la politique interne de la sont directement attribuables A la technique de compagnie a fait qu'ils ont pu b6n6ficier d'aug- travail utilis6e : de nombreuses manipulations mentations en occupant des postes diff6rents A impliquant des bouteilles rendues tempo- 1'int6rieur de 1'usine. rairement fragiles, 1'utilisation de machines Plusieurs postes offerts A la brasserie ne n'offrant A 1'ouvrier que peu ou pas de pro- demandent aucune qualification particulic?re . tection, ou 1'emploi de produits tr6s nocifs . Il Aussi, souvent sans sp6cialisation au d6part, semble que, dans une proportion tout aussi chacun acquiert les comp6tences inh6rentes grande, des accidents soient imputables A la A son poste A la brasserie meme. Bien qu'il n6gligence des ouvriers . Comme il est permis ne puisse compter que trCs rarement sur de consommer une certaine quantit6 de bicre quelque enrichissement ou perfectionnement sur place au cours de la journ6e, il arrive que extdrieur, 1'employ6 peut augmenter ses con- des accidents r6sultent du fait que des naissances techniques et empiriques ainsi que employ6s ex6cutent leur tache en ayant les son salaire en occupant des postes diffirents facult6s quelque peu affaiblies . Parfois aussi, A 1'int6rieur de 1'industrie. Les ouvriers s'iden- des travailleurs refusent de porter certains tifient habituellement selon le travail qu'ils vetements ou accessoires protecteurs mis A ex6cutent (laveur, mireur, embouteilleur, en- leur disposition . caisseur) ou encore selon le service auquel La majorit6 des blessures que s'infligent les ils sont rattach6s (brassage, embouteillage) . travailleurs sont jug6es mineures par le fait Meme si cela peut apparaitre comme une sorte qu'elles n'impliquent que peu de pertes de

6 journ6es de travail . Mais leur frequence incite brasserie de Montreal . On attribue aussi A tout de meme les autorites A installer un dis- l'action syndicale le fait d'avoir obtenu des pensaire et a retenir pendant de nombreuses journees de couge payees, des uniformes de ann6es les services d'une infirmiere A plein travail, certaines facilit6s de travail et surtout temps. Devant le nombre de plus en plus eleve la securW d'emploi . Toutefois, il semble que la d'accidents, les employ6s d6cident de former brasserie a g6neralement satisfait A la majorit6 un comit6 de stscurite . Celui-ci veille a deter- des demandes des employ6s, puisqu'on ne miner les principales sources d'accidents et a rapporte aucun cas de gr6ve dans cette bras- faire des recommandations pour que la direc- serie de Quebec. Neanmoins, les employ6s tion apporte les correctifs n6cessaires . On sont persuades que la majorit6 des c:hange- constate toutefois dans les faits que la direc- ments qui ont eu pour effet d'am6liorer de fa- tion tolere bien souvent un grand nombre Qon significative leurs conditions de travail ont d'accidents - mineurs il est vrai - avant de ete obtenus suite a 1'implantation du syndicat. proc6der a des changements . Elle organise plu- tot des concours de s6curite et r6compense Relations de travail r6gulic?rement les personnes ou les groupes On sait que les relations de travail qu'entre- d'employ6s qui Wont connu aucun accident tiennent employeurs et employ6s sont ~ la base pendant tin laps de temps determine . Proba- du climat de travail qui rbgne dans toute blement que plusieurs accidents pourraient entreprise . !1 la brasserie, il apparait que des etre evites, mais il est evident que la notion deux cotes, autant celui des dirigeants que de s6curite est pertyue de fa~on differente celui des ouvriers, on soit int6ress6 non seu- dans cette usine, notamment A cause de la na- lement A entretenir, mais aussi A amtsliorer les ture des matieres que l'on doit manipuler quo- relations de travail . Cette attitude West sfire- tidiennement (ex. : verre, produits nettoyants) . ment pas sans rapport avec le fait que les employ6s restent pendant de nombreuses Syndicat annees A 1'emploi de la cornpagnie . De plus, Les employ6s sont d'avis que le syndicat leur a les commentaires des travailleurs de la bras- incontestablement apportts de nombreux avan- serie A 1'effet qu'ils forment une grande famille tages, tant du cote salarial que des conditions d6montrent hors de tout doute que les relations de travail en gen6ral . A titre d'exemples, on de travail sont jugees satisfaisantes . mentionne la correction des inegalites sala- Les travailleurs de la brasserie partagent riales, la diminution de la semaine de travail et autant leur temps de travail que leur temps de la paritts salariale avec les travailleurs de la detente . En plus de travailler ensemble, ces

Fig. 2 (:untine des etnployes situee dans les Voutes du Pnlais . (Coll. A. Pnulin, vers 1955/ " gens se r6unissent quotidiennement sur les dans les locaux de la brasserie, ce qui permet Fig . 3 lieux du travail lors des pauses et apr6s les aux travailleurs de redonner un sens nouveau Fquipe de hockey heures d'ouvrage pour echanger autour d'une a leur environnement ." Jormee de travailleurs de la brasserie, bi6re ou deux. Ils en viennent ainsi 5 mieux se L'intdret manifeste par direction la ne se 1930-1931 . (Coil. connaitre, a developper entre eux des amities limite pas a 1'employe, mais rejoint aussi toute E. Saint-Pierra) et une certaine complicit6, ce qui ne peut que la famille : qu'on pense aux soins medicaux b6n6ficier au climat de travail . La bi6re 6tant fournis aux membres de la famille ou aux pr6sente partout, tant pendant les heures de activites sociales auxquelles toute la famille travail que dans les loisirs, on peut penser de l'employe est convi6e . I.'employeur qu'elle West surement pas etrang&e au climat encourage aussi la pratique de sports d'equipe qui r6gne dans ce milieu de travail . auxquels il apporte son appui. Les travailleurs Voulant entretenir de bonnes relations sont fiers d'afficher leur appartenance A la avec ses employes, la direction s'int6resse A brasserie en portant ses couleurs lors de eux meme en dehors des heures de travail . Elle rencontres sportives ; la compagnie profite stimule les initiatives visant 1'organisation alors de cette publicit6. Toutes ces rencontres, de rencontres sociales et encourage tous les tant sociales que sportives, sont encourag6es membres de son personnel, autant les diri- par la compagnie, qui a compris 1'importance geants que les employ6s de chacun des ser- de cette vie sociale et apporte habituellement vices, A participer A ces fetes. Un club social sa contribution aux evenements . Les travail- tres dynamique organise reguli6rement des leurs apprecient grandement ces gestes qui activit6s diverses, donnant ainsi aux travail- d6montrent 1'interet accorde par la direction A leurs 1'occasion de se revoir hors des cadres de ses employes . 1'usine . En plus de permettre a chacun de faire Cette ligne de conduite qu'adopte la direc- plus ample connaissance avec les autres, ces tion A 1'6gard de ses employtss peut, a mon festivit6s sont de bonnes occasions de relacher avis, etre qualifiee de quelque peu paterna- la tension caus6e par un travail parfois stres- liste, sans qu'on doive necessairement rat- sant. Les gens participent en grand nombre A tacher un sens p6joratif a ce terme. Elle ces rencontres sociales et sportives, ce qui d6montre indubitablement une volont6 de la incite les organisateurs a les multiplier . Ces part des dirigeants de conserver la main- rencontres se deroulent presque toujours d'aeuvre qu'ils ont choisie et formee . Leur

8 attitude peut i; l'occasion etre d6nonc6e par les Conclusion employ6s, car elle comporte certains incon- En d6finitive, je crois que ce qui constitue la v6nients. Nbanmoins, elle n'en contient pas principale caract6ristique de la Brasserie moins de bons 6l6ments qui sont de nature A Boswell (Dow), c'est que les travailleurs soient maintenir et meme ia am6liorer les relations de rest6s pendant de si nombreuses ann6es au travail. C'est probablement cette forme de service de cette entreprise. Cela tient surtout gestion, oiu 1'on tente de concilier 6 la fois les au fait que les employ6s ont 06 satisfaits du exigences de la production et les attentes des genre de vie qu'ils ont trouv6 dans cette employ6s, qui incite parfois les travailleurs b entreprise et aussi parce qu'A mesure que les associer la compagnie A 1'image d'une grande ann6es ont pass6, ils ont vu leur situation famille. s'am6liorer. De plus, la Brasserie Boswell a Encore de nos jours, on t6moigne d'une offert A ses employ6s les avantages d'une certaine reconnaissance envers les travailleurs grosse compagnie en ce qui concerne 1'aspect qui ont ceuvr6 pendant de nombreuses ann6es technique et les conditions de travail, tout en pour la brasserie. Des rencontres sont orga- prdsentant, du c8t6 des relations de travail, nis6es rdgulibrement par la compagnie qui a certaines particularit6s que 1'on retrouve pris la rel6ve de la brasserie Dow . Elles r6unis- habituellement dans de petites entreprises b sent plusieurs employ6s ayant pris leur retraite caractbre familial. et leur donnent ainsi 1'occasion de s'identifier encore A la grande famille brassicole .

NoTF.s

Cet article est extrait d'un m6moire de maitrise en 5. The National Breweries Limited, 25° anniver- ethnologie ayant fait I'objet d'une publication : saire.. ., p. 16. Nicole Dorion, La Brasserie Boswell, un essai 6. «Boswell Brewery. A Staff Article», The d'ethnologie industrielle (QuEbec : CELAT, Uni- Canadian Beverage Review (janv-f6v. 1943), versit6 Laval, 1989), coil. Hors s6rie n° 3, 157p., p. 13-22. 41 ill. 7. ((Importants changements A la Boswell A Qu6- bec)), Le Soleil (3 juin 1952), p. 1, 5. 1. Jean BenoYt, Daniel Laroche et Marc Vallibres, 8. «Historique des vofltes Talonn, Journal Dow Etude de potentiel arch6ologique et historique . (nov . 1953). L'Ancien Chantier: un faubourg en pleine 9. Maurice DeMontmollin, Le taylorisme et visage 6volution (1670-1870) (Qu6bec : Service de humain (Paris : Presses universitaires de France, l'Urbanisme, Ville de Qu6bec), avril 1988, p. 51 . 1981), p. 38. 2. Ibid, p. 55 . 10 . National Breweries Limited, «Systbme de 3. The National Breweries Limited, 25° anni- suggestions des employdsb, La gestion de votre versaire de la National Breweries (Montr6al : The compagnie en 1947, The National Breweries National Breweries Limited, 1934), p. 15 . Limited, 39° rapport annuel des administrateurs 4. Guimont, Jacques, Le site du premier polois de pour 1'annEe terminde le 31 d6cembre 1947 1'intendant n QuEbec : rapport prEliminaire de la (Montr6al : The National Breweries Limited, quatricme campagne de fouilles (1985), sous la 1948), p. 24. direction de Marcel Moussette et Michel Fortin 11 . G6rBme, Noelle, «Les rituels contemporains des (Qu6bec : CELAT, Universitd Laval, 1987), travailleurs de 1'a6ronautique», Ethnologie Rapports et m6moires de recherche du CELAT, finngaise, tome 14, n° 2 (1984), p. 182-183. n° 8, p. 41 .

9 An Uncertain Harvest: Hard Work, Big Business and Changing Times in Prince Edward County, Ontario - FE= LocKwR 1 Resume Abstract

On ne retrouve pas de sols particulierement Although Prince Edward County, Ontario is fertiles dans le comte de Prince Edward, en not blessed with particularly fertile soils or the Ontario, ni la longue saison de croissance dont longer growing season enjoyed by other agri- jouissent d'autres regions agricoles de ]a cultural areas in Ontario, a combination of province, mais une combinaison de facteurs unique factors conspired to make the region favorables a contribue d faire de cette region ]e the centre of the canning industry in Canada centre de la conserverie au Canada jusque until the 1950s. The pioneer canners made dons les annees 1950 . Les pionniers de cette their money by embracing new technologies industrie ant su s'enrichirgr&ce a de nouvelles emerging from America's whirlwind love affair techniques issues du machinisme americain et with machines and through a business acumen d un sens des affaires aiguise en grande partie fuelled largely by greed. Increasing fragmen- par le gout du profit . La fragmentation crois- tation of the market for canned goods forced sante du marche des conserves a force plu- many of the larger firms to merge in 1903 . After sieurs des grandes entreprises d fusionner en World War II, however, the industry began to 1903 . Apres 1a Seconde Guerre mondiale, rationalize. Prince Edward County, with its toutefois, I'industrie s'est rationalisee . Le relatively poor soils, shorter growing season comte de Prince Edward, avec ses sols relative- and small, obsolete factories, simply couldn't ment pauvres, so courte saison de croissance et compete with the new factories built else- ses petites usines desuetes n'a plus ete en me- where. The increased ownership of the indus- sure de soutenir la concurrence des nouvelles try by multi-national corporations, the usines rivales . La mainmise croissante des introduction of frozen food in the 1950s, the multinationales surcette industrie, 1'introduc- buying practices of national grocery store tion des aliments congeles dans les annees chains, the introduction of new worker and 1950, les habitudes d'achat des epiceries a health regulations and the changing work atti- succursales multiples au pays, une nouvelle tudes of Canadians all took their toll on the reglementation des conditions de travail et de canning industry of Prince Edward County. salubrite ainsi que les nouvelles attitudes des Today, there are few traces of the industry that Canadiens a 1'egard du travail furent autant de was once everything to this rural Ontario com- coups portes a la conserverie dons le comte de munity. Prince Edward. Aujourd'hui, peu de chases subsistent d'une industrie qui a joue un role primordial dons cette region rurale de I'Ontario .

Prince Edward County, Ontario, clings tena- In the late 1800s, this small Ontario county ciously to the northern shore of Lake Ontario basked in its privileged position within the just out of earshot of highway 401 connecting fledgling confederation called Canada . Al- Montreal and Toronto, one of the country's though it is not blessed with particularly fertile busiest transportation corridors . Today, the soils or the longer growing season enjoyed by area is primarily a tourist vacation spot famed other agricultural areas in Ontario, a cornbi- for its fine beaches, campgrounds and scenic nation of unique factors conspired to make the harbours . Hidden from view by the resort signs, region the centre of the canning industry in though, is the story of an older industry that Canada until the 1950s. During these years, was once the backbone of Prince Edward Prince Edward County stood unchallenged as County . "the Garden County of Canada ."

A9alerial Flistorv Review 33 (Spring 7997) / Rome d'histoire de: In culture rnaterielle 33 (printemps 1997)

11 During the first years of Confederation, Why couldn't this industry be transplanted much of modern-day Ontario was still largely back to his home town area? Prince Edward forested and devoted its cleared land to grain County was cleared and settled. Barley was the production, but Prince Edward County was at main crop but the land would grow others. In a zenith in its history. Its land was cleared and the 1870s, John H. Allen had started his seed settled. A well-developed shipping industry business in Picton, the region's largest com- had established itself after decades of lucrative munity, and already he had developed a con- trade in barley grown for the American brew- siderable business exporting seed peas to the ing industry in New York State. And, most of United States . If county soils could grow peas all, Prince Edward County was home to a resil- highly prized as stock for growers in the U.S., ient and enterprising breed of men who why not grow the crop for a local canning gambled and won in the canning game. industry? Canning is a tough business subject to the Also, more and more of Dunning's nursery whims of nature . Drought, pests, and frost are stock was being planted in the county . Several its enduring plagues . However, this was a time thousand acres of apple orchards were yield- of unbridled free enterprise, and the pioneer ing a harvest that, for the most part, was packed canners made their money by embracing new in barrels and shipped to Great Britain. But not technologies emerging from America's whirl- all Prince Edward apples left the county in wind love affair with machines and through a barrels. Apples of inferior quality were sliced business acumen fuelled largely by greed. In and dried in evaporators. Evaporators were the first decades of the Canadian canning in- beginning to dot the countryside throughout dustry, the business was dominated by com- Prince Edward County-an early ancestor of panies that were so ruthless in their dealings the business that would soon become the with each other, their employees and their mainstay of the local economy. growers, that many farmers built their own Dunning made his rounds of the county, factories to escape these monopolistic prac- meeting with local farmers and talking about tices. This is one of the chief reasons for the the crops, the weather and his visit to the proliferation of canning factories in Prince United States. Eventually, the bay mare that Edward County, an area that had about 30 to 40 drew his democrat came to a stop in the shaded plants in continuous operation until the early lane way of one of his best customers. 1960s. Wellington Boulter was not a big man . Throughout the period that Prince Edward However, he had a portly stance and mon- County reigned as the canning capital of strous, mutton-chop side whiskers which, Canada, sweeping economic and technological coupled with his domineering personality, changes continued to unfold outside its bor- made him an imposing figure indeed . Boulter ders. Two world wars artificially prolonged the was an Orangeman, a staunch Conservative, a good fortunes of the area, but, inevitably, justice of the peace and on two occasions, the changing times took their grim toll on the mayor of Picton . He had made his first money canning industry of Prince Edward County . in the loan and insurance business . An ardent However, in the late 1870s these events lay far Presbyterian, he built a pew facing the other in the future when a nursery salesman from parishioners in the tiny church at Demorest- Prince Edward County, George Dunning, re- ville . "He sat up at the front," remembers a turned home excited about his trip to the member of the church . "He always faced the United States. congregation . He was an important old guy ."' The Philadelphia Food Exposition, which Dunning and Boulter agreed to experiment he'd visited, had featured a new industry with a small canning operation near the Dunning had only heard about in the briefest marshy water's edge of Boulter's farm . By detail-the canning of food . The entire eastern 1882, the partners were convinced . In that year seaboard of the United States was caught up in they erected a plant opposite the new railway the canning craze. station on Mary Street in Picton-the first Dunning himself had sampled these new commercially successful fruit and vegetable products: canned lobster, salmon and oys- cannery in Canada. ters-bounty from the sea that could be kept There had been earlier efforts in the almost indefinitely; and tinned fruit and veg- industry in Canada. By 1840, Tristan Halliday etables that could be processed when they of Saint John, New Brunswick, was canning were in season and then stored for consump- lobster and salmon . The first fruit and tion in the bleak, winter months . George Dun- vegetable canning operation started at ning had never seen nor tasted anything like it Grimsby, Ontario in 1879, but folded soon in his life. after. A second attempt the following year, in

12 Fig. 1 the western Ontario village of Delhi, also met standard-only 176 square feet . In addition, After several years of with failure. there were two storehouses, a machine and experimentation on his It seemed that 1882 was the year a fruit and blacksmith shop, a call shop, an office and an farm, Wellington vegetable canning factory could succeed in electricity plant. A rather flattering- artist's Boulter, the "Father of Canada . In that year plants opened in Picton, conception of the factory adorned the letter- Canning in Ganada," Trenton, Brighton, l..akeport, opened the first Grimsby, head of the Bay of Quinte Canning Company . commercially successful Dunnville, St. Catharines, Waterford, Simcoe, Business was so good that the factory on the fruit and vegetable Aylmer, Chatham, and Strathroy . The factories farm was re-opened with Boulter's 12-year-old canning operation in in southwestern Ontario were scattered and son, Ed, in charge . The younger Boulter would tile country in 1882 . isolated, but within a very few years there were fashion his own career within the industry, (Label ca 19v3-191o.) many plants operating in Prince Edward becoming manager of his father's Picton plant, County . This concentration of factories made and laterbuilding two others of his own within the county the dominant canning region in the county . With the help of another son, these first years of the industry . Frank, the family expanded their empire, Fire destroyed the Picton factory three opening a third plant along the Toronto Espla- years after it opened, but the partners did not nade at the foot of Cherry Street in 1889 . lose their enthusiasm . On the day of the fire Dunning retired from the business within a they sent an employee to Buffalo to purchase few years. His partner Wellington Boulter, new equipment . Within ten days, they were however, became a prominent figure in the packing strawberries in temporary headquar- industry and is acknowledged as its first ters nearby . Despite the setback, their factory pioneer . For 12 years he served as president of packed 25 000 cases of corn, tomatoes, peas the Canadian Goods Packers Association, the and fruit that season . industry's first representative organization . In The new factory was one of the largest 1903, he became a founding member of of its kind but exceedingly small by today's Canadian Canners Consolidated Companies

Fig. 2 In 1,903 many canning companies, including Boulters', merged to gain better control of the market . This label dates from ca 191t1-1923, when the company was known as Dominion Canner.s . " Limited, later to become Canadian Canners discovery of eminent English chemist Sir Limited, the largest operation of its kind in the Humphrey Davey. Davey had found that Commonwealth . calcium chloride, when added to boiling The Lion Brand produce of W. Boulter and water, quickly increased the temperature of the Sons left Picton by ship and rail for western liquid. The application of this Could be quickly markets in Winnipeg, Vancouver and Victoria ; and easily attained, reducing cooking times south to Buffalo and Rochester ; east to Quebec from five to six hours to less than 40 minutes . and on to England . At exhibitions in Paris, Skilled help could not be found in Canada, Glasgow and Chicago, Boulter's canned goods so Canadian companies raided U .S. operations won international recognition . The com- to obtain many of their senior employees. The pany's label, featuring a lion next to Boulter's Bloomfield Packing Company, built in 1899, bewhiskered face, became a symbol of quality hired William Flynn of New York. William M. around the world. Canning made Boulter even Miller, better known as "Yankee Bill" served as wealthier . the processor at the Boulter plant-a position Shortly after Boulter opened his Picton of considerable importance: plant, two Bloomfield residents built the first stalked abroad in the power of of manv factories to be constructed in that The processor his might-'grand, gloomy and peculiar.' lie Noxon and Gilbert Barker community . Caleb was arbitrary, arrogant, domineering, the soon sold their business, but the new owner, 'boss;' the proprietor a willing slave. Process- Abraham Savior, was so successful in his first ing was a profound secret altogether in his year of operation that other entrepreneurs keeping, the possession of which made him a This knowledge he handed down rushed to cash in on the profits to be made. despot . bv way of mouth to his sons or brothers when he might easily have proved otherwise for It was about to retire from the profession that Savior . The industrv was in its infancy. No one the secret might be kept within his own im- had a clear understanding of the chemical pro- mediate family . = cesses at work. Saylor liked to enhance the colour of his canned tomatoes by using an "Yankee Bill" may or may not have pos- additive known as cochineal, a crimson dye sessed the artistic : temperament apparently made from the crushed remains of a beetle characteristic of his profession . However, like native to Mexico and South America . the rest of his colleagues, he was a man of With a flair for colour worthy of painters, singular skills faced with unlimited opportu- the pioneer canners of the industry laced tonta- nities . In 7884, Miller left the employ of

Fig . 3 A . C. Miller was n livestock dealer who built his f?ictory in Pirton in 1fi89 . This label dates froin ca 1884-1 .9113, when tile comportv sold out to Canadian C:anners Limited. "

toes with cochineal, and apples with sulphur . Bocilter to become a partner in a new Picton When consumers showed a marked preference factory . Other Americans emigrated to the for white corn, they bleached the vegetable county to serve as Processors, can-makers and with sodium sulphite . The end product looked maintenance men . None of the early canners appealing but according to old-timers, it tasted dared open a factory without this imported awful. expertise . But even in its earliest days, the business By 1890 . there were still just a handful of required some expertise-a knowledge of both canning factories in Prince Edward Countv . machines and processes . There was a certain Down the street from the Boulter plant, A. C. element of magic involved, all the more Miller had not only constructed an even larg- enhanced when scientific breakthroughs were er factory, he'd lured Boulter's processor, applied to the trade. In the early 1800s, the "Yankee Bill," into partnership with him . The American canning industry borrowed the new factory packed Little Chief brand goods Fig. 4 The early labels are really works of art and none are more beautiful than the. labels used for the Puritan and Quaker Brand produce manufactured by the Bloomfie.ld Packing Company. (Label ca 1899-1910.) " OMFIELD(Llrii r1PACKING 1)) C0. BLOOMriELD, ONT.

and their trademark, a 500-pound statue of an Hamilton to discuss amalgamation of their Indian Chief in full war dress, stood perched operations . Within two short decades, the on the roof of the building. canning craze had spread throughout all of The village of Bloomfield, a few miles southern and eastern Ontario . Dozens of com- away, was also an important local canning munities boasted one or more factories. But as centre. During the summer months, carts of more and more businessmen rushed to cash produce waited their turn to be unloaded at the in on the money to be made, the market for Fig. 5 Saylor plant on Mill street and the nearby canned goods became fragmented, profits The trademark "Quaker Bloomfield Packing Company . The latter was dwindled and some canning companies were Brand" is a reference to their doors quickly as they the large population of the largest factory in the country, complete forced to close as Quakers who lived in with its own can-making machinery . It had opened. the Bloomfield area . labelled its produce "Quaker Brand" in recog- The industry's first representative organi- When the company nition of the village's history as an early zation, the Canadian Canned Goods Packers' became. part of Quaker settlement. Outside the village limits, Association, had formed in the 1890s in an Dominion Canners, its brand name was John Bedford Orser packed fruit from his attempt to pressure the government for tariff maintained . (Label orchard into glass jars . protection against imported American pro- ca 1910-1923.) As the first years of the new century came duce and to establish uniform prices and stan- " and passed, the people of Prince Edward dards of quality upon its members . But not

BLOOMFIELD PACKING C° LIMITED . RED RaSPBERRIES BLOOMFIELD . ON'.

County shared the boundless optimism which everyone wanted to join, and bumper crops typified this age of invention and rapid caused prices to fluctuate wildly. The associa- progress . However, one year in particular tion was too informal an organization to be brought events of special significance to the effective . A new approach had to be taken. Canadian canning industry . That landmark The men meeting at the Waldorf Eiotel were year was 1903 . intent on preserving their own interests . They In the spring of that year, 11 leading represented canning companies in Strathroy, Canadian canners met in the Waldorf Hotel in Brighton, Waterford, Aylmer, Dunnville, p Np~ , J 1~N~ ~J n - ~. 1 - s,. ''- -- . - ~ .

Lakeport, Chatham, Picton, Simcoe and Delhi. Picton sold out for almost $26 000, about one- They shared more than just their concerns for third the price its owners had originally de- Fig. s The Old Homestead the industry . In this golden age of capitalism, manded. This was the pattern of acquisition factory was built next to they were members of a social class-entrepre- that would characterize the company . the Boulter plant in 1903 neurs who had established their fortunes By 1906, Canadian Canners had 30 factories by the Bichardson familv, through shrewdness and enterprise . in operation throughout the southern portion wealthy grain merchants After three days of talk these independent of the province-almost half the total number in Kingston . One of its products was succotash, canners agreed to merge their interests to form of factories packing canned goods. As an early a combination of corn a new firm called Canadian Consolidated Can- account indicates, the company had already and beans originally ning Companies Limited, a name shortened a made its presence fell : developed by Indians in year later to Canadian Canners Limited . It be- the United States . (Label came, as its founding fathers had envisaged, With its magnitude it is able to buy cans, ca 1903-1910.) boxes, sugar and other such commodities at a the major force in the industry, exerting its lower figure and to get better rates for trans- considerable influence to keep down the prices portation. With its tremendous pack [pro- paid to farmers and factory workers while ductionl, it is able to control, or at least this maximizing profits . It even minted its own is current opinion, 9o percent of the whole- currency, distributing thin, aluminium tokens sale houses in the Dominion under very strict 1constraints] which render it a losing propo- for every pail of tomatoes peeled by a factory sition should any wholesalers attempt to worker . handle products of other concerns .' Whenever the opportunity arose, Canadian Canners enlarged to strengthen its hold on The company also drove a hard bargain Fig . 7 markets and production . In 1904, it brought the with its growers . Through the harsh terms of its '1'here was rnoney to be A. B. Saylor Company of Bloomfield for $10000 canning contracts with farmers, it maintained made in canning in the earlv days of the industry. in cash and another $10 000 in preferred stock. low prices and dictated tough standards that Main, Jarrners in the Two months later, the A. C. Miller Company of had to be met . The company alone was tlle sole BlooctiJield area Jolt it might N! inore profitable to operate their own factories. In 1905, the Farnner's Canning CompanV began packing produce. After threer years of successful operation, it was bought out by Canadian Canners. (Label ca 1905- 1908 .) 4 judge of quality and quantity of produce that Fred Folkard was renowned as a near genius local farmers hauled to its weigh scales . Farm- who could fix or invent almost anything. They ers could protest but in the end, the factory's were economic adventurers who gambled and decision was final. "It was the way Canadian won in the canning game, making "a go of it by Canners were using the growers that got the working hard day and night."' farmers into the idea that they'd like to try it In 1912, James Carter, an apple grower from themselves. 114 Waupoos, began a co-operative factory packing Many farmer-run canning co-operatives the peas, tomatoes and corn grown by the were established in the county . They were farmers of his area . The company he founded, almost always successful too, generating sub- the Waupoos Canning Company, continued to stantial returns for their shareholders and free- operate until the mid 1980s. ing farmers from the harsh contracts of the "This is where people had the imagination existing companies. Unfortunately though, the to get into the business," says Jay Hepburn, a co-operatives were often bought out by Cana- former manager of the firm . "Mr . Carter devel- dian Canners and the independence they pro- oped one of the first pea processes which really vided was short-lived. did the job. He was recognized as packing the In 1925, however, farmers in the Bloom- best peas in Canada at one time . He just experi- field area banded together to form yet another mented in his kitchen . ..and he finally devel- farmer-run factory, Hallowell Canners . While oped a process for canning peas that required

C,"wn .~ ~" r ,.,~s~ . =:u . . . .,,. ~:, ,r ..,, " .

pIE AERFECT ~ur dui " . " n .~ov PYM/qN

" this co-operative operated only a few years the minimum amount of time under pressure . Fig. 8 before its purchase by a larger firm, its success Basically, it's the same process that's in use J. S. Sprague was prompted many of its originally a farmer. shareholders, including now . "fi However, about 1925 he former school teacher J. Ed Baxter, to become James Carter typified the ingenuity that began a family business members of a new company founded in 1929- characterized his company over the years. He that continued to can the Baxter Canning Company, a firm that was one of the first canners in the county to tomatoes until 1977. would become one of the most successful in market temato juice, a by-product of the to- (Label ca 1930.) the area. At the peak of its production, Baxter mato canning process that for many years was Canning packed 500 000 to 600 000 beans an- simply tossed into the nearest creek or bay. But nually and employed a summer staff of 200 . It the product was not an immediate success. sold its produce to Loblaws, Dominion and A. Carter packed his juice in glass jars which and P. Stores and packed its own Silver Ribbon grocers displayed in their front windows. Over Brand produced for several decades until its a period of time, the bright red colour of the sale in the 1970s. product faded in the sunlight and customers There were still others who built their own were reluctant to buy it. It wasn't until he factories, men like J. W. Hyatt of West Lake, began packing his tomato juice in tin cans that Sylvester Church, the Greer Brothers of it met with consumer acceptance. Wellington, Fred Folkard of Northport, J. S. In the early years of the industry it didn't Sprague and Ernie Johnston. Both Sprague and take much money to get started in the tomato- Johnston established telephone companies canning business. The first operations washed, later integrated into the Bell telephone system . steamed, peeled, canned, cooked and cooled

17 tomatoes just as canners do today, although the many years in Prince Edward County. Its in- pioneers were considerably less efficient. They vention would also have several other ramifi- used huge kettles or "hog-dipping cauldrons" cations. Pea crops were now harvested on a to soften the skins of the tomatoes so that they single occasion as opposed to the old way, with could be peeled more readily by the scores of fields hand-picked several times. Since indi- women employed at this task. Next the veg- vidual plants mature at different intervals, this etables were dropped whole into cans which technological advance encouraged growers to were later sealed and heated. As the industry become more knowledgeable about the soil matured, freshness and cleanliness became the and the climate demands of the crop. It also major considerations. helped promote the development of better "My mother's by-word was always : 'Be sure quality pea seed. and wash your hands every time you come in By the early 1880s, exporter John H. Allen to do anything because cleanliness was one of of Picton had earned an international reputa- the main things,"' recalls Audra Brickman tion for his high quality seed. While Allen sold of the Brickman Canning Company in much of his pea seed to English buyers, his Ameliasburg. "And put up good stuff. You major market was in the United States . Not far can't can good stuff if you don't have good stuff away in the village of Wellington, W. P. Niles to work with. We tried to do it fresh. We'd pick ran a second seed enterprise. in the morning and can in the afternoon .. .It Allen eventually sold his business to didn't sit around for a week or so before it was American interests, the Cleveland Seed Com- done."' pany of Cape Vincent, New York. But in 1905, Fresh produce and sanitation became such the firm was once again in Canadian hands. fundamental axioms of the industry that Cana- The new owners, the Hogg and Lyttle Seed dian Canners eventually adopted "Quality and Company, were still heavily involved in the Cleanliness" as the company's motto. export of seed peas in 1930 . In that year, the Peas and corn were the other major canning company employed a dozen men and 104 crops in Prince Edward County. Peas, in par- women to sort and bundle 2 500 to 3 000 bush- ticular, are difficult to nurture and harvest. els of seed peas each week, three-quarters of it This vegetable likes cool nights and hot days for export ." with just enough rainfall to grow its lush vines While John Allen, Bob Scott, the Chisholm and bursting pods. At first, the crop was har- Brothers and others tacked the problems vested entirely by hand. Hundreds of labourers which confronted growers in their fields, an- lived day and night in the fields during the other group of men pondered the mysteries of season, picking the pods and then shelling food processing itself. The science of micro- them. It was a costly, time-consuming busi- biology was in its infancy. Few of the pioneer ness, especially unsuited to a crop that can canners had much knowledge of the chemical deteriorate from the top quality grades of fancy reactions at work in the manufacture of canned and choice to standard quality in just a few goods . hours. The pioneer canners soon began to in- They believed creating a vacuum in tinned vestigate alternative harvesting techniques foods was the most important consideration . It and the invention of an efficient mechanical was exposure to air, they believed, and not the pea harvester proved to be one of the most work of organisms within the food that caused significant technological advances within the spoilage . Accordingly, they boiled their industry. canned goods in hot water baths for several A successful pea harvester was not devel- hours before opening a small hole in the lids to oped until 1890 when a machine invented by allow the air within to "vent" or escape before the Chisholm Brothers of Oakville, Ontario the can was re-sealed and subjected to addi- and R. P. "Bob" Scott of Ohio passed a rigorous tional heating . field trial in New York State. The Chisholm- A sound, properly processed canned Scott pea viner not only separated the pods product held no air . A can with a vacuum from the vines, it also knocked the peas from emitted a particular note when "tapped" or their shells, eliminating the need for a large struck with a metal instrument . An inferior can work force. A series of paddles struck the pods, produced a duller sound which skilled in- compressing the air within, which in turn spectors could readily detect. But despite these broke open the pods, releasing the peas amidst early processing techniques and efforts at a cushion of air onto a conveyor belt . quality control, many consumers opened cans The Chisholm-Scott pea harvester was sold that gave off a sour, disagreeable odour. extensively throughout Canada and the United Moreover, their contents were badly decom- States and the machine was a common sight for posed. What caused this spoilage? And why were some cans affected while others were of Oshawa and a soft-spoken chemist who not? It took several years of research before worked for the American Can Company in research scientists found the answer. Baltimore, hastened the development of a tin Experiments by researchers at the can lined with a special lacquer to prevent Massachussetts Institute of Technology in reactions between the food and its container. Cambridge showed that some bacterial spores Baker demonstrated how hydrogen sulphide could endure the heat of boiling water. The gas within food reacted with the metals used to results encouraged canners to utilize steam make and seal cans to form the black specks "retorts"-commercial pressure cookers that which appeared in so many canned products. generated much greater heat-to more effec- The discovery was so significant that Baker tively combat their persistent adversary. rose from the relative obscurity of his labora- Yet another problem facing the industry tory to become president of the company a few during these early years was the reaction years later. which took place between food and the metal As a result of such inventiveness, the containers in which it was prepared or stored. American Can Company became the dominant "They cooked in open kettles at that time," supplier of cans in both Canada and the United recalls Jay Hepburn, former manager of the States . Following its purchase of a can manu- Waupoos Canning Company . "Then they facturing company in Hamilton in 1904, the evolved into using brass and copper kettles . company entered into a profitable partnership People weren't that particular at that point in with the dozens of factories operating in Prince time. Now it's all done under vacuum and Edward County . A. A . Morden of Wellington stainless steel evaporators . . .Back then they and A. P. Hyatt of West Lake were two of the couldn't detect the residual amounts of tin, first canners in Canada to use the firm's new copper or brass in the product . "I "sanitary can" introduced onto the market in Traces of tin from the cans dissolved in the 1905 . food and caused fruit syrup to become cloudy The canning industry in Prince Edward or to change from a bright red or purple colour County prospered and grew. From 1920 until to a mouldy blue. Black specks often appeared the late 1950s, about 35 factories operated in canned corn, meats, fish, and other veg- continuously in the area and life during the Fig. 9 etables. But, surprisingly, few cases of food summer months in this historic, rural com- Alton Morden began poisoning were reported in North America mLmity revolved around the blasts from the canning produce in Wellington about 1902. during this period, despite the inadequacies of steam whistles which adorned the roof of every He was one of the first early processing methods. From 1899 to 1921, factory . local processors to use there were only 345 cases of botulism reported Despite advances in processing and a new type of can in Canada and the United States and only a harvesting methods, however, the canning known as the "sanitary small proportion of these proved to be the industry remained a precarious way to make can "-a container a result of delinquent canning techniques whose lid could be .'° living. "You were terribly dependent upon the automatically sealed on Eventually, the industry discontinued the weather," says Mrs . Connie Mowbray of with capping use of certain metals in the manufacture of Picton . "If tomatoes were put in and it was dry, rnachinery. cooking containers. Herbert A. Baker, a native why they'd shrivel up. We'd be bothered by "

REMOVE CONTEN75 OF CAN AS SOON AS OPENED.

A.4 .P40RDFN & SON, wEUtNGrOw.ONT.

19 black rot if we had a lot of rain . . .One year the former manager of the Waupoos Canning because of a glut [of tomatoes on the market] Company, "the people that came out of the war we had to plough acres and acres of beautiful years and the postwar years got pretty fat and tomatoes under because the factories wouldn't pretty lazy in the business. They spent the take them."" Poor weather ruined crops. Ideal money and when it came time to update the conditions resulted in bumper crops and equipment and so on. . .they didn't do it. This, decreased prices. These are the traditional primarily, was the reason why so many plants laments of Canadian agriculture and the closed. 1114 canning industry was not exempt. "Everybody Hepburn's company was one of the few had ulcers in that business."" exceptions . Continuing the innovative tradi- The war years were good ones for the can- tion of its founder, James Carter, the first ners of Prince Edward County with local fac- county canner to market tomato juice, tories operating at record capacity to meet the Waupoos Canners embarked on a moderniza- demand for food . Despite sugar rationing, a tion programme, which dramatically reduced shortage of help and considerable bureaucratic labour costs while increasing productivity . In red tape-it took the J. S . Sprague Factory at 1943, the firm invested $10 000 on a vacuum Mountain View a full year to received author- evaporator to convert tomato waste such as ization to buy a cement mixer needed for im- peels, cores and under-sized tomatoes into provements-about 40 Prince Edward County tomato paste, a product becoming more canneries produced 1 .5 miklion cases of to- popular with Canadians as a basic ingredient matoes alone in 1941, 43 per cent of the total in sauces and other dishes . tomato production in Canada." They became the first in the county to use During the war, the Lorne Brickman factory mobile pea viners-harvesters that could in Ameliasburg township devoted one day a travel to the crop, eliminating the extra han- week to the production of jam which was do- dling and shipping of the old system where pea nated to the Canadian Red Cross. Most of the vines were cut in the field, trucked to station- jam was distributed overseas to organizations ary viners, threshed, and then trucked again to caring for British war orphans, but some of the factories. The new equipment represented it found its way on board a British vessel evac- an extraordinary technological advance. With uating French prisoners of war from Russia. this single purchase, production at the After years of uncertainty and deprivation, the Waupoos factory increased three times while Frenchmen considered the jam a treasured gift staff was reduced from 125 to just 35 persons. symbolizing their freedom. Later, Waupoos Canners began processing While the canning industry of Prince snap beans, a crop which matures between the Edward County was still a lucrative venture, pea and tomato business. By processing this these were changing times. The war years had crop, the factory ran at full capacity all summer also been profitable for the canning companies long. Modernization and innovation-these in the more favoured areas of southwestern were the company's recipes for survival in an Ontario . The company that Arthur Libby, his age when many plants were forced to close. brother Charles and Archibald McNeill had However, few other local factories were taking started in a small building in Chicago in 1867, steps to adjust to the new realities of an ex- was now renovating the plant they had con- tremely competitive marketplace. structed in Chatham, Ontario, in 1917 . Libby, Increasingly, the canning industry was McNeill and Libby soon purchased another becoming dominated by large corporations . plant nearby in the town of Wallaceburg as part H. J. Heinz, Libby, McNeill and Libby of of a massive modernization program . Canada, Campbell Soups and Canadian Similarly, the H. J. Heinz Company built a Canners Limited were the largest canning new head office at its Leamington factory in operations . In 1956, the California Packing 1948 and embarked on its own modernization Company (CALPACK) announced a merger program throughout the 1950s. Moreover, with Canadian Canners Limited, an years of research by the company's Growers amalgamation which made the U.S . firm the Service Department was starting to pay divi- largest company of its kind in the world. dends. Company experts had succeeded in Canadian Canners, since 1903 the dominant developing tomato varieties that more than force in a region devoted to canning, had itself doubled yields. Leamington became the become an aging giant. By comparison with the ketchup capital of the world. newer plants of its U.S . patent, the company's In contrast, few of the canning companies factories were too old, too small and too in Prince Edward County were adapting to the inefficient . Within a few years, their plants in times. "I think quite frankly," say Jay Hepburn, the area were all closed . The new owners

20 preferred to destroy equipment rather than sell "The last number of years we were in busi- it to local canners. ness," says Don Walker of Cherry Valley C:an- "I tried to buy equipment from them when ners, "it got to the point where there were four they shut down plants," said the late Ron Hyatt or five big chain stores. If you didn't sell to one of the EIyatt Canning Company. "But they of them . ..you didn't have a market, that was all . wouldn't sell it. They would deliberately They got to the point where thev didn't ask you smash it up before they would sell it to ya."'S what you wanted for canned goods. They told Fig. 10 With the purchase of Canadian Canners in you what the price of canned goods was and The Flyatt name is 1956 by the California Packing Company, the you took that price."'' synonymous with domestic industry was firmly controlled by First, the large retailers stopped buying canning in Prince American multi-national corporations which canned goods in large quantities, preferring Edward Countv . Several often found it cheaper to use Canada as a instead to purchase only generations enough stock to last of the dumping ground for excess production family beginning with from them a week at a time . The canning companies, John W. 1-lyatt have their factories in the United States and else- many of whom were already beginning to ex- operated factories . where. perience financial hardship, were forced to (Label ca 1908- 1923. / CALPACK was buying a market-a market build heated warehouses and to borrow larger most profitably supplied by produce from its sums to defray expenses until last year's goods

V 1 L L - . " L " ~ J W. MYATT LIMIT NO WEST LAKESONS, E ® FINE SIFTED PEAS ONTARIO, - - - CANADA

own U.S. subsidiaries . This was the fatal blow Could be sold . At the same time, the chains to the canning industry ill Prince Edward began to have produce packed under their own County. By the earlv 1960s more and more of labels in other countries where production the fresh tomatoes Canadians ate were im- costs were cheaper . For even the most patriotic portc:d. By 1975, 56 per cent of the total Cana- shopper, it became harder and harder to "buy dian market for canned tomatoes came from Canadian ." countries like the United States, Italy, Spain The work habits of Canadians were chang- and Taiwan .", ing too. People no longer wanted the low- Meanwhile, the markets for Canadian paving and physically-demanding seasonal canned goods were becoming fewer and fewer. jobs characteristic of the canning industry . It Chain stores like the Great Atlantic and Pacific was hard, hot, dirty work, "I've known my Tea Company (A . and P. Stores), Dominion, husband to come home around two o'clock in Loblaws and Steinbergs were beginning to as- the morning," recalls Dorothy Savers of Picton, sert their growing influence in the grocery who started working at the A . C. Miller plant in trade. 1922 . "He wouldn't even go to bed . Ile'd have National grocery chains became the prin- to be back at five o'clock. I le'd just lav on the cipal buyers of canned goods in Prince Edward veranda and cool off. . .It was hard work . . .and County and elsewhere . Because of their size not too much money ."" and influence, these large. retail chains were It wasn't on1v local residents who bent their able to control the market and exert consider- backs in the summer heat . Migrant workers able pressure on processors . from northern Ontario emigrated to the county

21 in such numbers they nearly doubled the summer throughout the 1960s and 1970s, population of small villages like Bloomfield. fewer canning companies operated locally . By The factory owners built small, one-room 1985 only five factories were still operating . "cottages" for them next to the plants . Some By 1990, only two remained-Cobi Foods of employees used their vacations from other jobs Bloomfield and Sprague Foods of Mountain to add to the family income and visit local View. These are the sole survivors of a turbu- relatives. lent era. "It was," says former canner Connie At Mountain View the Sprague Foods plant Mowbray, "the same people who brought their stands across from the factory J. S. Sprague daughters and their daughters-in-law and they built in 1925. Sprague's grandson, Roger, has all worked. It meant they could pay for their abandoned attempts to compete with larger coal during the winter and the school fees, or firms canning traditional crops like tomatoes anything else they wanted."I and peas. His business now processes spe- Women were always a major part of the cialty products such as Mexican chick peas, work force. They laboured in the fields as red and white kidney beans and lentils- pickers, or in the factories as peelers, standing products popular with many ethnic groups in on tired, aching feet hour after hour alongside Canada. a conveyor belt carrying a seemingly endless Cobi Foods continue to operate a plant in river of round, red tomatoes . Fifteen cents an Bloomfield, a small village that once bustled hour was the average wage in the 1930s. with the activity of several canning factories. Twenty-five cents an hour was big money. But Their factory is the former Baxter Canning such menial work became less attractive to Company, a firm founded in 1929 as part of the Canadians over the decades . In Prince Edward ground swell of discontent among local farm- County, men tried for jobs with the H. J. ers against the monopolistic practices of the MacFarland Construction Company or at the larger canning operations. Canadian Forces Base at Camp Picton . Their The canning trade today has little in com- wives and daughters took jobs as clerks in local mon with the labour-intensive business that stores . Many others left to work in Toronto and came to mean so much to Prince Edward other cities . The shortage of help became so County . From the field to the factory, modern severe, labour began to be imported from the canning is an ingenious mix of science and Caribbean countries in the early 1970s . technology . The new varieties of tomatoes, as "I don't anticipate we'll have one local an example, are but distant cousins of the tomato picker this year," says Walker who juicy, plump vegetables that were once the employed ten Jamaican workers in 1981 . pride of Prince Edward growers . They are "Fifteen years ago, we'd have 25 [local] tomato small, coreless and almost as hard as base- pickers . There isn't anybody around who balls-ideally suited for the rigours of me- wants to do it . It's hard work . . .If they can't do chanical harvesting. anything else, they can always get some sort of Tomatoes destined for supermarkets are welfare or unemployment insurance and that's picked green and mature in their packing cases a lot better than bending your back picking during their voyages to distant destinations tomatoes ."" after applications of chemical ripening agents Finally, new legislation and regulations naturally found within the plants . Using these concerning pollution, worker safety and qual- same chemicals, field tomatoes for processing ity control, were adding to the costs of canning can be encouraged to ripen uniformly so they plants that were already only marginally may be harvested on a single occasion by huge profitable . mechanical "pickers ." "Every time there was new legislation for The dynamic changes within this industry this or that or something else," says Alex and others are bewildering to county men and Williams, who operated Big Island Canners, women who spent a lifetime labouring in the "you reached the point where, Jesus, you canning business. But for better or worse, the wondered who you were working for . . .There long, hot days of the harvest season, familiar to wasn't any profit in it. You were working your so many local residents, have largely passed. ass off all the time and the price of tomatoes Prince Edward County is no longer a signifi- went all to hell . 1121 cant force within the Canadian canning in- Williams sold his factory and quit the dustry and with each succeeding summer, the business forever in the 1960s devoting himself business becomes less prominent within the fully to his farm nearby, just one of many local economics of the area. A generation of Prince Edward County canners to fall victim to county residents has now started families the changing times. With each successive without giving much consideration to the

22 industry that once shaped the lives of their technological and economic change that parents and grandparents. gripped North America after the end of World Most of the old factories have been torn War II. Modernization and volume production down; others lie idle and neglected, barely became the twin pillars of sound business visible among the brush that now surrounds practice. The small, obsolete factories of Prince them. Sadly, there are fewer old timers each Edward County were no match for the new year to recall former times when Prince Ed- processing plants constructed in southwestern ward County stocked the shelves of the nation Ontario, an area blessed with more fertile land with produce from its soils. and a longer growing season. As well, the tiny Still, there were some county residents, like farms characteristic of Prince Edward County Gerald McCaw of Glenora, who could recall were not well suited to mechanical harvesters those past days . In 1981, McCaw was nearly which operate most efficiently over large tracts eighty years old and he lived alone in a graceful of land. old farmhouse overlooking the waters of the The introduction of frozen food in the Bay of Quinte . Inside, there were no pictures, 1950s, the increased ownership of the industry news clippings or other mementos of the fac- by large multi-national corporations, the buy- tory his father, Ed, built and ran for several ing practices of national grocery chain stores, years in Picton beginning around 1912 . Yet, the introduction of new worker and health McCaw had a treasury of memories of that regulations and the changing work attitudes of enterprise and others accumulated during a Canadians all contributed to the eventual col- lifetime of farming and working in Prince Ed- lapse of the industry that had meant everything ward County . to Prince Edward County. "My God," he said, his weather-beaten face Today, there are few traces of this bygone creasing in a hundred directions like a split era in this rural Ontario community. The facto- cedar log, "there was a pile of factories around ries, if they still stand, now serve an ignomini- here them days."" ous and rusting retirement as warehouses or The decline of the canning industry in this poultry farms. Prince Edward County has lost small Ontario county is a reflection of the rapid its title as the "Garden County of Canada."

NoTEs

1. Mrs. Marguerite Barker of Picton . Interview with 12 . Mrs. Edna Gordon of Toronto. Interview with author . August 27, 1981 . author . August 18, 1981 . 2. Arthur C. Judge, ed ., A History of the Canning 13 . The Picton Gazette, November 19, 1941 . Industry by its Most Prominent Men. Souvenir of 14 . Jay Hepburn of Picton . Interview with author . the Seventh Annual Convention of the National August 27, 1981 . Canners and Allied Associations (Baltimore : The 15 . Ron Hyatt of West Lake . Interview with author . Canning Trade, 1914) 10 . July 7, 1981 . 3. T. B. Rivett, "The Canning Industry of Ontario," 16. A. W. Walker, President of Hardee Farms Inter- Annual Report of the Department of Agriculture national Ltd., in an address to the annual conven- of Ontario, vol. 2, 1906, p. 132. tion of the Ontario Vegetable Growers Marketing 4. Don Baxter of Bloomfield . Interview with author . Board, Toronto, December 7, 1977 . July 3, 1981 . 17. Don Walker of Cherry Valley . Interview with 5. Alex Williams of Big Island . Interview with author . August 17, 1981 . author . July 6, 1981 . 18. Dorothy Sayers of Picton . Interview with author. 6. Jay Hepburn of Picton . Interview with author . August 3, 1981 . August 27, 1981 . 19. Mrs. Connie Mowbray of Picton . Interview with 7. Ms . Audra Brickman of Ameliasburg. Interview author . July 30, 1981 . with author. September 15, 1981 . 20. Don Walker of Cherry Valley . Interview with 8. The Picton Gazette, December 29, 1930, p. 30 . author . August 17, 1981 . 9. Jay Hepburn of Picton . Interview with author . 21 . Alex Williams of Big Island . Interview with August 27, 1981 . author . July 6, 1981 . 10. Earl C. May, The Canning Clan (New York : 22 . Gerald McCaw of Glenora. Interview with Macmillan, 1937), 319. author . August 27, 1981 . 11 . Mrs. Connie Mowbray of Picton . Interview with author . July 30, 1981 .

23 The Industrial Archaeology of the Organization of Work: A Half Century of Women and Racial Minorities in British Columbia Fish Plants

MANNE NEWELL

Resume Abstract

Pour aider d comprendre la composition de la In order to develop an understanding of the main-d'oeuvre et 1'organisation du travail dons nature of the workforce and the organization cette industrie saisonniere de la cote du of work in this seasonal, socially and techno- Pacifique, aux aspects sociaux et techniques ]ogica]lycomplex coastal industry, the presen- complexes, l'auteure presente, du point de vue tation explores methodological and inter- de ]a mdthodologie et de 1'interpretation, des pretative issues concerning ways to integrate moyens d'integrer a d'autres genres de docu- information on the physical remains of the mentation 1'information sur les vestiges province's historic fish canning plants and materiels des anciennes conserveries de pois- workers' housing with other types of documen- son de la province et sur ]es habitations des tation. travai]leurs . In the packing plants, work was segregated Dons les entreprises de traitement du by gender, age, and race/ethnicity, but the poisson, le travail etait divise selon ]e sexe, particular tasks assigned to the men and 1'fige et la race ou 1'appartenance ethnique, women of various races and ethnic groups mais les tdches particu]ieres assignees aux varied over time and from region to region, hommes et aux femmes de divers groupes eth- even plant to plant. Since until World War II niques et races ant varie selon les epoques, ]es most work was piecework under contract, few regions et meme ]es usines . Comme le travail employee records were kept or even created. etait le plus souvent execute d la piece et a Historic photographs, oral histories, and old control jusqu'd la Seconde Guerre mondiale, fire insurance and construction plans of the peu de dossiers d'employes etaient conserv6s sites are critical research tools. The use of ou meme etablis . Ges photographies histo- these sources will be demonstrated . riques, temoignages, anciens controls d'assurance-incendie et plans de construction sont des outils de recherche d'une importance cruciale, dont I'auteure demontre 1'utilisation .

Dramatically sited at the margin of land and demonstrate a method for answering these sea, the west coast canneries were once a questions. common sight on the rivers and inlets of the British Columbia coast. With their prominent roofs and dominant gables, and set on piling The Historical Setting foundations, the main cannery buildings Virtually nothing that we know about the were impressive statements . Seemingly history of manufacturing industries, industrial placed at random around the main cannery buildings, lesser structures contributed a or fishing communities, workers' housing, or village-like setting.' gender-segregated and ethnic work forces holds true for the west coast salmon cannery This quote is the observation of a passer-by. operations and their camp-like villages . With It underlines the importance of the salmon- salmon canning we have an industry that until canning industry to British Columbia history. the last few decades did not fall into the And, if we accept that industrial location and category of large, centralized factories that industrial landscapes are the outcome of the operated year round, were located in urban social and economic integration of space,' it settings, and drew upon local labour supplies .3 also raises two fundamental questions. Was A scattering of historic accounts and there, in fact, no structural or spatial order to secondary sources, written mostly by white these industrial settlements? What did insiders males, gives us information about various think of these places? This discussion will aspects of the industry's development,

Material History Review 33 (Spring 1991) / Revue d'histoire de la culture mat6rielle 33 (printemps 1991) 25 including valuable glimpses of life and work at We know that cannery work was segregated the canneries, but not a coherent picture . Until by gender, age, and race-ethnicity, and the the 1960s, the salmon canneries only operated particular tasks assigned to the males and during the fishing season, and most were females of various ages, races, and ethnic: located in remote and isolated settings . They groups varied over time and from region to housed the fishing fleets as well as a variety of region, even plant to plant.' Until World War 11, industrial operations . Every one of these most work was piecework under contract. tidewater cannery sites depended on water All this, however, tells us nothing about the transport . Some canneries operated for only a actual physical pattern and social realities of season or two, while others lasted for 50 or life and work in the cannery camp-villages . more years, though there were always gaps in Normally, one could take a conventional their years of operation . Most of the canning industrial/historical archaeological approach sites had been established by the turn of the to dealing with this problem . But in this case, century, and there occurred a final con- fieldwork is rather impractical . A recent aerial struction boom between 1914 and 1928 . A total survey of the sites reveals the reasons ." For one of approximately 223 salmon cannery sites thing, of the few hundred sites on which were established over the period 1871 to canneries operated, only a handful house 1971 . cannery operations today, and they are not Mechanization of salmon canning was typical. On the abandoned sites, little above- slow and geographically uneven in British ground evidence remains . Also, because many Columbia, even though salmon canneries of the buildings were built over the tidal represented the first factories on the coast and foreshore, on rocky beaches, or areas that have technological changes were available from the been largely obliterated by urban sprawl, there late nineteenth century onwards." The can- is little possibility of productive archae- neries employed transient, culturally-and ological excavations at most of these sites. racially-mixed work forces of female and male fishermen and shoreworkers . The crews and Methodology managers alike lived at the cannery camps There are three lines of evidence which allow during the fishing season, afterwards returning us to study aspects of the material expressions to their home base . The same people did not of cannery culture : relevant historic necessarily return to cannery work or the same photographs, interviews with surviving canneries each season . cannery people, and old fire insurance plans of

Fig. 1 This fire insurance plan of Beaver cannery. 1915, dentonstrates the physical lanitations of' manV remote sites. /Frotn Charles E. Goad . Northern Canneries. British Cohinihia, 11101)(fing Poll Essington . lime 19151 "

26 the sites. Each of these sources contains special in 1990, it was hailed as the earliest, most details about the social, economic, tech- intact distillery operation still in use in North nological, and spatial aspects of life at the America . Due to the absence of companN~ canneries. The utility of these sources is records and family papers, much of the enhanced severalfold when analvzed in e.conornic, technological, social, and building combination with one another. In particular, history of the site has had to be reconstructed they allow us to deal with three critical almost entirely from a series of fire insurance components that are often missing in tradi- plans of the site . tional sources about industry-the spatial, It was the practice of fire insurance female, and racial. companies to undertake accurate surveys of The fire insurance surveys are the focus of' businesses in the high risk category . Various study here. These provide the most plentiful, incendiary features-the highly flammable early, continuous, and comprehensive nature of the materials worked in the coverage of all with which to undertake a manufacturing process, wood frame con- systematic study. They provide spatial in- struction, sources of heat and light, the ex- formation on all dimensions of life and work at plosive nature of steam engines and boilers, the cannery villages that normally are omitted and the heat produced from power from other sources. transmission using belts and shaft ing-cnade Industrial archaeologists, along with others industrial properties special fire risks . The interested in material culture history, have insurance surveys generated two types of long appreciated the value of insurance records . The first is the inspection report- survevs as indispensable historical documents phvsical descriptions of the key buildings on for studying the physical remains of' industry .7 the site, including information on use, Because fire insurance plans were made in an machinery, and equipment . Rarely have these age of high industrialization, and because the survived . The second is an accompanying insurance companies Updated them as changes ground plan to scale s}rowing internal and occurred, the surveys present a unique record external details, including function . of the of changes to industrial sites, buildings, premises to be insured and their relative processes, and social practices over time . An position to neighbouring structures, trans- example of the value of these historical sources portation networks, sources of water and for material historv is found in a recent study power, housing quarters, and so on . The niap of the celebrated Gooderharn and Worts or plan is drawn on a large scale (50, 100, or distillery complex in Toronto ." The business 200 feet to the inch), with a key plan at began in 1831 . Just before it ceased operation approximately one-tenth the scale of' the

Fig. 2 Portion of the key plan of the Steveston /Frnser .3J Hirer) canneries . 1915, , cvhere the population swcallcrd during the POPULATION, S'\ .k°"'`'~1k 1C . "'"°'°"'~iv /N:6h' canning season . /From //r1N/) f/f.h E1VCw/NF. Charles E. Goad, P-1,; Northern Canneries, British Columbia, Including Port AYilr/prr/ ir~ f'rct .Yrv' /Z'1? " '. I:ssinglon . lone 1915) "

vv~ l.ri,.v/.ur M

27 detailed sheets. With the aid of colour and of most of the cannery camps, cannery fires symbols, the plans show the size, shape, type tended to be particularly destructive . The of construction materials, and function for supply of salmon was available over such a each building, and the number of floors, and short season that a cannery fire could wipe out the location of openings, chimneys, and a year's worth of profits . These factors added boilers. In contrast to the inspection reports, greatly to the risks and costs of operating what the ground plans have survived and are already was a precarious business . A news- available in major repositories . paper account of the fire at a pioneer cannery The historic fire insurance plans (and when on the Skeena, the Inverness, in 1920 illus- thev survive, inspection reports), contain a trates the point : wealth of details about building construction, Wit h tho exception of the office books, hardly site layout, processing techniques, the anything was saved, and had there not been organization of work, materials handling, a brisk east breeze, many dwellings near the transportation technology, and social practice plant would probably also have gone . ..Not at various points in time and across space. The only were the buildings entirely consumed, plans are also useful for pinpointing the actual hot also 62 valuable nets and the salTle number of fishing boats. This runs into big location of individual plants and complexes ." money; the cost of a single net being today Insurance maps and plans exist for entire quoted at fully $400 .00. towns and cities as single-sheet plans or The fire licked up a considerable amount complete atlases, and these are widely known of last year's canned salmon stock, as well as and used bv researchers . Less well-known are all the grocery and provision stores and stocks of tins ." the site-specific surveys for individual industrial properties by the insurance Because the fire had occurred in April, it was industry. In British Columbia, special surveys possible to rebuild in time to process the runs were undertaken for mining, sawmilling, and of salmon that year. salmon canning.'° For the occupants of the site, cannery fires The West Coast salmon-cannery camps must have been terrifying. Ed Sparrow and his were excellent candidates for undertaking family spent several seasons in the inter-war special insurance surveys . Because of the period at Claxton cannery, on the Skeena methods of making and sealing cans, and River. lie remembers a fire that occurred there cooking canned salmon, and the stores of in the late 1930s . Ed war four or five miles away gasoline and other flammable products at these from the cannery, waiting at a fishing camp for sites, cannery fires were very cornmon the tide to slacken up, when lie received word Occurrences . Seldom did a year go by when no of the fire . lie raced that distance back to the cannery fires were reported in the local cannery, to discover the fire out and the site newspapers or annual reports of the provincial abandoned. Apparently, the boiler room had fire marshall's office . Given the all-wood caught fire and the possibility that the tank construction and remote and isolated settings could explode had caused everyone to pack up

Fig. 3 Claxton cannery (Skeena River), 1928 . Two /ire protection invosares are visible here : water barrels on the roof of the main canning plant and a Watch tower to the rear (Photo coutlesy of Gordon Stood, Vancouver) "

w.rl

28 Fig. 4 Lo Roy Bay cannery under construction, ca 1928 . Photos such as this provide a unique record of the construction techniques employed at the cannery sites. The cannery village burned to the ground in 1937, the act of its owner. (Photo courtesy of Lloyd Sturnp. Vancouver) "

their belongings and flee for their lives. He instances, as part of urban surveys of the larger searched for hours before finding the rest of the communities of which they were a part . family . Recalls Ed, "The wind was blowing Although every district was eventually pretty good you know ; west wind blowing represented in the plans, the focus was on the right from the cannery to our shack. The shacks most productive districts where there occurred were lined up. The cannery was way off on the a concentration of cannery camps: the Fraser bloody flats . . .yeah, it started a fire on our River and Northern districts . roof."" In this case, the direction of the wind Inspection reports survive for the special had protected the cannery building but 1923 series (a coast-wide survey) and for the threatened some of the native housing . period 1930 to 1960 for Canadian Fishing Small wonder that insurance underwriters Company plants only . The reports add crucial paid particular attention to the various details about type and value of plant, cannery operations, undertaking a number of equipment, and machinery ; processes ; editions of plans for specific districts, such as ownership ; nature, quantity, and regularity of the Fraser River and Northern districts and of annual productivity ; coin posit ion oft he labour the properties belonging to specific force; and distance of site from the main companies . Approximately 320 fire insurance distribution centres (Vancouver and Prince plans and 75 inspection data forms for British Rupert) and from the fishing grounds . Columbia salmon canneries have been uncovered to date. This is an impressive and The Structure of Cannery Villages Unusually high number for such a seasonal and A systematic. analysis of the insurance plans relatively marginal industry." The salmon- allows us to make some meaningful cannery plans relate to 144 of the 225 indi- generalizations about the cannery sites . First, vidual sites (or 64 per cent of the total for the there were two types of sites, defined in terms province) . In all, they cover a long period of of their socio-economic settings: a) those time, from the turn of the century to the 1960s, situated in developed areas and, b) those though they mainly apply to four specific situated in remote settings . The latter were years: 1897, 1911, 1915, and 1923 . In those more common . Secondly, virtually all the sites years, a special series on the British Columbia were spatially compact because of foreshore canneries was produced . As already indicated, and beach limitations. Thirdly, there was a these were critical years for the industry in basic spatial structure, in that sites had the terms of geographical expansion, tech- following sectors : industrial, fishing, nological change . and shifts in the com- domestic/community, and administrative . It position of the work force. Quite a few other should in future be possible to re-map cannery fire insurance plans are available, not as sites to reflect the location of these basic collections but as individual items, or in a few activity areas.

29 Each of these sectors, in turn, had its own Cannery Housing internal structure. The insurance plans Often there was quite extensive and varied disclose an amazing complexity of buildings housing, especially at the isolated sites away that no other type of evidence could give us. from the Fraser River district, where seldom And bv examining the plans in chronological was off-site housing available . Cannery camp- sequence, it becomes clear that the complex- village dwellings were of many types, ranging for the ity and diversity of huilcfings generally from separate or attached houses Fig. 5 increased over time with social and economic manager and senior staff, to individual cabins Knight Inlet cannery, changes in the industry, and changes in the for Japanese fishermen and their wives, to 1915 . The store, labowL supply . Taken in total, the cannery multi-storied crowded bunkhouses for the Japanese liousing, and and mess camp-villages included over 60 distinct types Chinese male contract workers and rows or white housing house are located at of "shacks" or "huts" for the native of buildings other than the main canning plant clusters one end: the Chinese and dwellings . Included were everything from families, most of whose members fished and bunkhouse (aid native hoat-bculding sheds and blacksmiths' shops, to worked in the canneries ." In total, the plans hoicsing (it tile otiler . cannerv stores and offices, customs shed, cold disclose 46 different categories of dwellings . " storage plants, coal sheds, and compressor houses, to toilets, saunas, and bathhouses, schools, churches, and fire halls, mess houses, hen houses, pig pens, watchmen's sheds, fish oil reduction works, warehouses, box factories, and can manufacturing plants . From examining the fire insurance plans it becomes clear that the main canning complex was inevitablv built over the tidal foreshore on pilings or mud sills. Typically, the service and storage buildings, auxiliary facilities, and cannerv store/office were located close to the N/GHr/NLEr C.4NNEF, V main canning plant, and therefore to access to bi .n ..N " A ./t .~'.Itiirlriiui .i . _. the water transport facilities . Not surprisingly, y~ ~.ll the fuel storage facilities tended, for reason of safety, to be situated well awav from both the main packing plant and living areas . An - z Ii:\~narr /.+'~ intricate, extensive network of boardwalks connected the cannery and the. other activity areas to the housing sites. The various housing quarters, which were always segregated according to race and, where applicable, to occupational status, The China Iloctse (alternatively, "(:huiese," flanked the main canning complex . Since the "Chinese Bunkhouse") sheltered the Chinese Chinese were strictly shoreworkers, the China contract labour. While at the canneries, the House was usually, but not alwavs, close to the main canning plant and the bunkhouse were canning plant . The native, and to a lesser their entire world . Because visitors to the extent, Japanese, housing was more plentiful China House were numerous, we have some and varied, and therefore was scattered around idea about life inside . Tiers of short, narrow the site . shelves, each serving as a bunk for one man, Here, we are primarily interested in the narrow aisles between the tiers, and a mess domestic sphere . The plans indicate that room made up the cramped interior . At Bones despite the spatial limitations of the site, Bav in the 1930s, about 85 Chinese lived in the ethnic boundaries were maintained in hunkhouse ." In the kitchen portion, the housing . There was spatial segregation of Chinese cook fed the crew from enormous racial groups and a variety of housing woks built into brick fireplaces . At the LeRoy accommodation for each of them. Thus, the Bay cannery, recalls Lloyd Stump, the Chinese work force was ethnically mixed, but not contractor, or "China boss," and his voting son intermixed, on the site . As the oral accounts lived in a separate compartment in the China which follow richly describe, ethnic House ."' As a small child, Lloyd spent boundaries were maintained both on and off summers at the Stcunp cannery and often ate in the job. the China house.

30 "Indians." One old cannery worker remembers Table 1 : Housing Types Identified on Historic Fire that the one Japanese dwelling at Bones Bay Insurance Plans of British Columbia Salmon cannery became a house for Finnish Cannery Village-Camps girls (likely from the Finnish settlement at Sointula) ." 1. "Chinese Bunkhouse'Y"China House" 2. "Bunkhouse" (no other designation) Agnes Alfred ("Axu"), who is another of the 3. Japanese Housing (single dwelling) old cannery workers, recalls the great variation 4. Japanese Housing (double dwelling) in native accommodation from one cannery to 5. Japanese Housing (unspecified type) another." At Brunswick cannery, native girls 6. Indian Housing (single dwelling) lived in large houses with temporary, semi- 7. Indian Housing (double dwelling) partitions separating them. At a neighbouring 8. Indian Housing (unspecified type) cannery, Kildala, the native dwellings were 9. "Girl's"/Women's" Housing which 10. "Fishermen's"(single dwelling) divided into four rooms, each of housed 11 . "Fishermen's"(double dwelling) one family, with one common stove in the 12. "Fishermen's" (unspecified type) centre of the building . At Bones Bay cannery, 13. "Manager's House" the native housing comprised both individual 14. "Book Keeper's House" dwellings and a series of long building 15. Single Dwelling (undesignated) complexes, with solid partitions creating 16. Double Dwelling (undesignated) individual rooms. At the Knight's Inlet 17. "D-Dwelling" (no other designation) cannery, native families lived in one-room 18. "Foreman's House" dwellings that were arranged in rows . The 19. "Watchman's House" 20. "Cabins" (no other designation) same held true at the Wallace cannery camp, 21 . "House" (no other designation) Smith's Inlet. Katie Adams recollects that at 22. "Japanese Cabins" this cannery, large families got larger shacks ; 23. "Indian Cabins" James Henderson remembers that in the early 24. "Indian Huts" years many of the shacks had neither a floor nor 25 . "Indian Bunkhouse" stove ." Typically, however, canning 26 . "Indian Apartments" companies provided every native family with 27 . "Japanese Bunkhouse" 28 . "Japanese Huts" a stove and supply of wood . Seldom was there 29. "Japanese Girls House" electricity or indoor plumbing, only coal oil 30. "Huts" (no other designation) lamps, outdoor privies, and cold water taps. 31 . "Fishermen's Huts" (no other designation) All in all, cannery owners provided natives 32. "Fishermen's Cabins" (no other designation) with crowded, primitive accommodation, but 33. "Fishermen's Bunkhouse" (no other designation) as far as many natives were concerned, their 34. "Cottages" (no other designation) cannery housing was only meant to serve as 35. "Floating Cabins" (no other designation) temporary summer accommodation .20 36. "Unloaders Bunkhouse" The cannery manager and his staff typically 37. "Netman's Dwelling" 38. "Cook's House" lived further from the main plant than those 39. "Chinese Cook" who worked in it. Gordon Stead, who as a 16- 40. "Fireboat Skipper" House year-old white engineering student at the 41 . "Engineer" House University of British Columbia worked at 42. "Net Boss" House Claxton during the summer of 1928, recalls 43. "Single Men's Quarters" (no other designation) that the prestige living sites at Claxton were on 44. "Staff House" the mountainside, located a distance away 45. "Apartment" (no other designation) 46. "Shacks" (no other designation) from the main canning plant. These were reserved for the manager, the senior staff and, Note: Insurance surveyors used various abbreviations (e .g., Ho interestingly, Haidas from the Queen Charlotte for house, DDWfor Double Dwelling) . Coders assumed that an Islands .21 According to Stead, the Haidas were unlabelled building was a dwelling if its appearance and location were unchanged on a plan for a different year, when it was the best fishermen at the cannery. Next in line labelled as housing, or if it had a chimney and was located in a were the Norwegians, Japanese and then the housing quarter. "Indians" (by which he simply meant the local natives) . At the Bones Bay cannery, the "white Unlike the case of the China house, rarely girls" lived "up the hill."" did anyone other than Japanese visit the Where no ethnic or racial identification for Japanese dwellings. After the Japanese were dwellings are given on the fire insurance plans, removed from the coast and interned in the it is to be assumed that the occupants were winter of 1941-42, the Japanese housing was "white." The plans indicate that in addition to renamed on the insurance plans to describe the actual dwellings, portions of industrial and replacement work force-usually "girls," or administrative structures, such as the boat

31 building works, mess house, and store/office, Island natives worked . They, too, lived in long, also housed a staff member. apartment-like buildings, with three to four The cannery housing for natives poses a families living in one very large apartment . particularly intriguing research problem . The The insurance plans fall down, however, insurance plans often show several different on several other counts . Not everVone who clusters of "Indian" housing, but give no clue worked or fished for the canneries were as to the reasons for such arrangements . Only actually housed on the site . The "cannery row" the oral testimonies of former cannery that developed along the waterfront at workers, such as the one by Gordon Stead Steveston (Fraser River), for example, was above, provide the answer. Rose Sparrow supported by a large Japanese population of remembers that Claxton cannery "had the fishermen and shoreworkers and, to a lesser

Fig. 6 Portion of afire insurance plan oj'Poil Essington, 1915 . "

Fig. 7 Oblique aerial photograph of Port Essington and its several canneries, ca 1928 . (Provincial Archives of British Columbia)

Aiyansh there, Kitkatla, Metlakatla, Port Sitnpson, Ilartley Bays and Greenville, Hazelton . All them people were at the cannery, and it was the biggest camp there." She went on to report:

The Nass people and the Aiyansh and the Greenville, they had a village of their own; and the Skidegate IHaidal people they were there too. Then us, we lived next to them, the Nass and Kitkatla people and the Aiyansh and the Greenville. They're all together there."

Rose made a similar observation about the Steveston cannery camps where she worked during and after World War 11.11 Behind the Imperial cannery there used to be separate extent, by Scandinavian fishermen . Most of the "longhouses," for the natives from Alert Bay, Japanese fishermen lived in the fishing centre Cape Mudge, and North Vancouver . At Great of Steveston itself . Some Scandinavian West cannery, which was much smaller and a fishermen lived in the various tiny fishing bit primitive compared to Imperial, only Kuper communities along the Fraser, such as Finn Slough and South I)yke, while other fishermen It was all company people living here except simply lived on their boats throughout the for a few teachers . ..Everybody worked in the fishing season ." Thus, the presence of cannery . The village-they called it the native village-used to be quite big, a few "Indian" housing and the absence of non- hundred people. They always had a native native housing on the fire insurance plans of village, a Japanese village, and a white village the Steveston canneries could prove mis- which never bothered us kids because we all leading. The same holds true for Port went to school together .. .We had a company Essington, on the Skeena River. house down on the waterfront. You didn't pay rent that t heard of. After the war, they On the other hand, some people lived on tore down our village, and the white people the site in dwellings that, because of their moved into the Japanese houses and we temporariness, would not have been recorded moved into their houses. Maybe there was on the insurance plans . Natives in the early some rent then."' period often pitched temporary camps at the canneries . Later on, some native families lived Similarly, only by tapping living memories do at the cannery camps in their own floating we know that at Claxton cannery, the old houses (known as "floats") . Ann Brochie, Mission House that had stood on the site even whose family worked at the Bones Bay cannery before the cannery was built was used as a in the 1940s, says that her family lived in their rooming house for white workers . They, and own house on floats because the cannery most of the other white workers and staff, ate in houses were too small. Eventually the canning the mess of the official white bunkhouse." company built a two-storeyed house in the native quarters, so her family moved into Material Lives that ." In any event, neither tents nor floats From oral histories and historic: photographs would have appeared on fire insurance plans." we find out more about the material lives of Even when the insurance plans are native women than the insurance plans could relatively comprehensive, oral testimonies begin to reveal. We gain a sense, for example, provide unique details about informal about how they used the space around them, domestic arrangements . At Port Edward, and how they linked their domestic life to their Skeena River, village life was centred around cannery work."' Katie Adams said that every the cannery . Hazel Stewart grew up there. In cannery had some place where you could go to her words, dance on the weekend . That place usually was

Fig. 8 Annieville cannery (Fraser River) with temporary native camp, 1905 . (Photo courtesy of Mrs. Mol yneux, Vancou ver/ t

3 3 the cannery loft, though at Fig. 9 Bones Bay in the 1940s there Wash day (it Inverness was a recreation hall ." The cannery (Skeena River), young natives went to the 1928 . (National Archives of Canoda) Saturday night dance even if t they were working late, and no matter how tired they were . The day World War II ended, she and the other Bones Bay cannery workers laboured for 16 hours straight, after which they all went to the "rec hall" for a dance. Sundays and Mondays were the days of the week when there would be no salmon to process because of the brothers and sisters looked after me, then I government-imposed ban on salmon fishing habysat later. We had a nursery in 1Port for two days each week. It was on these days Edward ) and the compauy hired two or three ladies to look after the hribies.'' that the laundry, berry picking, and other domestic chores would get done. After the war, the manager at Bones Bay sometimes per- Girls who were not needed for babvsitting mitted the native women cannery workers at apprenticed in the canneries or the net lofts the end of a day to can salmon caught for their with their female relatives . In the early years, own consumption .'' According to Katie native girls started very young. Elizabeth Adams, natives also had their own smoke- Spaldulg of the Skeena River area recalled houses for preserving their own supply of fish . beginning to work at the age of 8 : These appear on fire insurance plans as tiny When I was 8 years old, my mother hrought buildings located near the native housing a box and I stand on it and they show me how quarters and occasionally are identified as to cot tit(! fish and fill the cans . That was in such . 1916 at Port Essington . . .My mother walked Thousands of children were born at the quite a ways from the roserve to Port canneries . The native people had midwives; Essington to the cannery. arid she's scared, so she wants me to go with her. And the each cannery village had its own .'' In the early cannery, they're not so fussy then . There's years of this century, Florence Edenshaw, of some Japanese women, they bring their Masset, Queen Charlotte Islands, accompanied babies on their backs to work ."' her parents to a cannery in southeastern Alaska, where her mother gave birth to her last Katie Adams was six or seven years old when child. Florence, who was only six at the time, she first worked at a salmon cannery ; tier first spent that and the next three summers al the cannery job was to fill trays with empty cans cannery camp, babysitting her younger that would then be passed along to the women sisters ." Rose Sparrow had a third child at who filled the cans with pieces of salmon ."' Claxton cannery in the 1920s.'S She worked Other tasks commonly undertaken by small right up to the last hour, went home to give children were lacquering and labelling tit(! birth a few hours later, stayed home one week, cans after they had been filled, sealed, and then returned to work on the canning line . Her cooked . - eldest daughter, who was 12, babysat . Later, By the 1920s, children under the age of 16 when the Sparrow family shifted back to the were no longer officially hired, but interviews Fraser, Rose's husband Ed began fishing for reveal that 13- and 14-year-old girls lied to the Brunswick cannery and the family lived on the cannery managers about their ages, though site . She had a new baby, and with her other given the close nature of the -canning children in school, she had no one to look after community," it is difficult to believe that it."' anyone was fooled ." Ann Brochie and l .uc:y It was not uncommon for cannery owners to Smith began work on the Bones Bay cannery provide nursery services, especially when line when they were 12 and 13 respectively, in competition for native labour was high . Hazel about 1942 .°' Ann's mother said Ann could go Stewart recalls her own mother's experience: to work as long as she stood between her mother and an elderly woman. As far as Ann Mom had a hard time . There were 10 of us in knew, at that time there was no such thing as the family, and she worked hard . older My being too young to work. From this interview and others one has the impression that different methods have had to be developed . underage workers were routinely employed by Fire insurance surveys tell us that most of the canners during World War 11, when labour sites were seasonal . and limited in size . Also, shortages were high and the wartime demand the cannery villages were racially and for canned salmon virtuallv unlimited." culturally mixed, but strictly segregated . Oral testimony and historic: photographs reinforce Conclusion these impressions and give us a feel for what To (late, industrial archaeological studies of those attributes meant in human terms from workers' housing have focused on physical the perspective oftfle native women and others remains, and on the housing of an ethnically- who worked there. Moreover, these sources homogeneous work force that lived in help us to understand why some of these traits permanent, mainly urban, communities."' For persisted. this studY of the historic salmon cannerv sites,

Fig. 10 Native wornen filling tins by hand at Annieville cannery, 1905 . The presence of a small girl working between the two women in the centre of the photo alight go unnoticed were it not /or the oral testimonies. (Photo courtesy of Mrs. Molvneu.c, Vanacuvnr) "

Fig. 11 Native women .. patching- canned salmon on the modern filling line, Namu cannery (central coast), 1945 . (National Archicc.s of Conndal "

NOTES

1 . Gd Cepka . "West ( .east Vernacular Canneries." 5. See Dianne Newell, The Development of the Forum : The ( )(/icial /ournal of Western Canadian Pacirc Salmon-Gannirrl; Industrv: A Grown Mnn ;s Architects 4 (September-October, 1981) : 17 . Game (Montreal and Kingston : Mc:Gill-Queen's 'L . See C. G. Grant, "Industry: Landscape and Univorsitv Press, 19139) . Location," in Landscape and Culture: Geo- B. Dianne Newell, "Surveving Historic : Industrial graphical and Archaeological Perspectives, ed . J . Tidewater Sites : The Case of the British Col umhia M . Wagstaff . (Oxford and New York : Basis Salmon Canneries," 1A:/ /ournal of the Societ y fcrr Blac :kwell, 19t37), 96-117 . Industrial Archeology 13, no . 1 (1987) . 3. For a more full description of the industry, see 7. Gerald Bloomfield, "Canadian Fire Insurance Dianne Newell, "Dispersal and Concentration: The Plans and Industrial Archeology," IA 8, no . 1 Slowly Changing Spatial Pattern of the British (1982) : 67-80; Helena Wright, "Insurance Columbia Salmon Canning Industry," Journal of Mapping and Industrial Archeology," IA S), no . 1 Historical(;e~ogral)fryl4, no . 1 (January 1988): 2L 36 . (1983) : 1-18 . 4. Ihid . 8. Dianne Newell, "Gooderham and Worts Distillerv . Toronto," in Survivals: Aspects of Industrial Branch, "Fraser River Estuary Heritage Resource Archaeology in Ontario, Dianne Newell and Inventory," (typescript, 1981), 76-77, 89-90,93-94. Ralph Greenhill, (Erin: Boston Mills Press, 1989), 26 . Ann Brochie and Lucy Smith, Campbell River, 85-109 . taped interview byColleen Hemphill, 8 September 9. Although here, caution must be used . See Newell, 1984 (in possession of author). "Surveying Historic Industrial Tidewater Sites," 10. 27 . Today, an example of the typical narrow floating 10. Frances M. Woodward, comp., "Fire Insurance houses associated with Fraser river canneries can Plans of British Columbia Municipalities : A be found at 2760 River Road, Richmond . The Checklist," (typescript, University of British barge slides have been removed and the house Columbia Library, Special Collections Division, moved onto land inside the dyke . At Finn Slough, 1974) ; Woodward, "Fire Insurance Plans and Gilmour Island, south foot of No . 4 Road, many of British Columbia Urban History: A Union List," the original fishermen's houses remain intact . B.C. Studies 42 (summer 1979) : 13-50. "Fraser River Estuary Heritage," 82-83, 93-94. 11 . The Evening Empire, 12 April 1920. 28 . Joan Skogan, Skeena : A River Remembered 12 . Leona Sparrow, "Work Histories of a Coast Salish (Vancouver: B.C . Packers Ltd., 1983): 85 . Couple," (M .A . thesis, University of British 29 . Based on the author's conversation with Gordon Columbia, 1976), 73 . Stead, Vancouver, 27 June 1984 . 13 . The University of British Columbia Library, 30 . But in addition to the relevant secondary sources Special Collections Division, houses the bulk of listed in this article, some information for certain them, either as original coloured lithographs or periods of time and/or regions will be found in monochrome photocopies. Charles E. Goad, Fraser Rolf Knight, Indians at Work: An Informal History River Canneries, British Columbia, Including of Native Indian Labour in British Columbia, Steveston, July 1897 ; ibid, July 1911 ; ibid, 1858-1930 (Vancouver : New Star, 1978); Alicja Northern Canneries, British Columbia, Including Muszynski, "The Organization of Women and Port Essington, June 1915 ; and British Columbia Ethnic Minorities in a Resource Industry : A Case Fire Underwriters Association, Plans of Salmon Study of the Unionization of Shoreworkers in the Canneries in British Columbia Together with British Columbia Fishing Industry, 1937-1982," Inspection Reports on Each, August 1924 . Journal of Canadian Studies 19 (January 1984): Originals for the 1897, 1911, and 1915 series are 89-107 ; Skogan, Skeena ; Mary Lee Stearns, housed in the British Museum Library, London . Haida Culture in Custody: The Masset Band Original plans and detailed inspection reports for (Seattle : University of Washington Press, 1981) . CANFISCO are located in the Canadian Fishing 31 . Katie Adams and Lucy Smith, Campbell River, Co . Ltd., records, University of British Columbia taped interview by Colleen Hemphill, 19 June Library, Special Collections Division . 1984 (in possession of author). 14 . There is no mention in the record of Chinese 32 . Ibid . women at the canneries-except for one 33. Skogan, Skeena, 38. interviewee who reported that Chinese girls, along 34 . Margaret B. Blackman, DuringMyTime : Florence with white female students from the University Edenshaw Davidson, A Haida Woman (Seattle : of British Columbia, were recruited from University of Washington Press, 1982), 57 . Vancouver to help replace the Japanese girls. Florence's mother Isabella was a seasoned cannery Taped interview with Ann Brochie and Lucy worker ; her father Charles was a noted carver and Smith, Campbell River, by Colleen Hemphill, 8 chief who accompanied his wife to the canneries. September 1984 (in possession of author). 35 . Sparrow, 93 . 15 . James Henderson, Campbell River, taped 36 . Sparrow, 98 . interview by Colleen Hemphill, 16 June 1984 (in 37. Skogan, Skeena, 85. possession of author). 38 . Skogan, Skeena, interview with Elizabeth 16. Lloyd Stump, Vancouver, taped interview by Spalding, 62-63 . Logan Hovis and Gayle Horsfall, 15 August 1984 39 . Katie Adams and Lucy Smith, Campbell River, (in possession of author) . taped interview by Colleen Hemphill, 19 June 17. James Henderson, Campbell River, taped 1984 (in possession of author). interview by Colleen Hemphill, 16 June 1984 (in 40. Skogan, Skeena, interviews with Hazel Stewart, possession of author) . (p. 85) ; Dorothy Young, (p . 80) ; Emma Nyce, (p. 64) . 18 . Agnes Alfred, Campbell River, taped interview 41 . Ann Brochie and Lucy Smith, Campbell River, byColleen Hemphill, 31 May 1984 (in possession taped interview by Col leen Hemphill, 8 September of author). 1984 (in possession of author). 19 . KatieAdams (19 June 1984) and James Henderson 42 . Skogan, Skeena, interview with John Atchison, (14 June 1984), Campbell River, taped interview p.56. See Dianne Newell, "ThePolitics ofFood in by Colleen Hemphill (in possession of author). World War 11 : Great Britain's Grip on Canada's 20 . James Henderson, Campbell River, taped Pacific Fishery," Canadian Historical Association, interview by Colleen Hemphil1,16 June 1984 (in Historical Papers 1987 (1988) : 178-197. possession of author). 43 . OrnellaSelvafolta, "HousingtheUrban Industrial 21 . Based on the author's conversation with Gordon Work Force: Milan, Italy, 1860-1914," IA 6, no . 1 Stead, Vancouver, 27 June 1984 . (1980) : 9-24 ; Jeremy Lowe, "Housing as a Source 22 . Ann Brochie and Lucy Smith, Campbell River, for Industrial History: A Case Study of Blaenafon, taped interview byColleen Hemphill, 8 September a Welsh Ironworks Settlement, from 1788 to ca 1984 (in possession of author). 1845," IA 8, no . 1 (1982) :13-36 ; Mary C. Beaudry 23. Sparrow, "Work Histories of a Coast Salish and Stephen A. Mrozowski, "The Archeology of Couple," 97. Work and Home Life in Lowell, Massachusetts: 24 . Sparrow, 146. An Interdisciplinary Study of the Boott Cotton 25. British Columbia Provincial Secretary and Mills Corporation," IA : journal of the Society for Government Services, Heritage Conservation Industrial Archeology 14, no . 2 (1988) : 1-22 . Frederick Augustus de Zeng: Glass Pioneer in Canada

WILLIAM RALPH CLARK

Rcsumts Abstract

Entrepreneur americain d'origine allemande, German-born American entrepreneur Baron le baron (plus tard major) Frederick Augustus (later Major) Frederick Augustus de Zeng de Zeng (1757-1838) a ete le premier a tenter (1757-1838) was the first to attempt to d'6tablir une verrerie au Canada . Il a regu une establish a glass industry in Canada . He concession speciale d I'embouchure de la received a special grant of ]ands along the riviere Indian, sur le lac Rice, dons Pactuel Indian River at its mouth on Rice Lake, in what canton d'Otonabee (comte de Peterborough, is now Otonabee Township in Peterborough Ontario) . Mais il a d'abord etabli son County, Ontario, but began his operations on a exploitation sur une peninsule voisine, oiu se nearby peninsula, which is today the site of trouve aujourd'hui ]e parc provincial de Serpent Mounds Provincial Park. Serpent Mounds . Major deZenghad wide experience inglass Le major de Zeng avait une vaste making and transportation in frontier experience de ]a fabrication et du transport du situations, so his plans were predictably verre dons les regions nouvellement sound. Good markets for window glass were colonisees . Aussi ses projets etaient-ils already present and the immediate region was solidement etayes. II existait dejd de bons just being opened to settlers. Moreover, he marches pour le verre a vitre et la region effectively had no competition . He had access immediate venait de s'ouvrir a la colonisation . to adequate capital and labour, his lands were En outre, de Zeng n'avait pas de concurrent. II virtually free, and his chosen site was near avait acces aux capitaux et a ]a main-d'ceuvre plentiful stocks of timber for fuel and to the raw voulus, ses terres ne lui coutaient a peu pres materials needed for glass. At the some time, rien et a proximite du lieu choisi se trouvaient the possibility of a Trent Canal was first d'abondantes reserves de bois utilisable emerging. comme combustible et les matieres brutes Nevertheless, in 1820, and after a full necessaires a la fabrication du verre. Le season of work, de Zeng's grant was abruptly gouvernement songeait aussi serieusement a cancelled by the government, causing him to 1'epoque a ameliorerla navigation surla riviere lose both his investment and his home . The Trent. terse reasons given for this action appeor to be Neanrnoins, en 1820, apres toute une spurious and de Zeng himself attributed his saison de travail, de Zeng s'est soudainement misfortune to sabotage by local interests . vu retirersa concession parlegouvernernent ; il Indirectly, itseems he was a victim of the larger a de ce fait perdu son investissement et so political and social conflicts which marked maison. Les froides raisons qui lui ant ete this postwar period in Ontario history. donnees semblent des plus discutables et de Zeng lui-meme a attribue son infortune a un sabotage orchestre par des interets locaux. Indirectement, il semble avoir ete victime des grands confits politiques et sociaux qui ant marque cette periode d'apres-guerre en Ontario .

After dinner we hired a skiff and proceeded classic Twenty-Seven Years in Canada West,z on our voyage . The lake was calm, so we furnishes the earliest known made good progress, published clue to passing the Indian an village belonging to the Mississauga tribe of intriguing and hitherto unknown part of Indians .. .Pantaush's point, Designs Bay, and Canadian material culture: the first attempt to the embouchure of the Indian River.' establish a glass factory in Canada. The first successful glassworks in this This excursion, taken by Samuel Strickland in country was operated by Amasa W. Mallory October 1825 and described in his Canadian from about 1839 to 1840 on a site located

Matr.rinl History Rr.vien~ 33 (Spring 1991) / Rome d'histoire de la culture rnaterielle 33 (printemps 1991) 37 1 .6 kilometres west' of Mallorytown, Ontario, (now in Niagara Regional Municipality) .' near the St . l .awrence River.' This seminal Later, in 1835, the Cayuga Glass Manu- event is currently thought to have followed facturing Company was formed by William two earlier attempts, both in the Niagara Hepburn and DeCow in the village of Cayuga peninsula and involving John DeCow (later (now in Haldimand-Norfolk Regional known as Decew) . In 1828 the persistent Municipality), but this initiative also even- DeCow made the first of four failed bids to the tually died ." Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada to This paper presents details, recently dis- establish a glassworks in the city of Thorold covered by the author, of the earliest attempt

Fig. 1 First attempts to establish a glassworks De Zeng family activities in glass manufacturing in Place names : Locations of the earliest in Canada the United States, and date of first involvement 1 . Rice Lake attempts to establish a a. C4onabee Township (1819) / as principals : 2. Port Hope glassworks in Canada and of glassworks in the United Major Frederick A. de Zeng A. Hamilton (now Guilderland), (formerly States connected with Major . (1796) / Frederick Smith's Creek) b. Thorold (1828) /John DeCow N.Y Frederick A. de Zeng . Frorn c. Cayuga (1835) / William Hepburn B. Woodstock, N.Y. (1802) / Frederick 3. Cobourg "A map of the Province of and John DeCow (success unconfirmed) (formerly Upper Canada describing all d. Mallorytown (1839) / Amasa W. C. Geneva, N.Y. / (Frederick 1812, Hamilton) the new settlements, town- Mallory (successful) William 1817) 4. Ironworks ships, etc. with the countries D. Clyde, N .Y . (1828) /William (1822, Marmora adjacent, from Quebec to E. Redwood, N.Y. (1844) / Lawrence Township) Lake Huron, " 2nd ed ., 1818 F. Blossburg . Pa. (well after 1810) I 5. Bainbridge by David William Smyth. William (Archives of Ontario, No. A11, by permission)

38 major rrearrnck Surprisinglv, however, there is almost no Aagustas de Zeng record of the final two decades of his life (17.57-1838), in Hessian officer's uniforni . In (1818-1838) arid, until now, none at all for (lie 1819 /it? proposed what relevant period he spent in Canada from 1818 would have been, by until 1821 at least . This blackout extends even Mr. the first glass to the complete omission from his genealogical (actorv in Canada . record of his second family, which he probably Lithograph by Wavne Morrison from an 1890s started in Canada . In fact two published photograph of a portrait genealogies" faithfully record Frederick's Ica 1780/. locations o/ . marriage in 1783 to Mary Lawrence and their both anknown. (4t'avne nine children born between 1786 and 1802, but E.'. Morrison & Co .. Ovid. mention neither his second marriage to .N.1'. . hv permission) t American-horn Wealthy Amanda Seaton in or prior to 1819, nor their three children born between about 1819 and 1823 . Frederick de Zeng, as co-owner in charge of operations, was the first large window glass manufacturer in the United States. "'In 1796 lie and his partners in the Hamilton Manu- facturing Society look over and expanded a short-lived glassworks and formed the town of Hamilton (now Guilderland), 20 kilometres west of Albany ." By 1802, however, de Zeng was proposing another glass factory, this time on the Sawkill River in the Catskill Mountains at Shad v, near Woodstoc :k." In 1812 he was superintendent of the new Ontario Glass Manufacturing Companv at Gerreva, New known yet to establish a glass lactorv in York .` TThe directors soon concluded, how- Canada, including a selected biography of ever, that not even Frederick's "age, character Ilie proponent, a technical description and and experience could cause the company to evaluation of his proposal, a summary of the prosper and he profitable.""' ('['his nlallu- ootcome of his scheme, and a concluding facturing operation is used later for com- discussion . parative purposes . 17) De Zeng is equallv known for his work in all The Entrepreneur aspects of transportation . During 1790-92 he Frederick Augusttts, Baron de Zeug, was born personally surve_ved the entire backcountrv 7 April 1757 in Dresden, Saxonv, son of the from Albanv to the Genessee River arotmd High Forest Officer to the King of Saxony . He present-day Rochester . Later he was connected received a militarv education .' In late 1780 . he with General Philip Schuyler in establishing arrived in New York as captain in a regiment of and carrying on the Western Inland Lock German ("Hessian") mercenary troops aiding Navigation Companv'" (established in 1792), the British in the American War of Indepen- whose improvements in the Mohawk River dence. De 7.eng received au honourable vallev foretold the great Erie Canal . Ernployed discharge frorn the German command late in by Sc:huVler from 1793-95 at Little Falls, 1783 and remained in the United States after the de Zeng was in charge of the 300 workmen" war . He became an American citizen in 1789, building the first lock, which today is the whereupon he dropped his hereditary title. In oldest preserved lock in the United States ."' At 1792, lie was commissioned majorconiniandant Woodstock. lie planned and promoted what of a hettalion of militia in Ulster Countv, New became the Glasco=' and Ulster and Delaware York, thereby acquiring the title by which lie turnpikes, to link his proposed glasshouse was known the rest of his life ." with the Hudson and Delaware rivers res- Major Frederick de Zeng is a familiar and pectivf~lv ." In 1812 de Leng championed the well respected figure to mail v in the United Cayuga and Seneca Canal," which hv 1818 States today, judging by entries oil de Leng in gave Cayuga and Senec:a lakes access to two encyclopaedias ." special treatment oflihn tidewater via natural streams and later the Erie in a number of general and specialized Canal.2' To link these same interior waters historical works,"' and the author's conver- with Pennsvlvania and the south, in 1814-15 he started what ultimately became the following decision in favour of 61-year-old Chemung Canal.zs Major de Zeng was taken in York (now It appears de Zeng was trilingual (English, Toronto) by Sir Peregrine Maitland, the French, and German), and that he could also Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, in communicate well with the Indians. In fact, he Council: was commissioned in 1794 to deal with the Indians of the Oneida, Onondaga, and Cayuga Granted permission to locate Five Nations in regard to their reserved lands.z6 His hundred Acres [202 hectares] as a Settler, to receive a Grant for the same after Seven character explains much of his success, espe- Years provided he erects a Saw and Grist cially his congenial nature, his energetic and Mill thereon. enterprising spirit, and his abundant self- A Reserve of three thousand Acres confidence. Inevitably he rose into some of the [1214 hectares] in the neighborhood for the highest circles in early America, his friends use of any Works he may Erect, to be leased on easy Condition of Nominal rent . In the and associates including, besides Schuyler, Event of Petitioners decease before the end Baron Frederick William von Steuben, of Seven Years, having conformed to the Chancellor Robert Livingston, and Governor Term of the present Order in his favor, it is George Clinton. expressly understood that his heir at Law In 1815 de Zeng purchased all the land for, or Devisee shall receive the benefit thereof One hundred Acres [40 hectares] to and founded, the present town of Clyde, New Family foreign '27 each Head of the Protestants York perhaps speculating on the con- [i.e., his workers] after residence of Seven struction of the Erie Canal (built 1817-1825). Years ." Then in 1818 he built a dam there across the Clyde River and erected saw and grist mills.ze The residency requirement in this order A single silver spoon, engraved "FADZ," and relates to the fact that only British citizens "Auburn [NY] 1818," and still in the posses- could then own land in the colony of Upper sion of his Canadian descendants, suggests Canada ; the naturalization period for citizens de Zeng's affluence in this decisive year and of the United States was seven years.-" De Zeng perhaps heralds his impending removal to was resident "from the day of the order in Canada from his home at Bainbridge in question."' To be considered for a grant in the Chenango Countyz9 on the Susquehanna first place, de Zeng would also have had to River. swear oath of allegiance to the British Crown," which he did ." The general location proposed for his His Proposal enterprise is only vaguely described by Land and Location de Zeng in his petition, reflecting the absence "He has ever since August last [1818] spared no of a township survey . The entire region was pains or expences to discover the best spot in wilderness that had only just been acquired so many respects for the contemplated by treaty from the Mississaga Indians on establishment, "10 Frederick de Zeng "of 5 November 1818 .''' Later information, how- Smith's Creek"" (now Port Hope) in Upper ever, places his proposal in the valley of the Canada would write of himself on 6 March Indian River°° near its mouth on the north 1819 . He was petitioning for a special grant of shore of Rice Lake, in what then was the lands "to establish a window glass manu- Newcastle District of Upper Canada and what factory," as he was "desirous to spend the today is Otonabee Township in Peterborough remainder of his days in the dominions of His County, Ontario . Britanic majesty ."" The survey for Otonabee Township was In support of the factory, he noted, a completed by Richard Birdsall on 8 December sawmill and stamping mills ("for the use of 1819,^' enabling for the first time a clear stamping the materials for making and description of the proposed 500-acre (200- building Furnaces & Crusibles &.&. ") would be hectare) glassworks site .41 The core was the essential, "to which a gristmill will be added water-power site ("mill seat") located on lot 15 for the convenience of the workmen (as well as in concession VI (200 acres/80 hectares), to keep them at home at their 'York) ." Failing between the present village of Keene and the this, de Zeng asked to be "considered only as Lang Pioneer Village to the north." The all other emigrants are-, wishing to settle and remainder almost certainly included the remain as a farmer & miller in His Majestys adjacent lots 14 (200 acres/80 hectares) and .44 dominions. 1113 De Zeng was proposing to western half of lot 13 (100 acres/40 hectares) establish a small industrial community. Unfortunately, de Zeng was forced by On 11 March, just five days later, the circumstances to make "his first stand" on a tnetr ntgn energy vatue, preaomtnatect. tticnara Birdsall's 1819 logbook for the survey line between concessions VI and VII from lots 13 to 15 alone makes reference to maple (sugar), beech, oak (white or red), basswood, elm (white), and black ash ; the coniferous species, better for construction lumber, were pine (eastern white) and hemlock (eastern) .'`' Nearby settlers were also potential suppliers, especially because grantees were legally bound to clear part of the forest from their property as part of Maitland's "settlement duties." Reasonably pure silica sand is available throughout this extensive and varied area of glacial drift, certainly adequate for the quality peninsula on Rice Lake, in concession VII of and quantity required for a glass operation in Fig. 3 Otonabee, several kilometres overland from the early nineteenth century . In recent years View south from the the site of the proposed dam (see Fig. 7) on the glass factory. His inten- Otonabee sand has in fact been used by the Indian River in tion was to make a sheltered landing in de Zeng glass industry,'o but for such purpose it does Otonobee Township, Ba-y°s (now McGregor Bay) for cargo boats, very contain enough iron to impart a greenish or concession VI, lot 15~ likely at the present broken lot 8 (139 acres/ brownish tint ." This river was on] v ever 56 hectares)^fi back from the tip of the peninsula .41 A recent map of aggregate resources in navigable to nhout lot I:t . c) Il iiiilvs / t kilo- However, he actually started his operations Otonabee Township shows deposits consist- aicfnrl holoiv the dam. on what became broken lot 7 (50 acres/20 hec- ing mainly of sand" as near as two miles (three tares)," the eponymous de Zeng Point°`' (now kilometres) overland to the east, and much Roach Point), in Serpent Mounds Provincial larger deposits directly on the shore of Rice Park .'" De Zeng's entitlement to these new lots, Lake and along the Otonabee River, which 7 and 8, was the loyalist right to 400 acres (162 could be brought in by boat . One promising hectares) he purchased" from brothers Duncan source is a deposit of glacial outwash only two and Jacob Van Allstine.52 miles (three kilometres) east of the mouth of the Indian River; such outwash deposits are Raw Materials noted for uniform distribution of grain sizes The Otonabee site was well situated with re- (needed for good quality glass) and horizontal spect to the raw materials needed for glass bedding (for ease of extraction)." manufacture . This especially included timber De Zeng's primary alkali would have been for fuel, as well as the three main constituents either potash, soda ash made from common of basic glass: silica (in the form of sand), an salt, or both . Potash (potassium carbonate) alkali (soda ash or potash), and lime . can be made by a simple process that involves Large quantities of timber would be needed leaching wood ashes,"' which in turn de Zeng for fuelling the furnaces, either as fuel wood or could easily have obtained either as a by- processed into charcoal," as a source material product of wood fuel consumption in his own for potash and, converted into lumber, for blast furnaces" or from settlers as part of land- crates and general construction . In fact many clearing operations . glass factories of the period eventually closed In the early nineteenth century, soda ash for want of timber" and in Europe, glassworks was being manufactured from common salt were still generally considered forest indus- (sodium chloride) by the Leblanc process ." tries." De 7.eng projected his wood require- This would probably have been done at the ment at 3000 cords per year (7200 cubic metres mill site, considering that one of the raw per year)," which translates into a minimum materials at the Geneva glassworks was raw annual area harvested of 75 acres (30 hec- salt .61 Salt tended to be imported in general,"" tares) .5' At this rate, his 3000 acres (1200 hec- but de Zeng's supply might well have been tares) of leased woodlands represented as local . In eastern Ontario sea salt is found much as 40 years' wood supply . By compari- either trapped in the underlying marine- son, the Geneva glasshouse owned exactly half origin limestone bedrock or in solution, this amount of timberland, or 1500 acres (600 leached from the porous limestone by hectares), when it began in 1810 .'" groundwater . This brine solution is encoun- The forest resource in Otonabee was not tered near Otonabee today at depths of 100 to only abundant but of preferred quality. Broad- 150 feet (30 to 50 metres) .fiy Natural springs sometimes transport brine available in Canada . For comparison the to the surface . Indeed, an 1818 map, likely Geneva operation employed 21 to 22 people, known to de Zeng, clearly identifies "salt including 10 glass blowers, 2 cutters, 1 mason, springs" down the Trent River from Rice Lake 1 pot maker, 1 calciner, 1 pot ash maker, (see Fig. 1) . Notes to the "Collins Map" of 1790 1 blacksmith, 1 carpenter, and 3 to 4 labourers .79 identify the location as Percy Boom and confirm that "A Salt Spring discharges into this Markets and Transportation [Trent] River, Three Gallons of the Water In the United States, the use of glass in win- inakes one Gallon of Salt, the Natives make dows was becoming widespread by 1790, and great Quantities of it._''" This is a very high by 1820 there were 18 window glass factories ."" salt concentration, if true.'' In Canada in 1820, where the population of Lime (calcium carbonate) is niaml fact tired Upper Canada alone was about 128 000,"' from limestone . Surface outcrops of limestone Frederick de Zeng would have been the first in Otonabee are numerous along the Indian manufacturer of glass and thus have enjoyed River-but only there-including some dian absolute monopoly . If required, It(, could rectly on the site of the proposed glass factory .72 In fact, the geologic formation found here has been quarried elsewhere in the province for use in lime production .71

Capital and Labour De Zeng's capital requirements were very large for the time, considering that the Geneva glasshouse, which by 1820 was producing 300 000 to 400 000 ft2 (28 000 to 37 000 m=), had been launched 10 years earlier with US $40 000.'a De Zeng's proposal was nearly as large, 240 000 to 300 000 ft= (22 000 to 28 000 m'), and he Fig. 4 was evidently intending to Aerial Photograph of assume all the risk himself. part oJ ()tonnbee He offers, however, that Toc+mship. Partcrrhorrrugh Count y (corrrrsprrndinl; "there will be no objections to fig. 5l . shorrin.r; whatever made for some Present AV 1vatel, respectable person or persons ft?ntures, the stronglt' (old inhabitants of this prov- linear, ,Glacinted ince) to become interested in lnndscuprr, and /(III(/ Its(?, 30 April 1981 . (fler the same, when more fullv Mnjrastv ill(- QIwell ill understood .","' Unfortunat- Right of, Callo(lo, ely, by 5 September 1819, he reproduced Jr~om the was in urgent need of finan- Notional Air Photo cial "relief," and privately Librnry 10th pf.'rIrIrSSron o(6nergy . Minrr.c and appealed (successfully, it ap- Resources. ()ttuuv, roll pears )7'' to know from his son 1125686. frume 46I "if you [William] give up or " not all ideas to be concerned in my improvements here or 1 . Lang Pioneer not ."'; Village De Zeng would also have 2. Keene to import 25 to 30 workers'" 3. Indian River from the United States and 4. Rice Lake perhaps Germany, because 5. Serpent Mounds glassmaking required unique Provincial Park skills obviously not yet also have counted on tariff protection Irom American irnports, although half of the estab- lislled glasshouses in the United States had failed between 1815 and 1820 as a result of a general depression . De Z.eng's only nearb~~ conlpetition woulcl have been the one rct- maining glassworks in western New York, at Geneva, but that factor v was already selling two-thir(ls of its oull)ut locallv, and its lease in anv case had just been acquired (in 1817) hv his son Willianl ." De leng's tnain problern iii the voting province of' llpper Canacla was the poor' stale of transPortation ." TTo reach settletnents along Lake Ontario and points tbevond would require transshipment over what were then just trails frotn the south shore of Rice Lake to either Cobourg (called llarnilton before Al)ril 1819)"' or Port Hope (called Smith's Creek before 1820),"' in either case a distance of about 13 nliles (20 kilonletres) ."' Locallv, however, de Zeng woulcl have irnmediate access to about 40 ntiles (65 kilorlletres) of' navigable water between (lie present sites of Peterborough and Hastings,", in an area that was just then bcling surveved ancl olwnecf for settlemauL ." As events unfiilclecf, however, it was 1825 before the total population forall the townships north of Rice Lake woulcl pass 2500 ." to the long run tie Gvng was coiffident that "as itl all fornler similer cases" (alludilig to his earlier experiences), new settlers would "rap- icllv follow" the establisli III (lilt of, his fautor v, whiclt in tinw he also knew woulcl force int- provc;ntenls lo the trausportation and conl- mnnic:ation infrastructure art(] stimulate further cfevelolmment ." (;oocl waterwavs woulcl have been especially iiiij)ortaot toil it glass operation at this title anci, incleecl . clc+- fenc :e surveys had alread_v started in 1815 for the pttrpose of locating a water routo through the interior of Upl>er Canada . In 1819, a survev

Fig. .5 1 . "de Zeng Bay," now McGregor Based on part o0 Bay the sutvev nrop . 2. "de Zeng Point." now Roach "plan o( the Point. c. VII, Lot 7, site of Toic-n .chip of . de Zeng's residence ()tanahce /sicl. .. .. 3. Core of proposed glassworks cumplettxl hv site at "mill seat," c. VI. Lot 15. Richnrcl Birclsnll on N Deccenbet' 18 19 . Additional lots 14 and 13-W /Archires of* ()ntnrh are downstream . ,11.V8 . t ( r 4. Approximate head of 1PiG :' ; til1 navigation t 5. Indian River 0 1 Mi . 6. Rice Lake rJ 7. Probable site of proposed landing . VII, 0 1 Knl c. Lot 8

43 Lieutenant James P . Catty proved that no good Point was designated in the survey as a clergy alternative to the Trent existed, arousing high reserve, isolating "all [de Zeng's] improve- expectations among settlers that the Trent ment . . .on a broken front [lot 7] from 40 to 50 River-Lake Simcoe route, including Rice Lake, acres only .`10 He still could have obtained a would be chosen ."' Frederick de Zeng was road allowance through this reserve, or leased undoubtedly among the first and strongest the whole lot (as it "was not before applied promoters of the Trent Canal.''' for"),"" but he could never have owned it .'"' Cut off from his mill, de Zeng petitioned the The Outcome government in York for a second time . On Problems began for Major de Zeng when he 26 December 1819,'°' he warns that without moved to Otonabee some time between March permission to keep these new lands on the and Mav 1819 and discovered that his point, lie would have "to stop going on any carefully- chosen mill site had been made further" in his plans for the glass factory, "as it inaccessible to boats, first bv timber downed in is altogether inadmissable to transport the the Indian River over winter and later by heavy necessary timber & fuel for the same any great growth of a tall aquatic plant, wild rice," distance ." He further refers to the high costs he which emerged later in the bay at the river already faces . "By no means . . .is the mill mouth. (Evidently, he had neglected to inquire seat . . .anything more than an artificial one, and how Rice Lake got its name .) He therefore set to be made so by very great expences only ."'(" up directly at the lake on unoccupied lands. Finally, he proposes to apply one of his two Here on de Zeng Point his purpose was "to purchased 200-acre (80-hectare) loyalist land secure to himself a proper landing place on this rights to the acquisition of lots 7 and 8 Lake, and to open from the. same a land road to combined (189 acres/76 hectares). said mill seat, and therel)v make sure in all seasons of the vear of a communication to and from the Lake with the contemplated mill seat & back country ." In October, de Zeng "still [kept] a number of hands at work. The arduous circumstances and isolation took a heavy, though not decisive, toll on the health and spirits of Frederick de Zeng. Oil 5 September 1819 he confides to William, "it is needless to dwell any longer on a subject which makes me day and night more then miserable, having taken all my spirit and contentement from me so that I scarcelv know any more what I arn about . "''' On 26 December, he admits he has "much deranged [his] health in COnseqUenCe of [his] hardfare in this here before untouched wilderness for the whole of last season, so that [Ile is] still unable to leave [his] room." Nor has he any "white neighbours nearer to [him] then about five miles [eight kilometres] distance from [his] habi- tationl'"'1 . . .meaning Mr. [C}r

44 de Zeng had engaged in "highly improper, and Canada,""' but his own letters to the govern- even criminal conduct, since [he] came into ment itself show that he had always volun- this Province," with no further elaboration. tarily and openly reported his transaction. De Zeng's reply from Rice Lake was im- The final odious, unspecified "charge of mediate ." It was true that no mill had vet been criminality" was properly dismissed by erected, de Zeng acknowledged, but in May de Zeng as the work of: 1919 he had been explicitly discouraged from doing so before the survey was completed by . . .some privat (](,sign ing slanderer-, and as the same person persons unnamed officials of the government's own district land or remain to me as yet. I can not of course say any thing board, in the persons of Charles Fothergill and 107 more at present on this really horrible Thomas Ward . Furthermore, settlers would transaction, except that I flatter myself that I obviously not be brought in to operate the glass have always behaved as becomming,i rnan of faclory, de Zeng reminded Maitland, until it tionour not only while living in this province, but ever since first was built. Yet cle Zeng had made progress, "not mv manly existence- . . .and I have only to acid that, saying any thing how great the troubles and ever since my first beginning of making expences are to make many improvements at improvements on the granted land, attetnpts the same time, and on different situations or have constant] v been made to keep me in hot spots in such an untouched wilderness, and all water by unfam0aable rrports that the govern- end this in one short season . . ." He had not onlv ment never %%oiild in the confirm.'"' built "a home for himself"'!'" but was -fully prepared next spring to lodge a number of No later correspondence has been found on workmen, and for keeping the necessary teams the topic of the proposed glass factory . [of horses] ." In addition, lie had "actuallv Nevertheless, de Zeng did gain a measure of revenge in a subsequent land flip . 'I'll(! immediate beneficiary of de Zeng's improvements in Otonabee was the brother, Roswell Seaton,' 11 of his second wife . Seaton located on lot 7, concession VII on 22 March 1820 and received the patent on 21 Februarv 1821 . De Zeng bought back the property oil is) May, and in turn resold it just over five months later, on 29 October, for eight tirnes what lie himself had paid . The next record of de 7.eng is in the stunmer of 1824, when lie is hack again in New York state.

Discussion Frederick de 7,eng came to Canada to pursue an economic opportunity at a time, just after the War of 1812, when the econornv in both countries was depressed : in the United States the glass industry in particular was heing savaged . Nevertlieless, de 7.eng clearly intended to stav and settle in Canada, since he knew he could not get title to his properties for seven vears, by vvhich time he would be 68 ; indeed, he engaged a millwright to go to work as soon as fought to keep his residence on de Zeng Point Fig. 7 practicable . . .and made other necessarv even after losing his lands for the proposed glass View east showing relic preparations in purchasing & transporting factory and mills. The moment of his arrival, o% dam built about 182.5 provissions here ." '1'o Support his claims, August 1818, coincides exactly with at the -mill ,seat" for the arrival Major de 'Lenx :c de 7.eng even challenged the government to in Upper Canada of the new Lieutenant proposed l;lasscvorks send any inspectors they so wished, "Charles Governor, Sir Peregrine Maitland, who restored and mills on the Indian Fothergill excepted ." the right of Americans to take the oath of River in Otonabee De Zeng asserted that he was ignorant of allegiance and thus acquire land . Township, concession any law prohibiting the sale of UEL rights, and De Zeng's prospects 1'1. lot 15 . for establishing the leapt to the defence of the Van Allstine boys first glass factory in Canada were excellent, if too. Why should he have thought otherwise, only because he himself was one of the leading since the buying and selling of these land glass and canal men in North America . He rights was not only widespread in Upper would have a monopoly of existing markets, with good prospects for expansion . In (the exclusion of American immigration) the addition, his personal resources and main focus of postwar dispute in Upper Canada . connect ions would help ensure that his capital Indeed, the government still feared for the Fig. 8 and labour requirements would be met, and province's ability to repulse any future Clvde Glass Works on the Erie Canal (it Clyde, the land would be free or nearly so. The American invasion in the sparsely settled N.Y., 1892 . Frederick (it location he selected wits fairlv remote, but colony . Onlv the arrival of Maitland and the Zeng Jounded the tocvn Otonabee Township was just being surveyed lobbving of powerful self-interested land- in 1815 ; his son for the first time and thus opened for owners like William Dickson' I I had created an William co founded the settlement. More important, his site was near opening for Americans, including de Zeng, in glassworks in 1828 . Ilacr materials tvvru the raw materials he needed . especially timber, the first place."' In this atmosphere de Zeng placed in the storage but also sand, limestone, and possiblv salt . would get little benefit of doubt. .shed /11 be:f'orr transJer Transportation w~as a problem but improve- Second, and a special concern of Maitland's, to the mixing roonis rnents lo the Trent )liver were being actively was the fact that large tracts of granted land in and then to the considered . Upper Canada were being held in an un- furnaces (In(/ annealing ovens in the rnain Still, the venture failed and de Zeng lost both productive state by speculators, therebv complex /21. where the his home and his investment . The immediate impeding settlement and progress and exacer- glass was blocvn and reason, of course, was the uiere fact he had the bating the security problem alluded to above. shaped . Finished rug pulled out from under him-his land grant Accordingly, even the suspicion of not pro- products were stored 13 was revoked . The reason whv, however, is ceeding with satisfactorv haste would he-and and later loaded onto packet honts moored in closelv related lo the political and social was, in de Geug's case-harshly dealt with . the .slip /4J. /Wnyne L' . which marked the peconflicts riod."= First, The final factor is a more parochial and Morrisnn & (:o . . C)vid. de Zeng was American . Anti-American feeling personal one . It involves conflicts of interest N.)'., lithograph.ht was still rife after the war. especiall'v al the among local men who, in an area and at a time permission 1 government level, making the "alien question" when development schemes abounded, hit(] " ideas of their own to promote. De Zeng the very earliest promoters of the Trent Canal. believed his plans were sabotaged by such Lastly, de Zeng was a true frontiersman, competitors, who evidently succeeded in hacking his home from the wilderness and turning the minds in York against him, either starting a family"', to become the first settler in by submitting false reports or by exaggerating Otonabee Township"' and among the first in the extent of his normal operational diffi- Peterborough County. 118 culties. De Zeng's illness contributed to his Major Frederick Augustus de Zeng died at problems too, not so much by slowing his Clyde, New York, on 25 April 1838, aged 81 . progress, but by keeping him from appearing in His achievements continued during his final person at York at the critical moment to defend years in America . In 1824 he was instrumental himself and use his well-honed powers of in bringing the famous American Shakers persuasion ."' religious community to western New York and De Zeng's relatively short stay in Canada, in fact suggested the site of the new colony at from his first exploration in August 1818 until Sodus Bay on Lake Ontario ."' In 1828 he laid some time before 1824, was full of accom- the cornerstone for a new glasshouse, co- plishment . He made an honest and courageous founded by his son William that was to operate attempt to establish in Canada its first glass continuously for almost a century . Here on the factory and one of its first heavy industries of Erie Canal at Clyde, New York, it could be said, any kind . In so doing he must have been among was built the first glass factory in Canada.

NoTEs

I gratefully acknowledge the help f have received Glass in Canada (Erin, Ontario: Boston Mills from innumerable archivists, librarians, historians, Press, 1987), 34-5 . genealogists and government officers in Canada and 5. DeCow's first bid was in the name of the Thorold the United States. The National Archives of Canada, Glass Manufacturing Company, subsequent bids in Ottawa, and the Archives of Ontario, in Toronto, were in the name of the Upper Canada Glass deserve special mention. 1 also wish to thank Mrs. Manufacturing. King, Glass in Canada, 202. Elizabeth Walsh of Vancouver for first bringing to my 6. Ibid ., 32-6, 202-3. attention the name of our common ancestor, 7. De Zeng's surname at birth in Germany was "von Frederick A. de Zeng. Above all, I am indebted to my Zenge," his father's name, which Frederick wife, Caryl, for her intelligent and enthusiastic changed to "de Zeng" in North America. In assistance in the research for and review of this Canada de Zeng signed his name "Frederick paper. Augustus de Zeng;" many variations have been reported . Similarly, the birthdate inscribed on 1 . Today these features on the north shore of Rice de Zeng's headstone is 7 April 1757, although Lake are : the village of Hiawatha, Paudaush most published sources say simply he was born in Island (in the 1830s the lake level was raised, 1756 . cutting off the headland here and thus changing 8. Edward F. De Lancey, "Biography of Baron the "point" to an island), McGregor Bay, and the de Zeng," New York Genealogical and Indian River (the only feature whose name Biographical Record 2 (1871) : 49-53. remains unchanged) . 9. James Grant Wilson and John Fiske, eds. 2. Major Samuel Strickland, Twenty-Seven Years in Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, 6 Canada West, 2 vols .-in-one, (1853 ; reprint, vols . (New York : D. Appleton & Co ., 1887-9); Edmonton : M. G. Hurtig Ltd., 1970), 67-8 . Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History 3. Gerald Stevens, Glass in Canada : The First One From 458 A.D. to 1909 3 (New York: Harper & Hundred Years (Toronto : Methuen, 1982), 14 . Bros., 1909). 4. Prior to confirmation of the 1839-40? 10. For example, Wayne E. Morrison, Sr., Morrison's Mallorytown glassworks in 1953 by Gerald end History of Clyde, Wayne Co ., New York (1955; Edith Stevens, George and Helen McKearin drew reprint, Ovid, N.Y.: Wayne E. Morrison,1969), 2; attention to the confusing possibility that two George S. Conover, History of Ontario County, glass factories may have operated at the same time New York (ca 1894),286-8; Alf Evers, Woodstock: and in almost the same place, specifically the one History of an American Town (Woodstock, N.Y .: at Redwood, N.Y ., and a possible second factory Overlook Press, 1987), chap . 13 ; Paul R. Huey, just across the St . Lawrence River at "The Albany Glassworks from 1790 to 1800 : A Mallorytown. In light of the present attempt it is Study of American Industry During the Federal ironic: that another de Zeng, Lawrence W., Period," Journal of Glass Studies 22 (1980) : 36-52. grandson of Frederick, operated this same 11 . de Lancey, "Baron de Zeng," 49-53 ; Philip Mark Redwood factory from 1844 until 1853 . See de Zeng, "The Descendants of Frederick George S. McKearin and Helen McKearin, Augustus, Baron de Zeng," New York American Glass (1948; reprint, New York : Genealogical and Biographical Record 5 (1874), Bonanza Books, 1989),174,193; Thomas B. King, 8-12 . The latter author is a son of Frederick

47 de Zeng by his first wife . de Zeng Papers, Power of attorney from Frederick 12 . De Zeng was "the first manufacturer of window de Zeng to William de Zeng, 25 October 1818 . glass in the United States," according to the entry 30 . Public Archives of Canada (PAC), Upper Canada for the de Zeng papers in the National Union Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. 155, file D, bundle Catalog of Manuscript Collection (NUCMC) 12, 1818-20, petition 9, pp. 9, 9a, 9b, microfilm, (Washington: Library of Congress, entry MS 71- reel C-1745, petition of Frederick de Zeng, 6 342) . This is clearly false, however, if only March 1819 . because window glass was being produced at the 31 . Archives of Ontario (AO), RG1, C-1-2, MS 692, Albany works itself before de Zeng arrived. A microfilm, reel 8-26, order-in-council granting more accurate claim is that he was the first land to Frederick de Zeng, 11 March 1819 . window glass manufacturer in New York state 32 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. and the first "of magnitude" in the whole country, 155, file D, bundle 12, 1818-20, petition 9, pp . 9, in "Grip's" Historical Souvenir of Clyde, N.Y. 9a, 9b, microfilm, reel C-1745, petition of (Syracuse: Grip Publishers, 1905), 35 . In fact Frederick de Zeng, 6 March 1819 . between 1609 and 1739 there were five or six 33 . Ibid . attempts to produce glass of all kinds in the area 34. PAC, Upper Canada Land Book K, RG1, L1, p. 42, that would become the United States ; from 1739 microfilm reel C-103, order-in-council granting until 1800 there were at least 12 more. A few of land to Frederick de Zeng, 11 March 1819. these enterprises were large and successful 35 . Gerald M. Craig, Upper Canada : The Formative (Henry William Stiegel's factory at Manheim, Pa . Years 1784-1841 (Toronto : McClelland and employed 130 men), and a few did include Stewart, 1963), 114. window glass in their product line . It does not 36. PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. appear, however, that anyone producing window 149, file D, 1797-1826, petition 62, pp . 62, 62a, glass before 1796 did so on a scale comparable to 62b, microfilm, reel C-1742, Frederick de Zeng to Frederick de Zeng and his associates . See John Small, 24 January 1820 . McKearin and McKearin, American Glass, 75- 37 . Lillian F. Gates, Land Policies of Upper Canada 131,583-9. (Toronto : University of Toronto Press, 1968),100. 13. a) Paul R. Huey, "Albany Glassworks," 36-52. b) 38 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. The site of the glassworks is marked today by a 149, file D, 1797-1826, petition 62, pp . 62, 62a, local historic plaque. 626, microfilm, reel C-1742, Frederick de Zeng to 14 . It is unknown whether this glassworks was ever John Small, 24 January 1820 . built, though de Zeng did erect a forge. A glass 39 . Thelma Coleman, The Canada Company factory was operating here by 1811, however, (Stratford : County of Perth and Cumming under Stephen Stilwell, a fact commemorated by Publishers, 1978), 174. a local historic plaque . See hvers, Woodstock, 40 . The Indian River was still known by its chaps. 13, 14 . aboriginal name as late as 1827, Squaw-kone- 15 . He was also part-owner as late as 1814 . gaw or Squaknegossippi Creek. See Edwin C. 16. Jasena Rappleye Foley, "The Ontario Glass Guillet, ed ., The Valley of the Trent (Toronto : Manufacturing Company," Journal of Glass The Champlain Society, 1957), xxxvii, 34 ; Studies 4 (1962) : 136-47 . also PAC, Upper Canada Sundries, Civil 17. Frederick's descendants by his first wife were Secretary's Correspondence, RG5, A1, vol. 46, also prominent in the glass industry . William January-March 1820, microfilm, reel C-4604, Steuben de Zeng, Frederick's son, owned the Richard Birdsall to Thomas Ridout, 3 January glassworks at Geneva, NY (1817), co-founded a 1820 . factory at Clyde, NY (1828), and owned another in 41 . Richard Birdsall, Plan of the Township of Blossburg, Pa . (well after 1810). Lawrence W. Otanabee . . .with the locations therein made at de Zeng, Frederick's grandson, co-owned a glass the Surveyor General's office prior to the sixth factory at Redwood, NY (1844) . See McKearin of January 1820, c1 :44000, survey completed 8 and McKearin, American Glass, 190. December 1819, map received 6 March 1827, 18. de Lancey, "Baron de Zeng," 49-53 . AO, Map records, MNR ACC 18627 no . 1822 . 19 . Noble l;. Whitford, History of the Canal System of 42 . Nevertheless, de Zeng himself never does the State of New York .. ., Supplement to the identify any of the surveyed lots on the annual report of the State Engineer and Surveyor glassworks site. of the State of New York, Vol . 1 (Albany, NY : 43 . The surveyor general "presumed" this mill seat Brandow Printing, 1906), 36 . (i .e ., at lot 15, con. VI) to be "the spot meant by Mr. 20 . a) Edith Pi lcher, Castorland: French Refugees in De Zeng" and, accordingly, "pencilled his the Western Adirondacks 1793-1814 (Harrison, Ide Zeng'sl name on 500 acres 1200 hectaresl of N.Y .: Harbor Hill Books, 1985), 127. b) De Zeng's land adjoining thereto," awaiting approval . (This wooden structure (completed 1796) was replaced "500 acres" included the lot in which the power by stone in 1804 . The site is marked by a local site itself was located.) Considering that the historic plaque . surveyor himself (Richard Birdsall) was de Zeng's 21 . A part of the Glasco Turnpike still exists, main letter courier (the other, once, being Charles commemorated by a state historic plaque . Fothergill) as well as the points made in the next 22 . Gvers, Woodstock, 117, 119, 159. note, there is no doubt the mill site named by the 23. Wilson and Fiske, Appleton's Cyclopedia. surveyor general is indeed de Zeng's . PAC, Upper 24. Foley, "Ontario Glass,"136-47. Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol . 155, file D, 25 . Wilson and Fiske, Appleton's Cyclopedia. bundle 12, 1818-20, p. 126d, microfilm, reel C- 26. de Lancey, "Baron de Zeng," 49-53 . 1745, Assignment of lands by Thomas Ridout, 6 27 . "Grip's" Souvenir, 34 . January 1820 . 28. Morrison, History of Clyde, 4. 44 . The placement on lots 15,14, and the west half of 29. New York Public Library (NYPL), Frederick 13 in concession VI of the full 500-acre (200- hectare) glassworks complex is determined first, 50. Lot 7 was the former site of a Mohawk Indian by the likeliness of a continuous and convenient village and a Mohawk battle with the valley site being chosen and the fact that lots 13 to "Mississagas," and contains an ancient and 15 were sandwiched between reserved lots 12 unique serpentine Indian burial ground . See and 16 ; second, by the practical necessity to Guillet, Valley of the Trent, 11. include navigable water (which only reached lot 51 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RGl, L3, vol. 13) in one contiguous parcel ; third, by the 155, file D, bundle 12, 1818-20, pp . 126,126a-b, approximate ground and water distances microfilm, reel C-1745, petition of Frederick reported by de Zeng on four different occasions de Zeng, 26 December 1819. from different (and ill-defined) reference points ; 52 . a) On the day de Zeng received his grant, 11 and lastly, by a unique development of the site in March 1819, Duncan and Jacob Van Allstine or shortly after 1825 which cinched these (spelled as Duncan signed it) were also awarded particular lots together . The latter was a 200 acres (81 hectares) each as the sons of a sluiceway 70 chains (1 miles/1 .5 kilometres) United Empire Loyalist (UEL). Duncan's grant long running from a dam at lot 15 to grist and saw was in Essa Township (now in Lennox and mills on the west half of lot 13 . Remnants of all Addington County), Jacob's was in Collingwood four structures are visible today, though the saw Township (now in Grey County). PAC, Upper mill burned down and the magnificent grist mill Canada Land Book K, RG1, L1, p. 42, microfilm, ("Gilchrist's Mill") is a replacement built in 1849. reel C-103, orders-in-council granting land to See AO, Township Papers, Otonabee, lot 15 and Duncan and Jacob Van Allstine, 11 March 1819 ; west half of lot 13, con. 6, microfilm, pp . AO, Ontario Land Records Index, under "Van 0283-0292, esp. sketch map of lots 13-15, p. 0292 . Alstine." That they then sold their right to 45 . This is the "Designs Bay" of Strickland . "Design" de Zeng illustrates the overwhelming response to is a common substitute for "de Zeng" in the early the "settlement duties" which had been records; see, for example, "Major Design" in T. W. reinstated just on 14 October 1818 by Maitland as Poole, The Early Settlement of Peterborough a condition for all United Empire Loyalist (UEL) (1867; reprint, Lindsay, Ont.: John Deyell, 1982), grants. The new duties "tended to throw UEL 132. rights on the market and to lower their value, 46 . Lot 8 was surveyed into east and west parts at since individuals who might have preferred to some time . On 6 January 1820 the total area of lot hold their land for a rise could not convert their 8 was "about 150 acres" (60 hectares), according right to patented land without expense." De Zeng to the surveyor general. Official documents today must have recognized, and gotten, a good deal . record the area of the west part, patented 1861, as See Gates, Land Policies, 131 . b) PAC, Upper 70 acres (28 hectares) and of the east part, Canada Land Petitions, RGl, L3, vol . 155, file D, patented 1887, as 69 acres (28 hectares), for the bundle 12, 1818-20, p. 126e, microfilm, reel C- total of 139 acres (56 hectares) used herein . 1745, Power of attorney from Duncan Van Official Documents Section, General Services Allstine to Frederick de Zeng, 6 August 1819. Branch, Ontario Ministry of Government 53 . The nearby Marmora Iron Works, which began Services, 19 April 1990, personal communi- operations in 1822 in the Trent watershed, used cation . charcoal for its blast furnaces . This marked the 47 . Lot 8 was not only essential to keep "entire" beginning of the iron and steel industry in de Zeng's lands from the peninsula to the Ontario. It is tempting to speculate on the course glassworks site, including the leased woodlands, of future development in south-central Ontario but it was probably his intended landing site too. had both a glass factory and an ironworks been Shelter; proximity, and terrain all favour lot 8 operating in the same general area at this time. over lot 7. Boat accessibility seems to favour The Canadian Encyclopaedia, 2nd ad . neither lot, but is difficult to assess because the (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1988), 2 : 1093 . water level in Rice Lake is now about three feet 54. For example, the glass works at Hamilton, N.Y., (one metre) higher than it was in 1819. Present closed for want of fuel in 1815. McKearin and water depths to the low-water datum, minus the McKearin, American Glass, 129. three-foot difference referred to above, suggest 55 . Pearce Davis, The Development of the American that there may have been at least one to two feet Glass Industry (1949; reprint, New York, Russell (0 .3 to 0.6 metres) of water in 1819 not only all & Russell, 1970), 22 . along the west side of the peninsula, but also 56 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RGl, L3, vol. around the tip, removing the one possible 155, file D, bundle 12,1818-20, petition 9, pp. 9,9a, advantage of lot 7. John Witham, Historian, Parks 96, microfilm, reel C-1745, petition of Frederick Canada, 10 May 1990, personal communication ; de Zeng, 6 March 1819 . Fisheries and Oceans Canada, "Small craft chart: 57 . This assumes an average merchantable yield of 3400 Trent-Severn Waterway/Healey Falls locks to cubic feet per acre (238 cubic metres per acre), the Peterborough," Rice Lake (sheet 2 of 3), 1:20000 maximum possible for fully stocked, old-growth (1987; reprint, Ottawa : Canadian Hydrographic tolerant hardwood stands on average sites. De Zeng Service, no . 2022, 1990). himself noted the trees were "immense ." W. L. 48 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. Plonski, Normal Yield Tables (Metric) for the Major 155, file D, bundle 12, 1818-20, pp . 126, 126a, Forest Species of Ontario (Toronto : Ontario Ministry 126b, microfilm, reel C-1745, Petition by of Natural Resources, 1974), 28 . Frederick de Zeng, 26 December 1819 . 58. Foley, "Ontario Glass," 136-47 . 49. Private collection, Jean C. Houston (great- 59. Richard Birdsall, Field notes for the survey of granddaughter of de Zeng) to Robert G. Clark, 21 Otonabee Township (Book 381, unpublished July 195151 . An isolated reference to there still, in diary) Toronto : Ontario Ministry of Natural the 1950s, being a "de Zeng's point" on Rice Lake Resources, Surveys and Mapping Branch, 1819). is made in family correspondence. 60. W. Atkinson, Lindsay District, Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources, 11 May 1990, personal 78 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. communication with author . 155, file D, bundle 12, 1818-20, petition 9, pp. 9, 61. Clear glass requires less than 0.3 percent iron . Dr. 9a, 9b, microfilm, reel C-1745, petition of Paul W. Kingston, Resident Geologist, Tweed Frederick de Zeng, 6 March 1819 . District, Mines and Minerals Division, Ontario 79. Foley, "Ontario Glass,"136-47 . Ministry of Northern Development and Mines, 14 80. Ronald Roth, "Windows and Window Glass in May 1990, personal communication with author. the United States Before 1860" (New York : 62. That, is sand-sized particles constitute more than Columbia University, School of Architecture, 65 per cent of the aggregate . 1971, unpublished term paper), 28 p. 63 . a) Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources, 81 . Straight-line interpolation from 1814 and 1824 "Aggregate Resources Inventory of Otonabee estimates (95 000 and 150 066 respectively) . Township, Peterborough County, Southern "Chronological Summary of Population Growth Ontario," Aggregate Resources Inventory Paper in Canada, with Sources of Information, 1605- 24 (Toronto : Ontario Geological Survey, 1980) 1931 ." 1931 Census of Canada Special Report 32 p. b) Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources, (Ottawa: Dominion Bureau of Statistics, 1931): "Distribution of Sand and Gravel deposits/ 133-53 . Otonabee Township, Peterborough County (map 82 . Foley, "Ontario Glass," 136-47 . 1)," 1 : 50000 (Toronto : Ontario Geological 83 . Postal communications too, of course, were slow Survey, Aggregate Resources Inventory, 1980). and difficult. The office at Port Hope was not 64. Pearce Davis, American Glass Industry, 22 . established until 1817, and Cobourg not until 65. De Zeng uses the plural "furnaces" in referring to 1819 . On 5 September 1819 de Zeng said he was his proposed glassworks, a further indication of "about 15 miles" (24 kilometres) from the nearest the operational scale he intended . post office, which, allowing for the distance 66 . Ibid ., 23 . across Rice Lake, perhaps meant Cobourg. 67. Foley, "Ontario Glass," 136-47 . Winthrop S. Biggs, The Postage Stamps and 68 . R. W. Douglas and Susan Frank, A History of Postal History of Canada (1945 ; reprint, Glassmaking (Henley-on-Thames: G. T. Foulis & Lawrence, Mass . : Quartermen Publications, Co ., 1972), 44 . 1974), 11 ; NYPL, Frederick de Zeng Papers, 69. a) Dr . Paul W. Kingston, Resident Geologist, Frederick de Zeng to William de Zeng, 5 Tweed District, Mines and Minerals Division, September 1819 . Ontario Ministry of Northern Development and 84 . Percy L. Clime, Early Cobourg (Cobourg : Haynes Mines, 14 May 1990, personal communication. b) Printing, 1985), 52 . Salt can be obtained from solution by pumping it 85. Guillet, Valley of the Trent, 56. to the surface and into solar evaporation ponds. 86. Norma Martin, Donna S. McGillis, and Catherine The closest existing major salt producer to Milne, Gore's Landing and the Rice Lake Plains Otonabee was probably the one at Syracuse, N.Y. (Cobourg : Haynes Printing, 1986), 34. 70 . Guillet, Valley of the Trent, 137. 87. Guillet, Valley of the Trent , 162 . 71 . Dr. Paul W. Kingston, Resident Geologist, Tweed 88. The overall physical circumstances associated District, Mines and Minerals Division, Ontario with being located on Rice Lake are strikingly Ministry of Northern Development and Mines, 14 similar to the original situation of the Coneva May 1990, personal communication . factory on Seneca Lake prior to its becoming 72 . Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources, "Bedrock linked to the de Zeng-inspired Cayuga and Resources: Otonabee Township, Peterborough Seneca Canal. County (map 3)," 1 :50000 (Toronto : Ont. 89. Poole, Early Settlement, 3. Geological Survey, Aggregate Resources 90 . a) PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, Inventory, 1980). vol . 155, file D, bundle 12, 1818-20, petition 9, 73. Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources, pp . 9, 9a, 9b, microfilm, reel C-1745, petition of' "Aggregate Resources Inventory ." Frederick de Zeng, 6 March 1819 . b) Without 74. Foley, "Ontario Glass," 136-47 . de Zeng's factory, by 1827 Otonabee Township 75 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. was still "but very partially settled." Even so, 155, file D, bundle 12,1818-20, petition 9, pp . 9, "objections" relating to 10tonabco'sl distance 9a, 9b, microfilm, reel C-1745, petition of from, and difficulty of access to, market" had been Frederick de Zeng, 6 March 1819 . "removed" (referring to the improved roads and 76 . A month later William evidently heeds his the Rice Lake ferry service) . A report in Guillet, father's plea . On 5 October 1819 the power of Valley of the Trent, 32 . attorney given William the year previous was 91 . James T. Angus, A Respectable Ditch: A History of finally registered in Seneca County (under whose the Trr.nt-Severn Waterway 1833-1J20 (Kingston, jurisdiction the village of Clyde then fell), Ontario: McGill-Qucen's University Press, 1988), 8. signalling that a land transaction had probably 92 . That de Zeng was among the first and most taken place. In all likelihood the buyer was persuasive promoters of the Trent Canal seems William himself, because he purchased all his obvious from both his experience with American father's land in Clyde "a few years" after 1815, but canals and his current need for improved water before 1823 . In any case, Frederick's transportation at the very time (1818-19) and determination was soon restored . NYPL, place (the Trent watershed) that the government Frederick de Zeng Papers, Seneca Co . Court itself was actively exploring such a route. document, 5 October 1819 ; Kenneth J. Conroy, However, de Zeng's link is even more direct . John Barrister & Solicitor, Pembroke, Ontario, 6 May W. Bannister is presently credited as the first to 1990, personal communication ; Morrison, have actively promoted the Trent Canal project, History of Clyde, 7 . for a lottery proposal he put forward on 77. NYPL, Frederick de Zeng Papers, Frederick 15 December 1820 . It so happens, however, that do Zeng to William de Zeng, 5 September 1819. do Zeng had already lived on Rice Lake for about a year before Bannister, in 1820, even arrived in reel C-1745, assignment of lands by Thomas the area. It is also remarkable that Bannister Ridout, 6 January 1820. settled on Rice Lake itself, in fact on what is now 102 . Gates, Land Policies, 198-9. Picnic Point, not five kilometres from de Zeng . In 103 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. addition, a family correspondent claims it was 155, file D, bundle 12, 1818-20, pp. 126, 126a, de Zeng who "discovered" Healey Falls on the 126b, microfilm reel C-1745, petition by Trent River, which, if true, suggests he himself Frederick de Zeng, 26 December 1819 . was in fact actively exploring such a route, 104. In fact in 1837, the Hon. Zaccheus Burnham and presumably in the period 1818-19. (Allegedly, Dr. John Gilchrist blasted a short but permanent the "retainer" whom de Zeng sent to York (now outlet from Stony Lake (at Gilchrist Bay) to the Toronto) for the purpose of registering it names headwaters of the Indian River so as to increase the falls after himself instead, causing de Zeng to the volume of water flowing to that same water have "Healey put in jail in York . ..for a year .") power site on lot 15, con . VI. Ever since, both the This claim is partially corroborated by the land Indian and Otonabee rivers have joined Stony records, which show that in 1821 de Zeng sold lot Lake to Rice Lake. See Poole, Early Settlement, 7, concession VII in Otonabee to an Alva Healy. 140; Guillet, Valley of the Trent, 34. Today Healey Falls is a small community and 105. PAC, Upper Canada Land Book K, RG1, L1, p. lock station on the Trent Canal. Private collection, 347, microfilm, reel C-103, order-in-council Jean C. Houston to Robert G. Clark, 21 July 195[5] . cancelling Frederick de Zeng's land grant, 6 93 . Wild rice is an annual grass up to 10 feet (3 January 1820. metres) tall that grows on a muddy substratum in 106. PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. 1 to 4 feet (0 .3 to 1 .2 metres) of water (with annual 149, file D, 1797-1826, petition 62, pp . 62c-g, variation less than about 1 .5 feet (0.5 metres) microfilm, reel C-1742, Petition of Frederick which is freshened and aerated by slight water de Zeng, 24 January 1820 . movement. It thus grows in shallow, quiet waters 107. At the time, Fothergill and Ward were travelling and river mouths from southern Ontario to in a party on a famous excursion that led directly Florida. Throughout this range it flowers from to the discovery of a new mill site, around which June to September, but in southern Ontario its ultimately developed the city of Peterborough. presence would first be detected on the water See Poole, Early Settlement, l-3; Edwin Guillet, surface as early as June . At the end of the growing Early Life in Upper Canada (1933; reprint, season, the weak stem collapses on the water, Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1967), 62-3. disappearing without trace under the ice and 108. De Zeng's home appears to be depicted, but not snow of winter. Merritt Lyndon Fernald, Gray's identified, in the top right corner of an 1823 Manual of Botany (1950; reprint, Toronto: D. Van sketch map of the "Rice Lake settlement" by J. Nostrand, 1970), 188; J. A. Van der Meer, Wild Lycett, reproduced in Loyd J. Delaney Small But Rice (Zizania aquatica L.) : A Summary of Bountiful: Rice Lake Story - Gore's Landing, Available Information on Wild Rice (Otonabee Ontario (Orillia, Ont. : Dyment-Stubley Printers, Township, Ontario: Ontario Ministry of Natural 1983), 14 . Resources, Serpent Mounds Provincial Park, 109. Gates, Land Policies, 131 . 1970, unpublished report), 28 p. 110. PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RGl, L3, vol. 94 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RGl, L3, vol. 149, file D, 1797-1826, petition 62, pp. 62a-b, 155, file D, bundle 12, 1818-20, pp . 126, 126a, microfilm, reel C-1742, Frederick de Zeng to 126b, microfilm, reel C-1745, petition of John Small, 24 January 1820. Frederick de Zeng, 26 December 1819. 111 . Roswell Seaton is the fearsome true character 95 . NYPL, Frederick de Zeng Papers, Frederick immortalized as "Old Satan" by Susanna de Zeng to William de Zeng, 5 September 1819 . Moodie in another Canadian classic, Roughing it 96 . "Captain Anderson," de Zeng's "friend," lived at in the Bush : Or Life in Canada ed . Carl Ballstadt what is now Hatrick Point. (1852 ; reprint, Ottawa : Carleton University 97 . a) PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, Press, 1988), chap. 6, pp . 564, 570. Compare vol. 155, file D, bundle 12, 1818-20, pp . 126h, Martin, McGillis, and Milne, Gore's Landing, 25 . 126i, microfilm, reel C-1745, petition of Frederick 112. For a discussion of this turbulent period in de Zeng to John Small, 26 December 1819 . b) The Upper Canada see Craig, Upper Canada, chaps. fact of de Zeng's isolation is not properly reflected 5, 6; for details see Gates, Land Policies, in Figure 5, whose title states that the map shows especially chaps. 8, 9. occupants of lots in Otonabee Township, to 6 113. De Zeng had used Dickson's name as a reference. January 1820 . This date is wrong, however. Dickson frequently stayed at de Zeng's home in Rather, the 39 dated entries on the full map sheet Geneva while a prisoner during the War of 1812 . show that the names, with one exception, are PAC, UpperCanada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. those of people located between 1820 and 1825 . 155, file D, bundle 12,1818-20, petition 9, pp . 9, 98 . PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. 9a, 9b, microfilm, reel C-1745, petition of 149, file D, 1797-1826, petition 62, pp . 62, 62a-b, Frederick de Zeng, 6 March 1819 . microfilm, reel C-1742, Frederick de Zeng to John 114. Anti-American sentiment may directly explain Small, 24 January 1820 . de Zeng's supposed "criminal conduct," if he 99. Gates, Land Policies, 51-3 . were in any way connected with activity deemed 100. PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol. to be "seditious," such as through his continuing 155, file D, bundle 12, 1818-20, pp . 126, 126a, association with Roswell Seaton, his new 126b, microfilm reel C-1745, petition by brother-in-law . In 1814, on trial for assault, Frederick de Zeng, 26 December 1819. Seaton was said to have told John Hagerman (a 101. PAC, Upper Canada Land Petitions, RG1, L3, vol . possible relative of prominent loyalist official 155, file D, bundle 12,1818-20, p. 126d, microfilm Christopher Hagerman) that "he had heard that

51 1251 of our [British I officers were killed and that his second wife, Wealthy Amanda Seaton, only he would give one dollar a peace Isid for as after beginning his exploration of Canada in many more ." In 1817 Seaton was convicted for August 1818 . At this time she was probably assault once again, again by Justice Glias Jones. living with her family, who we know had Jones was a member of the district land board in already moved to nearby Hamilton Township 1819-20 and therefore knew the activities of from the United States . De Zeng probably both Seaton and de Zeng . (Seaton was also employed both she and her brother Roswell, he convicted for assault in 1822, and similarly as guide or labourer, Wealthy Amanda as cook. charged in 1828 .) AO, Court of General Quarter George would have been born in the latter half of Sessions, Cobourg (Northumberland and 1819 or first half of 1820, in Otonabee Township ; Durham), Case riles 1802-46, RG 22, Series 31 . Caroline was born 30 June 1821 in Upper 115 . De Zeng himself suspected well-known Charles Canada, presumably in Otonabee ; Edgar was P'othergill, but another possible source of the born about 1823, possibly in the United States . "unfavorable reports" referred to darkly by (Caroline de Zeng Clark is the author's great- de Zeng was tho Hon. Zaccheus Burnham. Not great-grandmother .) only was Burnham a member of both the district 117. Compare D. Gayle Nelson, Forest to Farm : Early land board and the Legislative Assembly at the Days in Otonabee (Kingston: Brown & Martin, time in question, as well as the future father-in- 1975), 1-5. law of surveyor Richard Birdsall, but lie 118. Peterborough County was first settled in 1818 . apparently coveted de Zeng's Otonabee mill site . See Guillet, Early Life, 61-3 . In 1825 he received a grant for (and in 1828, the 119. An intriguing special account of Frederick patents) to the same lots 15 and west half of 13 in de Zeng's service to the Shakers at Sodus Bay is concession VI for the purpose ofconstructing tile given by Calvin Green, Biographic Memoir of the first grist and saw mills in the township, Life and Experience of Calvin Green.. . composed although Dr. John Gilc :hrist is credited as the by himself. . .Church First Order (New Lebanon, actual builder. See AO, Township Papers, N.Y ., 1861), from the Western Reserve Historical Otonabee, lot 15 and west half of lot 13, con. VI, Society Library, MS he . VI : B-28 . Frederick microfilm, pp . 0283-0292 ; A.O .C. Cole, ed ., joined the Shakers for the period 28 October Illustrated Historical Atlas: Peterborough 1826 to 24 March 1828, as did his wife Wealthy County 1 N25-187,5 (lPeterborough l: Hunter Rose Amanda, it seems; in addition, all three of their Co . for Peterborough Historical Atlas offspring spent much of theirchildhood with the Foundation Inc., 1975), 62 . Shakers at New Lebanon, N.Y . Another of 116. De Zeng never speaks of his family in any of his Wealthy Amanda's brothers, Asa Seaton, and own surviving letters, but enough information is one of her sisters, Tina Seaton, both became available nonetheless to construct a reasonable elders and now lie buried near the founder of the hypothesis about tile sequence of personal Shaker order, Mother Ann Lee, in the famous events during this period . De Zong probably met cemetery at Watervliet (Albany), N.Y. Research Reports

Rapports de recherche

Reproducing Textiles for the Krieghoff Room at the Canadian Museum of Civilization JUDITH RYGIEL

In June 1989 1 was approached by a represen- research on eighteenth lo nineteenth centurv tative of the Canadian Museum of Civilization Canadian textiles and wove reproduction with an unusual request . Would I be able to pieces for sale . identify, and weave reproductions of, the The painting depicts a British officer who types of fabrics in a photographic : reproduction lived near Chamhly . Quebec, at his desk Fig. 1 of a painting by Cornelius Krieghoff entitled surrounded by his personal belongings and An tlfficer's 't'rophy An Officer's Trophy Room, painted in 1846. 1 Room by C:ornelius collections . The Canadian Museum of' Kriel,rho// (Courtesy have been a full-time professional weaver for Civilization was to furnish one of the exhibit Roy()/ Ontario Museuln) the past 15 years and eagerly rose to the chal- areas in its History Hall to resemble this " lenge. A number of years ago I did a lot of painting .

Material Ilisforv Ilevioa~ 33 /Spring 1991) / Hevuc d'histoire de lo culture roolcrielle 33 (prinfrnrps 1991)

53 There are a number of textiles portrayed in Krieghoff's painting, including a red blanket- like backdrop on the rear wall, a red table covering, a rust-red carpet on the floor in the foreground, plaid liners for some animal skins on the floor and couch, and a floor cloth behind the carpet . Technical research on the rust-red carpet started with the obvious source-"Keep Me Warrn One Night :" Ear)y Handweaving in Eastern Canada bv Dorothv Burnham . The carpet in the photograph-rust red with indigo stripes-was probably a warp faced carpet, also known as Venetian carpeting and better known in the Maritimes as drugget. Most of these types of carpets were wool warp, closelv sell and cotton weft ("Sett" is a technical term in weaving designating the cloth density expressed as end per inch or centimetre-"epi" or "epc .") The English use of the word drugget is not to be confused with the eighteenth century Briggs and Little 2/8 Teal wool . The final " term droguet, which is a figured silk fabric carpeting was sell at 14 ends per inch (5 .6 per Fig. 2 with small pattern units formed by both warp centimetre) . The weft was 4/8 Brown cotton Rust-red carpet (drugget) detail from and weft threads and used widelv for men's from Curl Bros . in Toronto . Shrinkage was An Officer's Trophy and women's clothing. Drugget carpets were eight per cent in length, and four per cent in Room by Cornelius used extensively in the eighteenth and nine- width. Krieghoff. (Courtesy teenth centuries as a lining or protective cov- The constructions of the lining fabrics for Roval Ontario Museurn) ering for other carpets or furniture. They were the buffalo and bear skins were very indistinct used in England and imported into Canada in the research photographs of the painting . and the United States . The_v were sometimes Samples of similar fabric types were viewed at placed under dining room tables and called the Canadian Museum of Civilization to check "crumb cloths" to protect the under carpet fabric constructions . Many samples were from stains .' woven using yarns from Further research at the warehouse of the Briggs and Little and Canadian Museum of Civilization's History Lemieux. Division showed many warp faced carpets, A 2/2 twill was the some in wool and others in cotton with rag basic construction of the weft (catalogne) . large scale plaid for the Weaving the carpet produced its own set of bearskin in tones of red, challenges . Because of the short delivery time, black, dark brown, and a ordering yarns from abroad was not feasible . butterscotch colour. The There were three companies in Canada final choice was a warp producing similar types of suitable woollen of 1/8 Briggs and Little varns : William Condon and Sons in wool, sett at 14 ends per Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island; Briggs inch (5 .6 ends per centi- and Little Woollen Mills in Harvev Station, metre) in Rust, Dark New Brunswick ; and Lemieux Yarns in Brown, Black, Burnished St. Ephrem, Quebec . Unforthinately, Condon's Brown and 1/12 Yellow W.O. The weft was 1/8 " was on the verge of closing down operations . wool from Briggs and Little in Red, Dark Brown, Fig . 3 None of these companies produce a yarn Burnished Brown, and 1/12 Yellow W .O . Bearskin-liner as shown in An Officer's Trophy red . both in length and exactly the right shade of rust Shrinkage was 13 per cent Room . (Courtesy Royal Comparisons of examples of carpeting held by width after washing in mild soap . Ontario Museum) the National Historic Parks and Sites The buffalo skin laying on the floor was Directorate of the Canadian Parks Service led lined with a large sombre plaid in two colours . to over dyeing Briggs and Little 2/8 Rust and A trip to the Canadian Parks Service and a Black Lanaset Dye (a commercial hot water session in the cold room housing furs, includ- dye). Deciding on the shade of indigo from the ing some with liners, pointed to a common various companies was resolved by using everyday fabric in twill . A similar plaid fabric in the Canadian Museum of Chemically-dyed and commercially-spun Civilization's History Col- yarns, because of the quality of lighting under lection was chosen then which the fabrics would eventually be dis- reinterpreted in the tweed- played, was a choice instead of hand-dyed and like Briggs and Little 1/12 hand-spun . Hand-spinning the yarn would Forest Brown wool with have increased considerably the time spent cross stripes in 1/8 Dark reproducing these fabrics . Brown. The warp was sett at The weaving of the liners, both plaid with 16 ends per inch (6 .4 ends large squares of 15 centimetres, had to be care- per centimetre) . Shrinkage fully watched and measured each centimetre, in length and width was to ensure matching, as the final piece was over 12 per cent . 180 centimetres by 210 centimetres of two There were a number of lengths searned together . The yarn, a single-ply technical problems associ- thread and not tightly spun, frayed constantly ated with the weaving of the on the selvages . Four additional cotton yarns four fabrics-the plain weave were added to each selvage during the weav- blanket, the drugget, and the ing, then removed when the two lengths were two animal skin liners . Fab- handsewn together . rics in the collections of the Extrapolating size from a sample piece is Museum and the Canadian always problematical . Samples were woven 24 Parks Service had finer, centimetres wide to test different setts and tightly spun handspun and colour interactions. The final piece was to be hand-dyed singles wool sett 90 centimetres wide after weaving and at 9-11 ends per centimetre. finishing. Beating in a weft on a piece 24 Both Briggs and Little and centimetres wide is certainly much easier than Lemieux singles woo) yarns' maximum twill on a 105-centimetre width. A suggestion for Fig. 4 sett for plaids is 5-6 ends per centimetre. Sample future projects would be lo reduce the sell on Buffalo-skin liner as fabrics using the companies' available colours the large piece by about 10 per cent of that on shown in An Officer's to see their interaction needed to be made . De- Trophy Room . the sample . livery time on yarns (Courtesy Royal Ontario was about a week to ten This project had a number of positive as- Museum) days from Harvey Station to Ottawa . pects. It certainly gave me a greater apprecia- The artist expressed a certain serendipity tion of the skills, patience and hard work of our with the colours of the textiles in his painting . pioneer weavers . It gave me the opportunity to Comparing these with actual samples in the see and handle early Canadian textiles, and the collections of the Canadian Parks Service and challenge of reproducing them . Finally, it gave the Canadian Museum of Civilization helped me the opportunity to research part of the in determining appropriate colours and con- heritage of this country and to contribute in a structions of the period . The actual area in the small way to its greater appreciation through photo showing the liner of the bear skin is the Krieghoff Room of the Canadian Museum about the size of a dime, and quite fuzzy. of Civilization History Hall .

NoTt;s

1 would like to thank the leader of the Krieghoff Boom Dorothy K. and Harold Burnham, "Keep Me project, Jean Bruce, Isobel Jones and other members Warm One Night:" Early Handweaving in of the staff of the Canadian Museum of Civilization Eastern Canada (Toronto : University of Toronto and the. Canadian Parks Service (Historic: Parks and Press: 1972) ; Adrienne Hood . Reproducing Sites) for their assistance in completing this Nineteenth Century Handwoven Fabrics: A commission successfully . Weaver's Technical Guide to Accurate Reproductions (unpublished manual containing l . Pamela Claburn, The National Trust Book of text, fabric analyses, swatches, diagrams and Furnishing Textiles (London : Viking Books, slides, 1980); Jane Nylander, Fabrics forHistoric 1988), 201 . Buildings (Washington: The Preservation Press, 2. The following references were found lo be 1977); Anita Schorsch, ed ., TheArt of the Weaver particularly useful, and may provide a starting (New York : Universe Books, 1978), contains point for those interested in pursuing similar articles about textiles appearing in the magazine projects : Dorothy K. Burnham, Warp and Weft Antiques from 1925 to 1976 . (Toronto : Royal Ontario Museum, 1980) ; The Early Days of the Lobster Fishery in Atlantic Canada A. J. B. JOHNSTON

A piece of misinformation, often repeated, is Meanwhile, on the shores of the New that lobsters were generally not eaten by the World, explorers and settlers continued to early settlers in the Atlantic region. According comment on (and presumably eat) lobsters to what is said, the Europeans who first came to throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth our Atlantic shores considered lobsters and centuries . Nicolas Denys, for one, mentioned other shellfish to be exclusively "poor people's the availability of lobsters in no fewer than six food," something one consumed only when on different harbours in his detailed book, De- the brink of starvation . Greater familiarity with scription and Natural History of the Coasts of extant evidence undermined my faith in that North America . .. (1672) . To cite just one of simplistic lobster-scorning theory. Now I be- those entries, Denys wrote: lieve I have enough material to set the record straight concerning the consumption of lob- There are also taken lobsters [Hommars] which are crayfishes the . There sters in colonial times. of sea are some of them seen which have claw or snap- per so large that it will hold a pint of wine . The Early Explorers They are taken on the coast around the rocks. Anyone who has ever read a sixteenth or sev- They come in the spring and remain until enteenth century New World travel account winter. They are taken with the same iron as has undoubtedly been struck by the European Flounders . It is very good eating with all kinds of sauce. We have named them Sea descriptions of the quantity and quality of the partridges on account of their goodness .' fish they encountered in North American waters. Though the focus of such remarks was Denys' reference to catching lobsters with usually on offshore species such as cod, there an "iron," the same as with "Flounders," mer- were nonetheless more than a few early trav- its a word of explanation as this would seem to ellers who also commented on (and obviously be at odds with traditional European ap- sampled) inshore shellfish, like lobster. proaches using nets or pots. Denys himself One early reference to the European appre- describes the iron in question in his section on ciation for the abundance of New World lob- flounder as "a shaft with an iron pointed at the sters comes from an English mariner named end, having a little tooth which keeps it from Captain Leigh, who sailed through Atlantic coming out when the fish is struck ." The use of waters in 1597 . In his journal entry for Cibo such a device shows how plentiful lobsters (Sydney, Nova Scotia), Captain Leigh wrote were at the time, as the bottom-scuttling crus- that "In this place are the greatest multitude of taceans could only be speared in relatively lobsters that ever we heard of; for we caught at shallow water. The use of the iron by the one hawle with a little draw net above 140 . "' A French may also show something of a Micmac little over a decade later, between 1610 and influence . The native people of the region 1613, Parisian lawyer, historian and poet Marc made frequent use of spears and harpoons Lescarbot described the variety of fish and when they were fishing, and the French might shellfish that could be harvested at Port-Royal . have adopted a practice that to them appeared With specific regard to shellfish, Lescarbot to work well . It is also worth mentioning, in wrote: "there is an abundance of lobsters, passing, that the Micmacs also caught lobsters . crabs, palourdes, cockles, mussels, snails, and They sometimes used the cleaned and pol- porpoises."' A few years later, Jesuit Father ished lobster claws as tobacco pouches and Pierre Biard related the story of a few sailors even as pipes. Similarly, it seems that the who were without food, but who remained Beothuk Indians of Newfoundland also en- confident that "God would be merciful to joyed lobsters, judging by an early nineteenth- them; and, as a superabundance of grace, they century illustration of them drying lobster tails had great success in catching large Lobsters or along with salmon, seals, and other food Sea crabs. 113 That Europeans recognized (and sources .' knew how to catch and cook) lobsters should really be no surprise . Since Roman times they had been harvesting, especially along the The Eighteenth Century Mediterranean coast, lobsters and other types Both the French and the English in the New of shellfish using nets and oblong or cone- World consumed lobsters (and other shell fish shaped baskets called nasses .° such as oysters, mussels and so on) during the eighteenth century. A few examples, from each Turning to the English-settled American culture, should suffice. colonies for a moment, one also finds refer- In 1716, Louis Chancels de Lagrange, a ences there to lobsters being caught in abun- French naval officer visiting the newly-settled dance." Indeed, there are even tales of lobsters colony of ile Royale (Cape Breton), commented five and six feet long being harvested in New that "in addition to the fishery for cod, mack- York Bay. Just imagine the cooking pot! When erel and lobsters, which resemble prodigious the American colonists came into what are crayfish, a quantity of oysters are taken in this now Atlantic Canadian waters they brought port." It is not clear whether or not Lagrange their appetites for lobsters with them. The New himself tasted lobsters, for he described its Englanders who besieged the fortress at "flesh" as being "not highly prized" because Louisbourg in 1745 occasionally found time the animal was a scavenger. Yet he did men- away from their assault to look for lobsters tion seeing an empty claw which was large along the coast. A siege journal kept by New enough to hold an entire chopine (half litre) of Englander Benjamin Cleaves has the following liquid .' entries: In 1729, 13 years after Lagrange's comments, French military officer Jean-Fran~ois [May 28] Caught some lobsters in the Eurry de la Perelle drew up a lengthy memo- morning. [May 30] Some of our men went a fishing randum on the climate and resources of the about 2 mile ; Caught 6 Troutts. island. After typically describing the impor- Our men went to catch lobsters ; tance of the cod fishery, de la Perelle listed all caught 30 .'Z the other fish that were eaten (salmon, trout, halibut, and so on). He went on to state that Though Benjamin Cleaves does not say there was an "infinity of other fish and sea how the New England soldiers cooked their monsters" that were also edible, such as seals, lobsters, they probably did so in the simplest sea cows and sharks . De la Perelle continued : manner possible, boiling and eating them "as for shellfish, one finds there very good straight from the shell. According to two his- oysters, mussels, clams, chancres, lobsters and torians of the food of Quebec, however, under sea urchins . "B Yet another reference to lobsters different conditions English culinary tastes being eaten by the French during the Ile Royale could be more refined, using lobsters and other period came from governor's secretary (and shellfish in delightful sauces : later traitor) Thomas Pichon . Pichon lived on Cape Breton during the 1750s, and in his As early as the seventeenth century, the En- subsequent book on the history and natural glish commonly used shellfish, lobsters, shrimps mussels in preparing history of the island he listed lobsters among and sauces to accompany fish . Lobster sauce, seasoned the many fish and shellfish that were enjoyed with cayenne pepper was considered to be by the inhabitants . Clams, oysters and mussels one of the delicacies of British cuisine in the were also mentioned .9 eighteenth century . By 1789, pickled lobster It should be noted that none of the authors was being imported to Quebec City and was undoubtedly used cited above could by any stretch of the imagi- to prepare this sauce. In fact, at that time, the English loved to use nation be described as being from the lower or lobster . ..in preparing sauces as a preserve, or poorer couches of New World society. They combined with butter for sandwiches." were either the leaders or middle level figures, and most of them, Lagrange excepted, expressed no particular contempt for lobsters . The Lobster Fishery in France The meaty crustacean seems to have formed at One of the best sources on eighteenth-century least part of the normal colonial diet. French fishing activities is Charles Duhamel Turning from documentary to archaeologi- Du Monceau's detailed study TraitE g6n6ral cal sources at this point, we find evidence of des pesches, et histoires des poissons. . . Du lobsters being consumed at the French settle- Monceau's book concentrates on the many ments of Placentia (a seventeenth-century commercial fisheries of the era, examined topi- Newfoundland fishing base) and Louisbourg cally and then region by region all along the (French occupation, 1713-58) . Though shells coasts of France . In various areas, but espe- usually decompose relatively quickly after cially along the Normandy coastline, Duhamel being discarded and/or buried, a few lobster Du Monceau writes about the lobster fishery. shells did turn up in excavations at both He describes the season as being from 15 April Placentia and Louisbourg, in historical con- to the end of October, with the best catches texts.'o being made in rocky coastal areas. The stretch t Fig. 1 Eighteenth -centnty French lobster traps, known as bouraques. (Duharnel Du Monceau, TraitF g6n6ral cles pesches)

of coast between Bayeaux and Cap de la Hogue One was simply to walk out at low tide and set (a point of land just west of Cherbourg) is them down . The other way was to take the mentioned as the best of all regions for lob- bouraques out in small boats, attach them to sters." lines, and lower them to the ocean bottom 15 or Duhamel Du Monceau described and illus- 20 fathoms below. Whichever method was trated the traps of the era which were generally used, Du Monceau states that the cages were known as bouraques (though some Normans checked twice a day, presumably at low tide . Fig. 2 called them boutiques). These bouraques came Once the lobsters were caught by French Eighteenth-century in different sizes, with the largest being a pied fishermen they were then kept alive in wicker French lobster fishery. 7'raps were placed on and a half high and four pieds in diameter. cages submerged along the shore or beside a foot at low tide, and Made of osier (a type of willow used in basket- wharf. Duhamel Du Monceau called these also descended frocn work), these traps or cages had an opening in holding areas "parcs de clayonnage ." The lines by men in boats. the top and stone weights to keep them on the lobsters were kept in these "parcs" until they (Du Monceau, Traitb bottom . There were two ways to put them in were sold. Such sales were often made, it gGnFral des pesches) place to catch bottom-crawling crustaceans . would seem, in rather large "wholesale" deals. "

58 Du Monceau writes of French and especially Governor Duquesnel and Commissaire- English vessels in the 25 to 30 ton range pur- ordonnateur Bigot on the precarious situation chasing the live lobsters. The crustaceans were in Louisbourg in May 1744, when food sup- then transported to waiting markets (else- plies were extremely low. The original remark where in France or across the channel to En- is as follows : gland) in boats, which either had a tank or box filled with salt water, or else were constructed une partie des habitants des p6cheurs no vivent with two hulls allowing the free flow of water depuis trois semaines ou un mois, quo de coquillage; ils Went seulernent pas do in the boat to keep the lobsters alive. ligne pour pEcher de la morue...'" While there is no evidence I know of for a commercial lobster fishery like the one de- Over the years some people have read a scribed by Duhamel Du Monceau ever spring- great deal more into this remark (or Rawlyk's ing up in the New World-that is, before the synopsis of it) than is actually there. They have nineteenth century-mid eighteenth-century deduced that it implied a value judgement on Swedish traveller Pehr Kalm did mention a lobsters and other coquillages . They con- commercial crayfish industry having existed cluded that shellfish were something that no in Canada in the seventeenth century . Indeed, eighteenth-century person of good taste would Kalm states that once prevalent crayfish had eat unless they were absolutely forced to. The been virtually wiped out by over-fishing ." broader evidence, which I have summarized Atlantic Canada may not have witnessed simi- above, doesn't support that interpretation . lar large-scale commercial fishing of its crusta- What Duquesnel and Bigot were saying was ceans, but it would be astonishing if the French simply that provisions were extremely low in fishermen who were familiar with lobster Louisbourg in the spring of 1744, the Basque fishing techniques back in France had not fishermen had not come out with early sup- carried that knowledge with them across the plies as they usually did, and that some people ocean and used those methods accordingly . were surviving only on what they could easily Indeed, when one looks at the places of origin harvest from the sea . There was no value of many of the French settlers in Atlantic judgement against lobsters and other shellfish ; Canada, especially among the fishing popula- it was just a statement of fact . tion, one sees that a significant number were There is one final note about lobsters . That from coastal areas in Normandy and Brittany . 16 is, that the fiery red (in other words, cooked) lobster was also deemed to be a subject fit for inclusion in European still-life compositions The Eating of Lobsters of the early modern era. Artists such as Jan Given the evidence of lobster fishing in coastal Davidsz . de Heem (1606-84), Willem Kalf France, of lobster markets in England, and of (1622-93), and Anne Vallayer-Coster (1744- the harvesting of lobsters by Europeans in the 1818) depicted lobsters on their canvasses New World, one is left wondering where the along with grapes and other signs of plenty .'" opinion ever arose that lobsters were rarely Had the crustaceans been scorned as nothing eaten in colonial days, and then only by poor more than starvation food for the lower classes, people. they would not have been included in such Lagrange's comment in 1716 about lobster contexts . meat being "not highly prized" because the In conclusion, it seems clear to me that the crustacean was a scavenger is one piece of available evidence supports the contention evidence . The only other damning comment- that lobsters were eaten and enjoyed by Euro- so to speak-would seem to be G. A. Rawlyk's peans in Atlantic Canada during the colonial remark in Yankees at Louisbourg to the effect period . Though an extensive commercial lob- that in 1744, "since the middle of April these ster fishery does not seem to have developed, unfortunates [some of the fishing population of what lobsters and other shellfish were har- Louisbourg] had been on the verge of starva- vested would undoubtedly have had no tion, eating little else than shell fish ."" Just for trouble making their way to the table. And the record, the evidence upon which the his- some of those tables would most likely have torian Rawlyk based this sentence actually been among the finest in the colonies . comes from a comment in a report written by NoTEs

The author would like to thank Anne O'Neill, Alex 11 . Alice Morse Earle, Home Life in Colonial Days Storm, Andree Crepeou, Charles Burke, Ken Dono- (Stockbridge : The Berkshire Traveller Press, ca van, and Hope Dunton for their suggestions and 1974), 117-8. assistance in preparing this article. 12 . Benjamin Cleaves, "Journal of the Expedition to Louisbourg, 1745," New England Historical and 1 . Richard Brown, A History of the Island of Cape Genealogical Register 66, (April, 1912). Breton with Some Account of the Discovery of 13 . Marc Lafrance and Yvon Desloges, A Taste of Canada, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland (Lon- History: The Origins of Quebec's Gastronomy don : Sampson Low, Son and Marstow,1869), 44. (Qu6bec : Canadian Parks Service and Les $di- 2. Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed ., The Jesuit Relations tions de la Cheneli6re Inc ., 1989), 76. and Allied Documents. .. (New York : Pageant 14 . Duhamel Du Monceau, Trait6 g6n6ral des pe- Book Co ., 1959), 1: 69 . sches, et histoires des poissons qu'elles fournis- 3. Ibid ., 4: 25 . sent, tant pour la subsistance des hommes que 4. David Attenborough, The First Eden, The Medi- pour plusieurs autre usages qui ant rapport aux terranean World and Man (Boston: Little, Brown arts et au commerce (Paris : Saillant S Nyon, and Co., 1987), 19, 200, and the illustration and Desaint, 1769-77) Sect . II, Chap . II, pp . 36-7 ; caption on page 97 . For the lobster fishery of Sect. III, Chap . I, p. 66. more recent years in Mediterranean waters see 15 . Lafrance and Desloges, A Taste of History, 47. Roger Miniconi, "Pecheurs de Corse," Le Chasse- 16 . For data on the provincial origins of early French Maree no . 50 (juillet 1990), 2-17 . settlers in Atlantic Canada, see A. H. Clark, 5. William F. Ganong, ed ., Denys: Description and Acadia, The Geography of Early Nova Scotia to Natural History of the Coasts of North America 1760 (Madison : University of Wisconsin Press, (Acadia) (16721 (New York : Greenwood Press, 1968), 399; Marcel Trudel, Introduction to New 1968), 356. France (Toronto : Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 6. Ibid . The flounder "iron" is described on p. 355, 19G8), 133; and A: J. B . Johnston, "The Fisher- the Micmac use of harpoons on pp . 436-7, and men of Eighteenth-Century Cape Breton : Num- the use of lobster claws as tobacco holders or as bers and Origins" Nova Scotia Historical Review pipes on pp . 424-5. On the Beothuk eating of 9, no . 1 (1989) : 62-72. lobsters, see the illustrations, p. 22, The Spirit 17 . G. A. Rawlyk, Yankees at Louisbourg (Orono : Sings, Artistic Traditions of Canada's First University of Maine Press, 1967), 1. Peoples (Toronto : McLelland and Stewart and 18 . AN, Colonies, Serie C11B, Vol . 26, fol. 3-3v, 9 the Glenbow Museum, 1987) which show lobster mai 1744 . tails drying, ca 1827-9 . 19 . Marianne Roland Michel, Anne Vallayer-Coster, 7. L.-A. Vigneras, ed ., "L'Isle Royale en 1716," 1744-1818 (Paris : Comptoir international du Revue d'histoire de I'Amerique franqaise 13, no . livre, 1970), 8-9; Simon Schama, The Embar- 3 (d6cembre 1959),122-34 . Author's translation. rassment of Riches : An Interpretation of Dutch 8. France, Archives Nationales (AN), S6rie C11C, Culture in the Golden Age (London: Fontana Vol. 9, fol . 30 . Press, 1988), 160; and Toledo Museum of Art: 9. Thomas Pichon, Lettres et memoires pour servir European Paintings (Toledo: The Museum, a I'histoire naturelle, civile et politique du Cap University Park, 1976), 263. Breton, depuis son etablissement jusqu'a la re- prise de cette isle par les Anglois en 1758 (The Hague: P. Gosse, 1760), 88 . 10. Roger T. Grange, Excavations at Castle Hill (Ot- tawa: Parks Canada, 1971) Manuscript Report no . 46, 950-52 ; Pierre Beaudet, Excavations at the Fortress of Louisbourg of the De Pensens-De la Vallicre Storehouse and New England Craftsman's Shop, Lot D, Block 16, and of the Loppinot-Dangeac House and Property, Lot C, Block 16 (Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1977), Manu- script Report no . 382, 70 . Conference Reports

Rapports de conferences

Canadian Maritime Museum Curators' Symposium, 28-31 March, 1990, Ottawa / Colloque des conservateurs de musees maritimes du Canada, 28-31 mars 1990, Ottawa NIELS JANNASCH

Editor's Note : that without ships and seamen the Canada we Between March 29 and March 31, 1990 the National Museum of Science and Technology (NMST) sponsored now know would never have come into exist- a symposium of curators from maritime museums and ence . CMA meetings in the following decade museums with large maritime collections . This was the did not improve the lot of maritime museum first time curators responsible for major collections of curators who soon gave up their efforts to form Canadian marine heritage had met together. A list of a special interest group against the wishes of delegates follows the conference report . The incentive for the meeting arose out of the the CMA, which had, albeit grudgingly ; al- coincidence of a number of events, including the lowed directors of art galleries to form their establishment of marine transportation as an own splinter group . Without a national forum, independent curatorial area at NMST, a majorreview of the existing and newly-founded maritime mu- the collection management and development policy at seums developed and fought for their own NMST, and the devolution of NMST from the National Museums of Canada to assume a status as a separate place under the sun, helping each other spo- Crown corporation. Most important, however, was the radically within their budget limitations while commonly-held opinion within the Canadian maritime separated by vast distances . A far-sighted at- museum community that such a gathering was much tempt, inspired by then Member of Parliament needed and long overdue. for Halifax, Edmund Morris, to create a nation- In hosting the colloquium, NMST was fortunate in having the service of Niels/annasch, DirectorEmeritus of al Canadian maritime museum with branches the Maritime Museum of the Atlantic, as chairman . Mr. on both coasts and at the Great Lakes and the Jannasch is without peer in the Canadian maritime St. Lawrence River did not get anywhere. The museum community and is widely respected and indiscriminate and competitive collection pol- admired within the International Congress of Maritime icy of the newly-created NMST under its first Museums, on whose executive he has served for many Director certainly did not help years. A personal report on the colloquium by Mr. to create a spirit Jannasch follows. of co-operation among maritime museums in Canada, unless one considers a negative and "If you can wait and not be tired by waiting . . ." unproductive anti-Ottawa sentiment as Such . So Kipling wrote, and I shall leave it at that . So it was a most pleasant surprise to be invited After 30 years of waiting it did finally hap- by the very same institution for a get together of pen-a meeting of Canadian maritime muse- Canadian maritime museum curators . um curators-and we are very grateful indeed It was marvellous to meet the new Director to the new Director of NMST, Dr. Genevi6ve of NMST and her friendly knowledgeable staff Sainte-Marie, and the newly-appointed Cura- at an unpretentious but, for that reason, ever so tor of Marine Transportation, Garth Wilson . much more effective gathering at NMST on the Without their initiative and, I might add, their first night of the symposium. The give and take, budget, this symposium would never have tak- the exchange of information, the feeling of en place. belonging together in reaching an admittedly Let me go back in time, to the 1960 Canadi- as-yet-unspecified goal, and the good fellow- an Museums Association (CMA) meeting in ship was enjoyed by all. So much for history Montreal, when the few curators of maritime and the pleasant changes. museums and maritime collections who could -The working sessions of the symposium then be found were pushed aside as a rather started with a lengthy "curatorial tour" of Can- unimportant part of the Canadian museum ada's maritime museums, their histories, their community . This happened in spite of the fact collections, their financial problems and their

Material History Review 33 (Spring 1991) / Revue d'histoire de la culture mat6rielle 33 (printemps 1991) 61 hopes for the future . After having been in the lightly as it is by some maritime museums and museum "business," as it were, for 26 years, I diving organizations. was impressed by the fact that all of our prob- Collecting, mandates, policies and ap- lems are just about the same-whether the proaches were topics aired on the last day. institutions were under federal, provincial or Again, the discussions proved to be interesting municipal governments or a private organiza- and illuminating . The question Who is entitled tion. These included lack of financial sup- to collect what? was in the foreground. While port, lack of staff and the problems of suitable there does not appear to be any difficulty along housing . But I was also impressed by the those lines in the Atlantic Provinces where we diligence and initiative shown by the mari- are accustomed to amicable relationships time museums to overcome these difficulties . among maritime collections and museums, I think the delegates learned a lot from each one individual from another region did not other. Of great interest to all were Garth Wil- share this confidence and expressed his point son's remarks about the future role of NMST . of view forcefully . I regarded the arguments as In short he explained there were no intentions petty and trust this person will come to his to create a national maritime museum in Otta- senses and see the overall picture. wa, but that the Marine Transportation Sec- Research and exhibitry were discussed at tion of NMST was aiming for breadth and not length. Again, the amicable relationship depth in its collections, giving it a synoptic among museums have something to contribute overview of Canada's maritime heritage . The as far as information about the past is con- delegates welcomed this sensible and realis- cerned, and then there are the National Ar- tic attitude taken by the NMST . The necessity chives. So why squabble? An interesting or desirability of a Canadian national mari- proposal was brought forward-namely to get time museum in Ottawa was never discussed. speakers from abroad onto a maritime museum The delegates are only too aware of the circuit in Canada. Travelling exhibitions of problems and difficulties such a national in- nautical interest were also discussed, but there stitution would present ; the lack of artifacts, were also discussions of the problems of pay- the location far away from any sea, the di- ing for them. versity of the regions with their existing col- Merridy Bradley, Museum Consultant at lections, the contentious situations of na- the Canadian Heritage Information Network tional maritime museums in other coun- (CHIN) gave a talk on collection management, tries-all speak against the creation of yet its systems and issues. This was followed by another artificial national emporium full of discussions about a valid authority list, an replicas in Ottawa . absolute necessity . A resolution to request as- The delegates also had an opportunity to sistance from CHIN in assembling such a na- visit and observe the Collection Management tional authority list was passed and has since Division and the storage facilities of NMST . then been accepted by them . Because the Mar- Needless to say we were all much impressed itime Museum of the Atlantic (MMA) already by their facilities but, seeing the vast amount has a well-established relationship with CHIN of machinery and technological gadgetry col- and is very familiar with the problems and lected by NMST-most of which had nothing objectives of the process and has already creat- to do with Canada's maritime history-I for ed a workable list, it is hoped that the MMA one could not help thinking of Francis Bacon will be chosen as a project centre . who said sometime around 1600 that "antiq- The question whether to form a Canadian uities are history defaced, or some remnants Maritime Heritage Conference was thoroughly of history which have casually escaped the aired, and I am glad to report that the delegates shipwreck of time ." So much for indiscrimi- decided to seek affiliation with the Canadian nate collecting . A much more selective collec- Nautical Research Society (CNRS) as a special tion policy would definitely be in order. interest group instead of forming yet another A most interesting afternoon was spent at organization with all of its bureaucratic clap- the Marine Archaeology Section of the Cana- trap. I might add that the CNRS has, in the dian Parks Service under the guidance of its meanwhile, approved the formation of a spe- Head, Robert Grenier. What joy to meet an cial museums group within its organization . historian and archaeologist so full of infec- John MacFarlane of the Maritime Museum tious enthusiasm and knowledge. We learned of British Columbia presented a most interest- all about the section's work on the Basque ing proposal, namely the creation of a British wreck at Red Bay and, I hope, we also learned Columbia Vintage Vessel Registry, which that marine or underwater archaeology is a should do much to heighten general interest in very costly exercise and not one to be taken as our maritime heritage, without drawing too

62 heavily on the meagre resources of maritime Garth Wilson, and also to Marc Bourgeois of museums, resources which are already being the NMST staff, who was responsible for the scattered to the limit. flawless arrangements . I can only hope that In conclusion I am glad to say that the Canadian maritime museum curators will have symposium was a great success. Again, thanks the chance to meet on a regular basis in the are due to Dr. Genevi6ve Sainte-Marie and future despite of ever-tightening budgets.

List of Delegates

Sonia Chass6 Walter Peddle Mus6e maritime Bernier Newfoundland Museum

Robert Elliot Maurice Smith New Brunswick Museum Marine Museum of the Great Lakes

Robert Grenier (Guest) John Summers Canadian Parks Service Marine Museum of Upper Canada

Niels Jannasch, Director Emeritus Joan Thornley Maritime Museum of the Atlantic Vancouver Maritime Museum Conference Chairman Guy Vadboncoeur John MacFarlane Mus6e David M. Stewart Maritime Museum of British Columbia Garth Wilson Marven Moore National Museum of Science and Maritime Museum of the Atlantic Technology

Trude Oliver Prince Edward Island Museum

VII International Congress of Maritime Museums GARTH S. WILSON

A report on the VII International Congress of offset by a sense of philosophical and intellec- Maritime Museums, 26 August - 4 September 1990, Stockholm . tual inertia and of general museological decline. The VII triennial conference of the Internation- The conference, attended by some 200 del- al Congress of Maritime Museums, hosted by egates, ran from August 26 to September 4 and Sweden, was an organizational tour de force, a was preceded by a two-day preconference tour magnificent sea-going experience and, all in in Denmark. This year's gathering was greatly all, a truly memorable event. However, this enhanced by the wonderfully appropriate use fulsome praise, offered freely and in good faith, of a charter cruise ship, the Finnish-registered does not come without some serious reserva- MV Kristina Regina, as accommodation and, tions as to the museological value and general more importantly, as a means of conveying the philosophical tenure of the congress. For this delegates around to various cities and mari- delegate, attending his first ICMM conference, time museums in the eastern Baltic. The Baltic the joy of taking part in this event, in such cruise, which followed three days of formal invigorating company and circumstances, was sessions at the new Vasa Museum, complemented

63 by regal Swedish hospitality, took the confer- seems appropriate, if not imperative, that ence to Mariehamn in the Aland Islands, the greater voice be given to the various fortified town of Kotka (Finland), Kronstadt, professional functions and their concerns . the famous and hitherto restricted Russian This could be done in two ways: either by naval base, Leningrad, Tallin, and finally directors sending their professional staff in Helsinki, where the conference closed. place of themselves, or by setting professional This programme, skilfully conducted by issues front and centre on the agenda of the our Swedish hosts, set the VII triennial formal sessions. conference apart from all other ICMM With respect to the former, it was conferences and arguably put it among the interesting to note that lip-service was paid to finest of all ICOM meetings. For this, a great the need for wider representation by debt of thanks is owed to both the executive professional staff. Nevertheless, when the council of the ICMM and the Swedish host issue was discussed, the walls seemed to this institutions. Yet in spite of all the enjoyment observer to ooze disingenuousness . The truth and value which can be accrued to the is that the triennial conferences are essentially opportunity to visit historic Baltic ports, and directors' conferences, events too exotic, all the admiration one must feel for those interesting and enjoyable to be missed . responsible for planning and hosting such an Admittedly, some of the larger museums were event, the importance of this conference to the represented by several of their staff. Even so, preservation and promotion of maritime there is sometimes a stifling effect caused by material culture remains, sadly, very much in the simple presence of one's immediate question. In the opinion of this delegate, the superior, an influence that might prevent a operation was a magnificent success, but the fully open and vigorous exchange of ideas. patient remains gravely ill. However, as funding becomes more critical, it Coming at the start of the final decade of the is important that the question of attendance be twentieth century, it is hard to resist the seriously addressed. Perhaps the ICMM temptation to attribute some prophetic should consider instituting an official policy qualities to this conference, and in this case the encouraging directors to send staff members to omens are not encouraging . For if one were to selected meetings . The urgency for this is even try to qualify the tenor of the meeting, one more apparent when one considers that as a would have to note a certain degree of anxiety, result of the forces of change influencing in the confusion of which the fundamental museums today, more and more directors are value of material culture appears to have been being hired primarily for their fund-raising obscured . Much of the informal discussion and management skills. If this trend continues, made reference to the rather abstract notion of the ICMM triennial conferences may someday the museum of the nineties and much of the be reduced to little more than exotic concern expressed related to financial management seminars by the sea. solvency and venue popularity in the decade With respect to the second possibility, the to come . Today, perhaps more than ever dedication of formal sessions to pressing pro- before, these are pressing and important fessional issues, the same logic applies . With- concerns and nothing that follows is meant to out the full participation of a wider denigrate their legitimacy. There is a danger, cross-section of professional staff, it is highly however, that these concerns have now so improbable that the discussion of professional absorbed the institutional energy and issues will be substantial or useful. At the VII imagination of museums that they have ICMM conference some sessions were dedi- seriously begun to neglect their primary cated to professional concerns, specifically responsibility, indeed, their raison d'etre : the documentation systems, contemporary col- collection, preservation and interpretation of lecting and the educational function of muse- material culture . ums . Unfortunately, several of the papers While this issue is in no way unique to given under these headings went off topic or maritime museums or the ICMM, this dealt with their subject matter in a very su- conference set the magnitude of the problem in perficial manner . Moreover, quite often the stark relief. To begin with, the conference perspective given was little more than an ad- consisted of a very high percentage of ministrative overview . Thus, important topics directors. In this regard this ICMM meeting such as the current tension between curatorial was by no means unusual, but at a time when and public programming functions were not our definitions of museums and their functions properly addressed; the closest to this issue the are in contention (and I dare say few of the conference came was in incidental references directors present would deny that this is so), it to "subject" versus "object" oriented approaches to exhibits . Ultimately, the ICMM Maritime Museums," became a messianic should ask itself whether its triennial confer- museological cry of justification by fiscal buoy- ences are intended to promote a higher stan- ancy and popular appeal alone. As for tensions dard of maritime museology, or whether their among professional staff, Mr. Neill assured us function is essentially social and diplomatic. that such problems did not exist at his site for On the matter of the papers themselves, the the simple reason that he does not tolerate any quality was disappointing . One notable excep- disagreement. The brilliance of this approach tion was a very lively talk entitled "Can Con- was quickly noted by the delegates. Mr. Neill temporary Collection be Objective?" given by urged museum directors to cultivate the end- Dr. Robert Anderson, Director of the Royal less possibilities of private financing and Museum of Scotland . Intended as a general strongly suggested that if their institutions introduction to the session on "The Collecting could not capture their requisite share of the of Contemporary Objects and the Future of market, then they had little reason to exist. Maritime History," Dr. Anderson's paper ad- But are these the only true measures of the dressed some of the essential difficulties of value and worth of museums to society? If we collecting technology and, using historical ex- in the profession begin to believe this, then amples as a measure, cautioning us against the who will be left to speak for material culture? temptation and the hubris of assumed objectiv- In the course of his presentation, Mr. Neill ity . In general, though, a disproportionate castigated Dr. Anderson for his encouragement number of the papers were little more than of what he perceived as Victorian curatorial "show and tell" presentations . Topics that by tendencies, noting that the nineteenth century title appeared to be of great interest often was an era best remembered for its hypocrisy . turned out to be institution-specific recitals of Ironically, Mr. Neill's condemnation of Victo- programmes or events-items one normally rian values was delivered in the same breath as expects to find in brochures and public rela- his veritable call to arms for a resurrected nine- tions material, not in the formal sessions of a teenth century liberal approach to the manage- triennial, international conference. ment of museums . Unfortunately, the Some of the more senior members of the ramifications of this were lost on Mr. Neill, as ICMM with whom I spoke assured me that the were all the exceptional market circumstances quality of papers at this meeting was, if any- which constitute the setting in which South thing, above average. Then, as if in apology for Street Seaport exists . The sermon was not fol- this, they hastened to note that the real value of lowed by the singing of hymns. such gatherings was not the formal lectures but Mr. Neill's paper constituted an exagger- the many informal sessions which occur dur- ated reflection of a certain subtle element of ing these meetings. This is indeed the case, and fiscal self-righteousness, which was some- the contacts one makes at such meetings often times apparent among the American delegates. do provide the richest return on the investment The difference in philosophy underlying the of attendance. Nevertheless, it remains a rather difference in traditions became quite evident poor excuse for condemning the delegates to early on when, following an introduction to several days of formal proceedings that are low the Swedish SAMDOK project, an American in museological substance . In fact, the truly delegate rose to suggest that museums had distressing aspect of this trend is not so much enough to do just running day-to-day opera- the ennui caused by an endless parade of slide tions without getting involved in research and images designed more to attract the paying the pursuit of truth. After all, the delegate public than to inform one's peers, but, rather, added, did we not have universities for such the loss of a unique opportunity : a chance to esoteric activities? Several Europeans rose in debate openly with colleagues from around the objection, but the obvious connection between world those problems, concerns, ideas and the public trust, in this instance a higher edu- policies which are closest to heart and mind . cational purpose, and the necessity for contin- Perhaps the most provocative address was ued public funding was never made. For many that given by Peter Neill, the Director of the American museums, the private sector has South Street Seaport Museum in New York long been an important partner. Thus, while City. Indeed, this paper did much to draw not immune to the current adversity, the pros- current trends in museum management into pect of further dependence on private funding focus, though in a manner that was hardly is much less daunting for them than for the encouraging to those seeking proper recogni- continental Europeans, who now find them- tion and protection of material culture in diffi- selves confronting a similar reality. In the face cult times. The paper, presented during a ses- of this, the European delegates appeared con- sion on "Maritime Settings in Connection with cerned but strangely dumbfounded. There is

65 undoubtedly much of value which can be inspiration derived from a general sense of a learned from the American experience, but renewal. However, such expensive projects patronizing attitudes do little to create an envi- can be full of pitfalls and are by no means a ronment of constructive exchange . Thus, such panacea for the long-term problems and chal- issues as the connection between the retreat lenges which maritime museums face today, from arguments for public funding and the though they may temporarily relieve some of growing perception that museums are essen- the symptoms . Many of these problems are tially centres of entertainment, were never clearly economic, but surely just as many are properly explored. rooted in attitude and ultimately in the way in Indeed, the defence of state funding for which museums are defined and portrayed to museums that was offered was surprisingly the public. The more esoteric functions of apologetic, disjointed and lacking in convic- maritime museums may well be difficult to tion. Have all the traditional institutional val- explain and to defend to the general public, but ues and mandates become completely an acknowledgement of that difficulty must irrelevant or untenable to museums today? not be taken as a licence to stop trying . Indeed, What are the responsibilities of museums to more energy and imagination needs to be spent the public? How do we measure accountability on finding new ways to promote the impor- and success? What price do we put on the tance of museum activities which are not so presentation of our material heritage? What- readily apparent to the public. It was a very ever the approach taken to these questions, great disappointment to me to find that such viable solutions can surely be more readily matters were not so much dismissed as simply found through vigorous debate, ideally within ignored. an international context where all can benefit The Kristina Regina was certainly no ship from the wide range of experience available. of fools. Nor was her voyage without profit to Nevertheless, at the VII ICMM conference those of us lucky enough to have been aboard these issues remained largely in the back- her for the conference . However, the pleasures ground, often implicitly referred to but seldom of the trip may well have served to mask the appearing as the focus of discussion . Even absence of museological rigour and to distract when the spark of debate was struck, no sub- delegates from a serious philosophical consid- stantial fire was lit. eration of the long-term issues effecting the Throughout the congress the politics of future of maritime material culture. Indeed, at popularity, so forcefully articulated by Mr. a time when public awareness of the impor- Neill, remained extremely compelling and tance of shipping and seafaring to society is were seldom challenged. And among the strat- generally in decline (a fact readily admitted by egies proposed to improve the popular appeal the delegates), the task of those entrusted with of maritime museums, the hope for a new maritime heritage preservation is more impor- building was high on the list of stated aspira- tant that ever. With this in mind, it is hoped tions. The tremendous public response to the that future ICMM meetings will take full ad- new Vasa Museum, the site of most of our vantage of the very great opportunity for pro- formal sessions, did much to reinforce this . fessional enrichment and inspiration through The need for new buildings is, again, a legiti- vigourous debate, which only conferences of mate and sometimes pressing concern. More- this sort can provide. over, the attraction of new buildings is easy to understand; an injection of fresh capital, a dramatic increase in public attention and the Notes and Comments

Notes et commentaires

Ongoing Changes to Nouvelle orientation Material History de la Revue d'histoire Review de la culture materielle PETER RIDER PETER RIDER

The new name for Material History Bulletin is Maintenant rebaptis6, le Bulletin d'histoire de more than window-dressing . It represents the la culture materiel]e fait peau neuve. En effet, beginning of the second phase of efforts to nous amor~ons la deuxi6me phase de la revitalize the flagship journal of material revitalisation de ce pt;riodique de tete dans le history in Canada. This phase deals with the domaine de 1'histoire de la culture mat6rielle contents of the publication . Readers may au Canada. Cette phase porte sur le contenu de already have observed evidence of recent la publication . Nos lecteurs et lectrices ont improvements in the production and peut-etre d6ja remarqu6 certaines am6- administration of MHR. The last three issues liorations r6centes dans la production et have reflected design refinements, and they 1'administration de la Revue, entre autres le have been delivered to subscribers on time . graphisme plus recherch6 des trois derniers These visible changes, in a fashion, symbolize num6ros ainsi que leur livraison A temps. Ces the investment of considerable effort in some changements visibles refl6tent les efforts of the hidden aspects of publishing ; the consid6rables d6ploy6s dans certains aspects maintenance of an up-to-date subscription list, cach6s de 1'tsdition : mise A jour de la liste des the development of a marketing plan, efficient abonntss, 6laboration d'un plan de marketing, warehousing and respect for deadlines at every entreposage efficace et respect des d6lais A stage of production . As a result Material toutes les 6tapes de la production . Toutes ces HistoryReviewis now more widely distributed am6liorations font que la Revue d'histoire de la than ever before. culture materielle est maintenant plus Recently most of the Canadian members of largement distributse que jamais auparavant. the editorial board met in Ottawa as guest of La plupart des membres canadiens du Co- the publisher, the National Museum of Science mit6 de r6daction se sont rencontrtss r6cem- and Technology . This was the first such ment A Ottawa, a 1'invitation de 1'6diteur, le gathering since the founding meeting at the Mus6e national des sciences et de la National Museum of Man in November 1975. technologie. C'6tait la premicre rencontre du Board members were asked to give a report genre depuis la rtsunion de fondation du p6ri- card on the recent performance of the editors odique au Mustse national de 1'Homme, en and to chart a course for the future . The results novembre 1975. Les membres du Comitd de of these consultations will become apparent in rt;daction ont 6td invitt;s A «noter» le r6cent the next few issues . travail des responsables de la production et 6 Readers may look forward to a number of tracer des plans d'avenir. Les r6sultats de ces changes. While the editorial board reaffirmed consultations transparaitront dans les the central role of objects in appropriate prochains num6ros. subject matter for MHR, the list of relevant Nos lecteurs et lectrices peuvent s'attendre disciplines has been expanded to include art A uncertain nombre de changements. Si le history, architectural history, ethnology and Comit6 de r6daction a r6affirm6 1'importance historical geography, as well as the present cruciale a accorder aux objets dans le cadre de fields of social and technological history and la Revue, la liste des disciplines pertinentes a folklore. Articles will undergo an enhanced r;t6 Margie pour englober Phistoire de Fart, process of jury review, and new features will 1'histoire de 1'architecture, 1'ethnologie et la provide readers with better information on g6ographie historique ainsi que les nouvelles

Material History Review 33 (Spring 1991) / Revue d'histoire de la culture mat6rielle 33 (printemps 1991) 67 current research trends and methodologies. recherches dans les domaines de 1'histoire The international members of the editorial sociale, de 1'histoire des techniques et du board represent an important, and soon to be folklore . Le processus d'examen des textes en expanded, commitment to secure more full comitd sera am6lior6 et de nouvelles rubriques coverage of the activities of our colleagues permettront de mieux informer le public abroad . lecteur des tendances et m6thodes de la These changes are being implemented to recherche actuelle . Le Comit6 de r6daction serve the readership of Material History compte d6jA quelques membres 6trangers et en Review better. The editors and editorial board comptera bientot davantage afin de mieux are mindful, however, of the need to maintain couvrir les activit6s de nos colMgues d'autres full communication with those who write and pays. read what we publish. If you have any Ces changements visent A mieux servir les comments, advice or proposals, please contact lecteurs et lectrices de la Revue d'histoire de la anyone listed on the masthead. Our plans for culture matcrielle. La direction et le Comit6 de phase two are still being developed, and all r6daction sont toutefois conscients de la contributions are welcome. n6cessit6 de maintenir des liens 6troits avec les personnes qui 6crivent et celles qui lisent ce que nous publions . Si vous avez des observations, des conseils ou des propositions A formuler, communiquez avec nous. Nos plans pour la phase deux sont en cours d'6laboration et toutes les contributions sont bienvenues .

Le Comite canadien pour la conservation du patrimoine industriel / The Canadian Committee for the Conservation of Industrial Heritage LOUISE TROTTIER

Le Comit6 canadien pour la conservation du presque toutes les provinces et territoires . Le patrimoine industriel s'est assign6 le mandat recrutement des membres se fait aupriss des de favoriser 1'6tude, la` protection et 1'in- chercheurs, 6ducateurs, mus6ologues, terpr6tation de vestiges qui, au Canada, architectes, ing6nieurs et personnes affili6es A sont repr6sentatifs de la civilisation pr6- des associations scientifiques et ouvri6res, ia industrielle et industrielle, et de promouvoir des maisons d'enseignement, des com- toute activit6 6ducative et de diffusion A cet munaut6s et corporations r6gionales ainsi qu'A 6gard. 1'entreprise priv6e . Le bulletin de liaison C'est donc une toute nouvelle dimension Machines, publi6 deux fois par ann6e, sert A qui est donn6e A la culture mat6rielle lorsqu'on 6changer et diffuser 1'information relative aux 1'applique A ce contexte particulier. Effec- projets en cours, A travers le Canada, dans tous tivement, la culture mat6rielle peut se les domaines se rattachant au patrimoine consacrer A 1'6tude ou A la mise en valeur de industriel : pr6servation de sites, acquisition vestiges tels que des ateliers, manufactures, d'objets techniques, collecte de documents usines et leurs installations et environnement d'archives, comptes rendus de colloques et de imm6diat, des 6quipements, machines, outils conf6rences, s6minaires de formation et ainsi et produits, 1'habitat et les lieux assign6s aux de suite. services publics, la documentation pertinente L'action de ce comit6 serait nulle si elle ces objets et structures ainsi que les n'6tait compl6t6e par celle de sous-comit6s t6moignages associ6s au savoir-faire ouvrier, responsables de questions particulic?res aux traditions et aux innovations techniques . comme les adh6sions, le bulletin de liaison, le A ce jour, le Comit6 canadien pour la financement et les publications. Parmi les conservation du patrimoine industriel compte projets qui se d6velopperont au cours des plus de soixante membres r6partis dans prochaines ann6es, mentionnons tout d'abord la planification d'une conf6rence inter- Le Comit6 canadien pour la conservation nationale sur le patrimoine industriel, qui aura du patrimoine industriel invite donc avec lieu en septembre 1994 dans les r6gions de plaisir tous ceux qui s'int6ressent A la culture Montr6al, d'Ottawa et du sud de 1'Ontario mat6rielle associ6e au milieu industriel A se (Hamilton et Niagara Falls). Le Comitd 6tudie joindre A ses activit6s . Pour plus de en outre la possibilit6 d'organiser des renseignements, veuillez communiquer avec s6minaires de formation dans le domaine de Louise Trottier, pr6sidente du Comit6 1'arch6ologie industrielle, en collaboration canadien pour la conservation du patrimoine avec des universit6s et des organismes industriel, au Mus6e national des sciences et pertinents. Enfin, il travaille ardemment A de la technologie, C .P . 9724, Terminus 1'6tablissement de crit6res d'6valuation en vue d'Ottawa, Ottawa (Ontario) K1G 5A3 ; de la nomination de cinq sites repr6sentatifs t6l6phone, (613) 991-6705, t6l6copie, (613) du patrimoine industriel canadien et 990-3636 . susceptibles d'etre int6gr6s au patrimoine mondial de 1'UNESCO.

New Research in Museum Studies

New Research in Museum Studies : An and the relationship of museums to native International Series is an important new series peoples. The volume concludes with a review designed to act as a forum for the section, covering recent books, exhibitions and dissemination and discussion of new research conferences. Price is £28. Available from The currently being undertaken in the field of Athlone Press, 1 Park Drive, London NW11 museum studies . Volumes in the series will 7SG England. appear once a year . Each volume will be The Editor is very pleased to discuss concerned with a particular topic, and that potential contributions with authors, who chosen for Volume 1 is Objects of Knowledge. should contact her at an early stage. This is a This volume is concerned with the ways in referreed publication, and comments will be which meaning is created through museum sought for each contribution . Please contact objects, and the processes which this involves . Dr. Susan Pearce, Director, Department of The papers, however, adopt a diversity of Museum Studies, University of Leicester, 105, stances, ranging widely across the field; some Princess Road East, Leicester LE1 7LG take a broadly theoretical line, and others England. examine specific areas like museum education

Veronika Gervers Research Fellowship in Costume and Textile History

The Royal Ontario Museum (ROM) annouces cover a broad range of time and geography . For the annual Veronika Gervers Research information, contact Chair, Veronika Gervers Fellowship in Textile and Costume History of Memorial Fellowship, Textile Department, up to CAN $9,000 to be awarded to a scholar Royal Ontario Museum, 100 Queen's Park, working on any aspect of textile or costume Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5S 2C6 ; (416) 586- history whose research makes direct use of, or 5790 . Deadline for applications is November supports, any part of the ROM collections that 15, 1991 . Reviews : Comptes rendus

Impact of the Bauhaus: Ceramics of the Weimar Republic, 1919-1933 DIANE REID

Material quoted about Germanisches National Museum, Nuremburg, February 1919 and the city of Weimar became the International Germany and the Smithsonian Institution Travelling its capital. The Weimar Republic endured Exhibition Service, mounted at the ( :uorge R. Exhibition of Modern until 1933 when the Nazis came to power. Art is courtesy of the Gardiner Museum of Ceramic: Art, Toronto. Subsequently, many of the ceramics factories Archives of the Art Curator : Meredith Chilton Gallery of Ontario, that produced the work displayed in Impact of Toronto. Designers : Ivy Lee and Steven Petrie the Bauhaus : Ceramics of the Weimar Duration : 11 September 1990 to 6 January 1991 Republic, 1919-1933, were closed . Publications : Illustrated poster ; no catalogue The Bauhaus school's ideas were rooted in Fig. i artistic movements that looked to the past as Water pitcher. well as the future . As new forms of art from Earthenware. A map of the revolutionary flashpoints in impressionism to cubism were changing tastes Manufacturer: Societe Germany in November of 1918 is an image in the German Empire, Hermann Muthesius, Ceramique, Maastricht, dotted with ca 1930. (Courtesy pastel circles that corresponds to strongly influenced by the British Arts and George R. Gardiner the pattern of violence that swept William 11 Crafts Movement, founded the Werkbund in Museum of Ceramic from power and provoked the proclamation of 1907 . Its aim was the reconciliation of art, craft, Art) a republic . This revolutionary design for the industry and trade. In 1912, Walter Gropius future gave way to a new government in joined the Werkbund and its ideas, with varying emphasis, informed the plans he made for his school, the Bauhaus, which opened in 1919 . The tumult of futurism, constructivism, Fig. 2 and dada, which were part of the Weimar and Chocolate pitcher with Bauhaus scene, arrived in Canada in 1927 metal lid. Porcelain. when the International Exhibition of Modern Manufacturer: C. A. Lehmann & Sohn, Kahla, Art came to the Art Gallery of Toronto . ca 1930 . (Courtesy Gropius' school was well represented. Works George R. Gardiner by Wassily Kandinsky, Laszlo Moholy-Nagy Museum of Ceramic Art) and Paul Klee, all teachers at the Bauhaus, were part of the exhibition. Johannes Itten, first teacher of the Vorkurs, the compulsory introductory course, also showed work. Over 100 artists from 20 countries were represented . Lawren Harris, who recommended that the show be brought to Canada, commented that "the works impressed one as exemplifying sincere adventure, research and expression" and "there is nothing in it of an offensive nature, that is, decadent in the moral sense." The reviews of the exhibition were mixed and tended towards the negative . The Mail reporter wrote that "people who have worked themselves into paroxysms of rage over the experiments of Canadian modernists . . .will

Material History Review 33 (Spring 1991) / Revue d'histaire de la calture materielle 33 (printemps 1991) leave the International Exhibition of Modern 25 kilometres from the school at Weimar. Art. . .with the feeling that our Group of Seven Krehan's operation produced traditional work is devoting itself to ultra-realism." typical of the region and Marcks' ideas Yet, Canadian artists were influenced by flourished there to the point of being the trends introduced by the exhibition . "reactionary" during the first years. The Gordon Webber studied with Maholy-Nagy for emphasis on the marriage of art and technology three years at the end of the 1930s and Bertram was more truly part of Gropius' notions for the Brooker, an expatriate Englishman, was second Bauhaus school established at Dessau strongly influenced by Kandinsky in the 1920s. in 1925 where there was no pottery workshop. Modernism was, of course, flourishing in Marcks was not alone in not bowing to the Weimar Germany. The purpose of the Gardiner needs of advancing technology . Even the Museum's exhibition is to illustrate the way in cubist design teacher Lyonel Feininger which the Bauhaus school's ideas were put avowed that this approach was "exactly what into production by ceramics factories in that we didn't want." country until they were censored by Hitler. The tensions between old folk forms: The exhibition Impact of the Bauhaus has "squat, potbellied shapes and the rude, had a long period of gestation. It began in 1978 strongly protrusive . ..spouts and handles" and at a fleamarket in Berlin where Tilmann the newer work of such apprentices as Otto Buddensieg bought the first piece of his Lindig and Theo Bogler was resolved in 1923. collection of Weimar ceramics which The shop changed definitely to "mass- eventually numbered 450 items . The collector production models ." Primitivist designs slid was struck by the bold construction of shape into geometric ornamentation. The squat folk and the patterns that, he believed, reflected the form was transformed into bulky shapes with influence of the Bauhaus. centralized weight and appendages such as This exhibition is a very beautiful one, well spouts, handles and lids attached as separate, designed, with appropriate use of a strong sometimes geometrical forms. Otto Lindig central diagonal line, by Ivy Lee and Steven worked for simplicity of shape for manufacture Petrie . The neutral colours that surround the and after 1923 aimed for a coalition of hand well-lit cases allow for maximum impact of the work and mass production. Finally, earthen- striking palette of browns, blues, mauves, ware methods were changed to give more greens and reds which enliven the artifacts freedom of expression to the artist . themselves . The thirteen cases are distributed This tension between old and new is the between an entrance way and a central viewing central puzzle of the Impact of the Bauhaus area. About a dozen factories are represented exhibition . Because there is no published and over 50 pieces are displayed, dating catalogue, the viewer is left with some mainly from the late 1920s and early 1930s. confusion . It was intended that this deficiency The composition of the pieces is given in would be made up by the discussion of ceramic captions : earthenware, stoneware, creamware art in the symposium that accompanied the and porcelain . Extended captions with show. The Gardiner Museum has also historical information are presented on two provided a teaching guide by Helen Stone for well-placed posts. These larger captions use by school tours. However, the general outline the goals, mass-production and viewer is not given enough information to marketing techniques used by the factories assess the complex connections between the whose work is displayed and emphasize their Bauhaus and the ceramics factories . Perhaps efforts to provide cheap, beautiful wares to the photographs of actual Bauhaus pottery or some common consumer . However, the most other type of documentation could have been interesting puzzle about the Weimar ceramics included in the exhibition to address this is not addressed . problem . The Bauhaus pottery workshop began at the In his essay for the catalogue that accom- Schmidt stove factory in 1919 under the panied the display of these ceramics at the direction of Gerhard Marcks. Marcks first Victoria and Albert Museum in London in became friends with Walter Gropius when he 1986, the collector, Buddensieg, noted the designed a ceramic wall for a restaurant influence of mechanization on Bauhaus installation by the Werkbund at the Cologne production. Yet, as we have seen, this idea was Exhibition of 1914. Marcks' leading principle not unchallenged at the Weimar school. Still, it when he joined the Bauhaus staff in 1919 was so clearly informs all the ceramics in this that of "uniting handicrafts with art as much as collection that one must wonder about the possible ." In 1920 the workshop was moved to exact connection between the Bauhaus and the a pottery owned by Max Krehan in Dornburg, factories. What happened to the Bauhaus

72 potters after the school workshop closed in the Bauhaus Archiv in Berlin had some of the 1925? answers. Fig. 3 The careers of some of them can be traced . In Canada, as we might expect, having seen Dish . Earthenware. Otto Lindig remained after the Bauhaus school the reaction to the arrival of Bauhaus art here in Manufacturer : left and became director of the Keramische 1927, "modern ceramics" arrived late and were Thomsberger & Hermann, Akt. Ges., Werkstatt at Dornsburg. Theo Bogler worked not readily accepted . Trade catalogues, such as Coldtitz, ca 1930. briefly in the Velten-Vordamm factory along those from Birks and Nerlich and Co., suggest (Courtesy George R. with many other Bauhaus students in the late a complete absence of modern design in this Gardiner Museum of 1920s. Other students worked at the Majolika- aspect of Canadian life in the 1920s and 1930s . Ceramic Art) Manufaktur, and the Karlsruhe and Staatliche Ceramics designed by Russel Wright were Porzellan-Manufaktur . These factories do not introduced here late in 1939 and were show work in the Gardiner exhibition. advertised through the 1940s. Two lines, It is also evident that there were commonly known as Carnivalware and other ceramics schools in Germany; Fiestaware, featured bulky round forms and one, for example, at Bunzlau geometric features such as handles . These where there were several were reminiscent of the Weimar designs . ceramics factories, three of The Canadian reaction was predictable . A which are represented in this writer in The China, Glass and Gift Buyer, a exhibition. Who were the other trade journal, wrote that, "to the casual designers and where did they observer, the objective of the artist often seems i train? Only one factory to be to make the article look as unlike as designer, Herman Gretch of the possible what it is supposed to be . Apparently, Villeroy and Boch factory, if he achieves this effect, it is a good functional Dresden, is identified in the design ." This Canadian comment may be the captions . Bundensieg has noted most amusing footnote to an aspect of material in one of his essays that documents history which is as paradoxical as the social such as factory catalogues and trade history which gave rise to it . gazettes are no longer extant . Perhaps The exhibition Impact of the Bauhaus leaves the viewer with many unanswered questions . Yet, by simply seeing the beautiful Weimar ceramics, the influence of the Bauhaus becomes evident . Patterns based on the designs of Kandinsky or closely resembling the structures and colours of Feininger are visible everywhere . The swirls and stripes of potters Johannes Driesch and Theo Bogler are also here . We see the bulky forms and functional, sometimes geometric, handles and spouts that t J were part of the Dornburg pottery designs. A Fig. 4 ~°c flat-topped teapot resembles the work of Bogler Two dessert plates and at the school . The graduated colouration of saucer . Porcelain. spray paint work on many of the jugs and pots Manufacturer: C.'. A. is filled with references to cubism and Lehmann & Sohn, Kahla, ca 1930 . futurism . (Courtesy George R. In the final analysis, the exhibition, in fine Gardiner Museum of post modern fashion, leaves visitors to piece Ceramic Art) together the whole story for themselves.

Curatorial Statement Editor's Note : Despite Material History Review's policy of 1919-1933 exhibition . Instead we are able to provide arranging for statements from curators responsible background information based upon documentation /or exhibitions reviewed in it, circumstances did not kindly supplied by the. Smithsonian Institution allow for such a report in connection with the Impact Travelling Exhibition Service (SITES) . Readers of the Bauhaus: Ceramics of the Weimar Republic, interested in more details may contact the Project Director of SITES at 1100 Jefferson Drive, SW, Pieces were sold not in sets, but individually, Washington D.C., 20560, U.S .A . inviting consumers to combine patterns creatively, all of which were designed to In the climate of artistic ferment that flourished complement one another. in the years between the two World Wars, In the early 1930s, with Hitler's rise to modern ceramics came of age in Germany. For power, the modern aesthetic fell from grace as the first time, well-made and attractive ware rapidly as it had risen. The idea of art as a became available and affordable for the progressive force was anathema to the Nazis; majority of German citizens . From the smallest "communist" ceramics-visible symbols of domestic utensil to the architecture of its the Weimar regime-were to be smashed. cities, Germany was determined to rebuild Shapes and decoration revealing the mass- itself physically and spiritually in the wake of production process were discouraged World War I and the 1918 revolution. With a (although improved production techniques new constitution and a new name, the Weimar remained) ; factories were forced to imitate the Republic set out to erect a new-and many thrown forms and hand-painted decoration of hoped classless-society, in the process traditional German folk art . providing everyone with the most advanced By responding to postwar Germany's housing, schools, places of work, and products urgent needs, Weimar artists, architects, and for daily living . designers had hoped to reshape society by From this ferment, a new breed of designers gaining control of an increasingly mechanized emerged to champion "industrial art." The world . Although their movement was new design doctrine demanded an exhaustive destroyed by the Nazis, in decades to come study of materials-many recently formu- their rhetoric-drained of its radical politics- lated-and manufacturing processes . The re- would find a fertile home in America. That was sults were revolutionary . Ceramics and other to be a gradual process, though, unmarked by household objects, designed strictly for func- the urgency of the Weimar era. tion, celebrated their machine origins rather All works in the exhibition are from the than mimicking the florid ornament of their German National Museum, Nuremburg, handmade ancestors . The younger generation Germany. They were collected and docu- of artists and designers, sobered by the carnage mented by Dr. Tilmann Buddensieg, Professor, at the front, had come home from the World Kunsthistorisches Institute, University of War I trenches eager to focus the new technical Bonn, who donated his collection to the advances and media on bettering humanity . museum . The liberal Weimar government encouraged In an essay written to accompany the their efforts. As Germany resumed its peace- exhibition shown at the Victoria and Albert time quest for industrial power, artists and Museum in 1986, Professor Buddensieg noted, reformers alike sought to combat the numbing effects of rapid mechanization on the people . My wife Daphne and I bought the first of our The Bauhaus, born in the city of Weimar in Weimar ceramics in 1978 in a flea market in Berlin . Since then the collection has 1919, was the most famous, but not the only, gradually grown to over 450 pieces . school in Germany that trained architects and I was attracted by the way in which designers for work in industry . Teachers and consistent, bold construction of shape and students worked directly with industry to pattern of these everyday ceramics reflected the influences of the Bauhaus school of produce designs for manufacture. In this new design. mood of cooperative effort, the decoration of This collection does not seek to give a ceramics evolved into a collaborative process balanced picture of ceramic production at involving maker, merchandiser and consumer. Weimar . Many better researched or known Thus the stage was set for a decade that factories are under-represented or absent . I was more concerned with collecting revolutionized production. Producers came to examples of many different series, than of use a few simple forms for many lines of complete lines. vessels : coffee, milk, tea, water-even cups and sugar bowls-were distinguished only by This exhibition was developed for size . Decoration underwent dramatic changes . circulation by the Smithsonian Institution Applied or relief ornament vanished ; moulded Travelling Exhibition Service . The project was ribbing replaced incised decoration and other made possible in part by a donation from the handwork . Marketing and production, in the Phillips Petroleum Foundation. new cooperative spirit, worked hand in hand. Joy L. Santink, Timothy Eaton and the Rise of His Department Store RHONDA MAWHOOD

Santink, Joy L. Timothy Eaton and the Rise of His which we learn Eaton was not-contrary to Department Store. Toronto : University of Toronto Canadian legend-the first to employ . Despite Press, 1990 . 319 pp., illus. Cloth $35.00, these achievements, Santink's emphasis on ISBN 0-8020-2720-2. Eaton's personal attributes as the cause of his success masks much about the environment in In the past 15 years much has been written which he operated. about the history of retailing in modern It is clear that Santink sees Timothy Eaton industrialized countries . Various writers have as the primary reason for his store's success ; discussed the phenomenon of the rise of the she makes frequent references to his department store in England, France, and the determination and strength of character. This United States . In this first in-depth study of a is after all an historical biography (and at Canadian department store, Joy Santink sets times, a celebration) of a man who succeeded herself two tasks: to answer the question of in amassing a fortune where others failed . The how Eaton's was transformed from a small dry quotations Santink chooses to head her goods store to a department store-and chapters reinforce this perspective : many are perhaps pinpoint the reason why Timothy biblical references chosen not only for their Eaton succeeded where other retailers failed- appropriateness to such a religious man, but and to examine the "social, institutional, and also for their celebration of individual will and metropolitan implications of the store's determination ; other are self-flattering quotes activities both within the retail industry and by Eaton himself . While Eaton was un- within the larger social community ." Santink doubtedly a very ambitious and hard-working achieves her goal of tracing the store's rise in man, the primary factors which enabled his to the context of changes in Canadian business in amass his wealth-notably the poor wages of the late nineteenth century, but falls far short women retail workers and the sweating system of examining the social, economic, and also the employed by Eaton and other manufacturers- cultural issues that are so inextricably bound are relegated to the status of "subsidiary up in the history of retailing in any in- themes ." dustrialized country. While students of Canadian business Joy Santink drew from the Eaton Company history have reason to be grateful that Santink archives (to which she was granted access by has published this book, it has serious the present Chair of the company) to trace the problems, most importantly the lack of a broad Eaton store's development from its estab- interpretive framework. Such a framework lishment in 1869, when the term "department would place Eaton's in the context of the store" was almost unknown, to Timothy growth of a new culture of consumption, Eaton's death in 1907 . By that time, depart- rooted in a modern understanding of the ment stores like Eaton's, Bloomingdale's, world. What did it mean for the lower classes Macy's, and their European counterparts were to be able to walk freely into a store without the firmly established as profitable businesses and obligation to buy? This obligation, Santink important social institutions . Santink reminds us, existed in Europe until the mid examines Timothy Eaton's career as an eighteenth century . What did the ready entrepreneur from his apprenticeship to a availability of goods formerly considered retailer in his native Ulster to his position as a luxuries mean for social and economic wealthy man who had integrated production relations in Canada (and in the United States and distribution through his factories and and Europe)? Santink makes the intriguing stores . Santink takes care to place Eaton's comment that "retail stores in a sense serve as activities in the context of the period, outlining mirrors of society ;" she refers to "classless" the conditions under which he left Ulster as (mass-produced) clothing and the "democ- well as the improvements in production and ratization of luxury" effected by mass transportation which made a department store production and distribution in Europe, Great possible in the late nineteenth century . She Britain, and North America, but does not take effectively and clearly discusses important these ideas any further . The book's innovations such as inventory turnover and illustrations show crowds waiting to enter the the principle of one price and cash sales only, store on bargain day, and Santa Claus in the

75 store in 1907 ; these photographs speak louder in illuminating many points of Canadian than the text on the place of department stores business history. The book would have been in our culture. Santink has read authors such far stronger if her secondary research had been as Stuart Ewen and Rosalind Williams who wider ranging, to include more consideration write about modernity and the development of of the interplay of business, class and culture a consumer culture, but she has neither drawn in advanced industrial economies . The out the substance of their arguments nor analysis which would incorporate archival constructed an effective critique of their work. research within a larger conceptual framework Joy Santink has succeeded in extracting a remains to be done. fascinating story from the Eaton archives, and

Norman J. G. Pounds, Hearth and Home : A History of Material Culture LUCE VERMETTE

Pounds, Norman J. G. Hearth and Home : A History situer 1'6poque principale de 1'introduction of Material Culture. Bloomington et Indianapolis : et de 1'utilisation d'un objet ou d'une techni- Indiana University Press, 1989 . X + 437 p. que. Enfin, une cinquantaine de pages traitent 189 illustrations, 3 tableaux, bibliographie, index. 57,50 $ U.S . ISBN 0-253-32712-1. des r6volutions industrielles et agricoles du XIX° si6cle. Les exemples choisis par le professeur Le titre de ce livre donne 1'impression qu'il y Pounds se rapportent principalement A sera question de 1'histoire de la culture mat6ri- 1'Europe du Nord : 1'Angleterre, la Scandi- elle, et plus particulierement du foyer. navie, 1'Allemagne ainsi que 1'Europe de 1'Est, Cependant, il faut comprendre que le sens de surtout la Pologne . La France y est aussi hearth retenu ici est plutSt celui du ceeur d'un relativement bien repr6sent6e mais, curieuse- pays et non pas de 1'atre comme tel. La meme ment, 1'Italie post-romaine n'y est guiire observation est valable pour le mot home, dans abord6e . Quant aux pays de la p6ninsule le contexte adopt6 par 1'auteur. En fait, Nor- ib6rique - pourtant les premiers A diffuser la man Pounds consacre une grande partie de son culture mat6rielle occidentale en Am6rique et imposant texte aux questions agricoles en Asie A partir de la fin du XV° si6cle - ils sont sp6cifiquement reli6es A la production et A la A peu pr6s ignor6s . Les cultures non-eu- qualit6 de 1'alimentation . Toutes sortes rop6ennes font pi6tre figure dans cette histoire d'autres consid6rations s'y rattachent : de la culture mat6rielle et meme la Chine est 1'hygi6ne et les maladies, la vie sociale des rest6e fig6e durant 1500 ans, car ses paysans villages et la vie priv6e, la d6mographie et ont utilis6 sensiblement les memes types 1'urbanisation des soci6t6s, la consommation d'instruments agricoles, selon 1'auteur. Quant et la notion de progr6s. On touche aussi A la aux soci6t6s pr6-colombiennes de 1'Am6rique, production des outils et des vetements ainsi mise A part leur contribution A 1'alimentation qu'~ la construction des habitations . Mais la (le mais, la pomme de terre),1'6volution de leur relation entre d6mographie et agriculture n'est culture mat6rielle n'attire pas 1'attention, pas jamais triis lointaine et on y revient invariable- plus d'ailleurs que celle des colons europ6ens ment. C'est manifestement le th6me majeur de qui vinrent se joindre A elles. Voici un autre cet ouvrage . th6me majeur de cette 6tude : tous les non- Le d6but du livre se concentre sur Europ6ens sont redevables aux importants 1'6volution pr6historique de 1'agriculture A progr6s amorc6s dans le nord de 1'Europe . partir du Moyen-Orient, puis sur sa diffusion, Cette 6tude est essentiellement une d6- particuli6rement au temps des Grecs et des marche personnelle et tr6s empirique de Romains, A travers 1'Europe. La majeure partie 1'auteur, qui donne son interpr6tation des pro- de 1'ouvrage, plus de 250 pages, est consacr6e gr6s de la civilisation A travers les progr6s de la A 1'Europe pr6-industrielle . On y trouve de culture mat6rielle. Sa tr6s grande familiarit6 nombreuses descriptions d'objets et de leur avec les sources de I'Europe du Nord et de utilisation. C'est une source fort utile pour 1'Est est 6vidente dans 1'articulation des comparaisons et comporte de nombreuses Japan, the spiral of population growth and donn6es fort int6ressantes. Mais cette d6- lagging food production will be on a scale that marche personnelle comporte aussi des lim- would have dismayed Thomas Malthus.» Les ites, tant au niveau des sources que des sombres pr6dictions de 1'auteur de Essay on conclusions. Il faut enfin noter que les sources the Principle of Population, publits en 1798, ne cit6es proviennent d'ouvrages publir;s, ce qui sont pas n6cessairement p6rim6es en cette fin semble indiquer que ce livre n'a pas bt;n6ficit; du XXd si6cle, compte tenu de la situation de recherches dans les d6pots d'archives. alimentaire dans le tiers monde, mais it est Curieusement, la derni6re phrase de cet permis de se demander si ses propos constitu- ouvrage est un avertissement relativement ent une conclusion 6 1'histoire de la culture st;vbre envers le monde en voie de d6veloppe- mat6rielle. ment : «Unless the developing world adopts policies broadly similar to those of China and

Thomas Melville Bailey, ed., Dictionary of Hamilton Biography, Volume 1 Francess G. Halpenny, ed., Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Volume 12 (1891-1900) NORMAN R. BALL

Bailey, Thomas Melville, ed . Dictionary of Hamilton achievements . The surprise comes from many Biography, Vol. 1. Hamilton : Dictionary of Hamilton new perspectives on familiar landscapes, Biography, 1981 . 244 pp ., index, references . events and personages, wonderfully eclectic Cloth $25.00 ISBN 0-9691023-0-5. views of the past, breadth and depth as well as Halpenny, Francess G., ed . Dictionary of Canadian joy and sometimes sadness and dismay. In Biography, Vol . 12 (1891 to 1900). Toronto: brief, they evoke numerous characteristics of University of Toronto Press, 1990 . 1305 pp ., indices, life as displayed by the truly living. There is no references, bibliography . Cloth $75.00, ISBN 0-8020-3460-8. video version, no 10-hour TV marathon with the de rigueur acres of period costumes, parades of vintage vehicles, nostalgic According to a librarian friend, reference architecture and perfect landscapes. Nor will books, by definition, are never read cover to one find lasers, holograms or "plastic cover . Yet the Dictionary of Hamilton fantastic" design wizardry . The life comes Biography (DHB), Volume 1, and the from numerous glimpses, some deep, some Dictionary of Canadian Biography (DCB), shallow, some certain and clear, some more Volume 12, so infected the reviewer with such noted for what cannot be known or seen. And compulsion to continue reading that the this is what life is; it is not all equally clear and definition must be changed . Read these books evenly interpreted for a homogenous cover to cover I will, but not in orderly or linear audience; life is variety and unevenness, fashion. I will hop and skip about, even open mystery blended with certainty . pages at random . On more mission-oriented While dissimilar in project scale, book size, occasions, I will search assiduously and cost, selection criteria, types and detail of studiously for news of engineers, cotton mills, indexing, the overall effect is amazingly vinegar works, bridge companies, by-product similar. DCB is national in scope; DHB covers coke ovens, wrecking and salvage companies, Hamilton and region. Volume 12 of DCB is gas works and gas light companies or, more restricted to those who died between 1891 and lightheartedly, company names beginning 1900 whereas Volume 1 of the projected three- with Great or Royal. No matter how volume DHB is based on dates of public approached, though, I will have an enjoyable prominence and emphasizes the period before time . 1875 . Both give sources at the end of each As is expected, these books are significant article and are indexed. The approximately organizational, scholarly and editorial 250-page DHB has a very good name index which covers corporate as well as personal twentieth century and admitting that it has not names but the reviewer, who would like to been managed perfectly, we are becoming seek out groups such as engineers, inventors somewhat more open-minded about the and manufacturers, sorely felt the lack of a nineteenth. Its managers and participants did subject index which would allow him to do so. some things wrong, some right and were, in The DCB has four distinct information tools many ways, terribly human about it all; that is to add to the utility and manageability of its what one finds in these dictionaries of more that 1300 pages. The Alphabetical Listing biography. of Subjects (pp. xxi-xxvi) is self-explanatory Everyone expects great things of the DCB while the very extensive Nominal Index staff, the contributors and University of (pp . 1235-1305) lists persons mentioned any- Toronto Press and on these counts Volume 12 where in the text . The Index of Identifications is not surprising. The Dictionary of Hamilton (pp . 1189-1207) places the subjects of indi- Biography, on the other hand, may very well vidual biographies in 30 categories, which in- surprise many people . It is an ambitious clude agriculture, architects, business, project very well done, very well done indeed. criminal, engineers, indigenous peoples, sci- Perhaps it adds new meaning to that entists, surveyors, and women . The Geo- nineteenth-century phrase "Hamilton the graphical Index (pp. 1213-1251) provides a Ambitious City," which originated in Toronto very elaborate and imaginative analysis by as a derisive slap aimed at a hustling, place of birth and career locale for the subjects aggressive, emerging industrial centre that of biographies. The many benefits of these not- seemed to be getting a little uppity, perhaps withstanding, the reviewer longed for a good pretentious and overly ambitious; it was a corporate name index. reminder that Hamilton should remember its Both volumes represent government- origins, respect its supposed betters and be assisted research and publication that deliv- more modest about its achievements and ers solid value for funds expended . The aspirations. But the Dictionary of Hamilton Dictionary of Hamilton Biography also be- Biography is no modest achievement; it makes nefited from some corporate funding. These "Hamilton the Ambitious City" intellectually two dictionaries of biography, which have respectable, admirable, interesting and worthy produced similar types of enlightenment, of the words of that famous phrase rather than enjoyable reading, and learning, are reminders its insulting intent. The reviewer has that the best of scholarly funding will find chequebook in hand and anxiously awaits the room for both national and regional projects . next volume, which is scheduled for In addition to the time period covered, publication iii 1991 . He will read it cover to there is something warmly nineteenth century cover but in a disorderly, non-linear and about such carefully prepared eclectic books of thoroughly enjoyable fashion. knowledge. Now that we are winding up the

C. J. Taylor, Negotiating the Past: The Making of Canada's National Historic Parks and Sites DANIEL T. GALLACHER

Taylor, C. J. Negotiating the Past : The Making of period 1880 to 1980 and, as the title implies, Canada's National Historic Parks and Sites. describes and analyzes the rise of an important Montreal : McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990 . national organization . An historian with the 288 pp ., 16 illus. cloth $32.95, ISBN 0-7735-0713-2. Canadian Parks Service, C. J. Taylor has an In searching for our national identity, insider's point of view which adds spice and Canadians have long seen the vital need for sympathy to his observations on how the historical preservation . The growth of official programme evolved . Yet he has avoided any involvement in this movement, and the means narrow official version of the historic parks whereby the federal government in particular apparatus, for his approach rests as equally has satisfied public demand, is the subject of upon political considerations as on the this scholarly narrative. In scope it covers the bureaucratic features he outlines so well . Over this period two key issues plagued the development or national unity as might be national historic sites movement. Foremost served through the rise of historic parks, but was how to distinguish national from regional their attention nonetheless furthered the significance; second was whether to re- system's growth and importance. Perhaps construct or merely commemorate a site. more influential were senior bureaucrats like Taylor's thesis is that politics rather than any James Harkin and E. A. Cot6 who were the objective, systematic methodology became the linchpins holding the executive, branch, and basis for selecting or developing properties board together. Harkin, a dynamic proponent across Canada. Most of his volume deals with of heritage conservation, headed the adminis- this theme, and while there are many refer- tration between 1919 and 1936 . Largely ences to specific historic sites, their nature, through his vision and efforts there arose a and how they became part of the national parks "national chain" of large-scale and popular system, his main focus is upon the policy or sites that otherwise would have been a burden organizational difficulties faced by the leading for other departments to manage . The old forts advocates of preservation . Thus its value to the at Louisbourg, Halifax, Quebec, Churchill, and material historian is mainly as background Esquimalt were incorporated into the system instead of being technically or curatorially and became candidates for 1930s make-work instructive. projects. CW, Deputy Minister of Northern At the root of Canadian heritage sites Affairs and National Resources by 1963, care- recognition before 1905 were both imperialists fully monitored the nature and growth of the who urged the commemoration of United Branch's responsibilities . Earlier he had Empire Loyalist activities and nationalists sensed how Louisbourg would be recon- who promoted recognition of events that structed and had been instrumental in decid- inferred ties between the regions . Each ing the course of other key sites. Thoroughly enlisted the Royal Society of Canada or other professional and highly experienced, Cot6 was bodies to help shape government opinion, but the ideal senior official to steer the federal the movement was elitist, often divided, and system during its period of greatest growth . unable to move much beyond political or Because government had undertaken to military subjects. Quebec was an exception . develop, manage, and interpret the system of By 1923 the federal government had historic sites, the Board was confined in- committed itself to organizing and supporting creasingly to an advisory role . By the 1950s its a process of preserving and interpreting sites or character had shifted from antiquarian to events, but the effectiveness of its programme academic . Archivists and university scholars was still slight . That year only one per cent of had been replacing long-tenured amateur the Parks budget went to historic sites, and historians . Another reform was to appoint at since there was tremendous emphasis on least one member from each province . The developing Banff and other vast areas for board's original difficulties in finding defi- touri,sm and nature conservation, new nitions for national significance were strategies for historical preservation were ultimately resolved by accepting sites or needed. An approach that cost little was to events of particular regional importance and simply mark a site by a cairn or plaque . Such claiming that such an array constituted a commemorative activity was preferred by the coherent whole. Nor did the new breed of Historic Sites and Monuments Board and its members seriously attempt to resolve the chairman, Brig.-Gen. E. A. Cruickshank . Of the debate on site reconstructions ; they left that for three bodies that ultimately shaped the system, the branch's experts . the board was the most reflective of public Taylor's account of the programme at its opinion, yet the least influential in developing zenith in the 1960s and 1970s is thorough and actual sites. The "executive" or ministerial e xci'ting to read. He demonstrates clearly how level aimed usually at economic benefits while each of the three arms acted in unison to finally the administrative arm (or government branch) create the nation-wide system envisioned by sought ways to control the proliferation of sites Harkin and others. For its treatment of ideas on and the means to manage those that became its the Canadian identity, this book is a key responsibility . contribution to our intellectual history. The system did not lack for leadership . Negotiating the Past is also significant for Clifford Sifton, Arthur Meighen, Arthur Laing, the detailed description and sound analysis it and other powerful ministers took direct inter- brings to our understanding of how our est in historic sites during the time each national historic sites and parks system oversaw the national parks system . Admit- evolved. Taylor plainly reveals the inter- tedly their emphasis was on regional economic actions between government experts and their counterparts in the outside history community this valuable contribution to our knowledge of over time. One could wish for a summary of the federal government agencies or the heritage rise of the provincial historic sites systems as a preservation movement in Canada. comparison, but its absence does not weaken Contributors

Collaborateurs

NORMAN R. BALL is Northern Telecom Professor RHONDA MAwHOOD is currently completing an of Engineering Impact on Society in the Depart- MA Thesis in history at McGill University on ment of Systems Design Engineering at the the topic of images of feminine beauty in Canada University of Waterloo . and U.S. magazine advertising from 1900 to 1940 . WILLIAM RALPH CLARK is a forest economist at the Petawawa National Forestry Institute in Chalk DIANNENEWELL teaches history at the University River, Ontario, with a personal interest in hu- of British Columbia . A past president of the man and natural history. He is also the great- Smithsonian-based Society for Industrial Ar- great-great-grandson of Baron de Zeng, the chaeology, she has published widely in the central figure in his article . fields of industrial archaeology, industrial history, and the history of technology . NICOLE DORION est une ethnologue travaillant A la pige. Elle est d6tentrice d'une maitrise en arts DIANNE REID, an archivist at the National Ar- et traditions populaires de 1'Universit6 Laval. chives of Canada from 1979 to 1989, is currently exhibition review editor for Archivaria. DANIEL GALLACHER is Chief of History at the Ca- nadian Museum of Civilization . His main JUDITH RrcIEL is a master weaver in the Ottawa interests are western industry and society. area. She is the Eastern Ontario director of the Ontario Crafts Council . NIELS JANNASCH is Director Emeritus of the Mar- itime Museum of the Atlantic . LoulsE TRomER est conservatrice des collections reli6es au secteur de 1'dnergie au Musde A. J. B. JOHNSTON is a historian with the Canadi- national des sciences et de la technologie, A an Parks Service, Fortress Louisbourg. He is Ottawa. author of Religion and Life at Louisbourg (1984) and Louisbourg: The Phoenix Fortress (1990). LucE VERMETTE est historienne A la Direction des parcs et lieux historiques du Service ca- PETER LocurER is a radio and television journal- nadien des parcs, a Hull. ist. Formerly with CBC radio and television, he is now an Ottawa-based independent producer GARTH WILSON is Curator of Marine Transporta- specializing in television documentary on Third tion at the National Museum of Science and World issues . Technology .

Material History Review 33 (Spring 1991) / Revue d'histoire de la culture matErielle 33 (printemps 1991) 81 Committee on Canadian Labour History

Publications

Gregory S. Kealey and Reg Whitaker, eds., with an introduction by Gregory S. Kealey, R.CM.P. Security BuRetins: The Early Years, 1919-1929 (Toronto 1991), ISBN 0-9692060-9-7,$24 .95 Gregory S. Kealey and Reg Whitaker, eds., with an Introduction by Reg Whitaker, RCMP Security Bulletins: The War Series, 1939-1941(Toronto 1989), 438 pp. ISBN 0-9692060-5-4,$21.95 Max Swerdlow, edited by Gregory S. Kealey, Brother Mar. Labour Organizer and Educator (St John's 1990),148 pp. ISBN 0-9692060-8-9,$14.95 Gregory S. Kealey and Greg Patrnore, eds., Canadian and Australian Labour History: Towards a Comparative Perspective (Australia 1990), 141 pp. ISBN 0-9692060-7-0 Deian R. Hopkin and Gregory S. Kealey, eds., with an Introduction by David Montgomery, Class, Community and The LabourMovement in Wales and Canada, 1850-1930 (Wales 1989), 275 pp. ISBN 0-9692060-&2,$14 .95 Bryan D. Palmer, ed., A Communist We: Jack Scott and the Canadian Workers Movementi 1927-1985 (St John's 1988), 276 pp. ISBN 0-9692060-4-6,$19.95 G.S. Kealey, ed., Class, Gender and Region: Essays in Canadian Historical Sociology (StJohn's 1988), 169 pp. ISBN 0-9692060-3-8,$10.00 WJ.C. Cherwinski and G.S. Kealey, eds., Lectures in Canadian Labour and Working-Class History (St. John's 1985), 198 pp. ISBN 0-9692060-0-3,$10.00 Robert Hong, comp., LabourlGe Travail Index,1981-1985 (St, John's 1986), 48 pp. ISBN 0-9692060-1-1, $8.00

Please make cheque payable to the Committee on Canadian Labour History. MasterCard accepted - please provide number, signature and expiry date. Send orders to CCLH, c% History Dept., Memorial University, St. John's, Nf1d., Canada A1C 5S7. (All foreign orders, please remit in U.S. dollars)

82 Issues Published MsmRjAL HisroRy REvII";W / REVUE lrxlsToutE DE LA CULTURE MAARMLE Numeros Publies

1 4 Mercury Series/Collection Mercure, (FalllAutomne 1977). John McIntyre; National Museum of History/Histoire, No. 15, 1976. Article: George N. Horvath, "The New- Man, "A Few Acres of Snow/Quelques Out of print/Epuis6 . foundland Cooper Trade." arpents de neige" by Jean Friesen. Reviews / Comptes rendus: D. Pen- Notes and Comments / Nouvelles 2 nington and M. Taylor, A Pictorial breves: Jim Wardrop, "Modern History Mercury Series/Collection Mercure, Guide to American Spinning Wheels Division, British Columbia Provincial History/Histoire, No. 21, 1977 . by Judy Keenlyside ; Carol Priamo, Museum"; Joyce Taylor Dawson, "The Out of print/EpuisE . Mills of Canada and William Fox et al., Needlework of the Ursulines of Early The Mill by Felicity Leung; Lise Boily Quebec. " 3 et Jean-FranQois Blanchette, Les fours (SpringlPrintemps 1977). a pain au Quebec (r6plique des au- 6 teurs). Articles: Ruth Holmes Whitehead, (FalllAutomne 1978). "Christina Morris : Micmac Artist and Notes and Comments / Nouvelles Articles : C. Peter Kaellgren, "Glass Artist's Model"; David Newlands, "A breves : Jeanne Arseneault, «A la Used in Canada: A Survey from the Catalogue of Spring Moulds from Two recherche du costume acadien» ; Early Nineteenth Century to 1940 Huron County, Ontario, Earthenware Robert D . Watt, "The Documentation (Ontario)"; John Sheeler, "Factors Potteries" ; Charles Foss, "John Warren of a Rare Piece of British Columbiana : Affecting Attribution : The Burlington Moore : Cabinetmaker, 1812-1893" ; The Helmcken Presentation Silver"; Glass Works"; Paul Hanrahan, "Bot- Marie Elwood, "The State Dinner Ser- Gerald L. Pocius, "Material Culture tles in the Place Royale Collection" ; vice of Canada, 1898 ." Research in the Folklore Programme, Robert D. Watt, "Art Glass Window Memorial University of Newfound- Reviews / Comptes rendus : Lise Boily Design in Vancouver ." land" ; R .G Patterson, et Jean-Fran~ois Blanchette, Les fours . "Recent Review / Compte rendu: Janet Holmes Research on a a pain au Qu6bec par Pierre Rastoul ; Victoria, B.C., Silver- and Olive Jones, Glass in Canada : smith: William Vancouver Centennial Museum, Maurice Carmichael An Annotated Bibliography. (1892-1954) ." "Milltown Gallery" by Nicholas Notes and Comments / Nouvelles Dykes; Mustse du Qutsbec, "La fabrica- breves: Carol Sheedy, «Les vitraux des 5 tion artisanale des tissus ; appareils et maisons de la Cote-de-Sable (SpringlPrintemps 1978). techniques" by Adrienne Hood ; d'Ottawa» ; Deborah Trask, "The Nova A. Gregg Finley, ed., Heritage Furni- Articles: Stephen Archibald, "Civic Scotia Glass Company"; Peggy Booker, ture/Le mobilier traditionnel by Ornaments : Ironwork in Halifax "Ontario's Victorian Stained Glass Elizabeth Ingolfsrud ; Virginia Care- Parks" ; David L . Newlands, "A Windows"; Peter Rider, "Dominion less, Bibliography for the Study of Toronto Pottery Company Catalogue ." Glass Company Records." British Columbia's Domestic Material Reviews / Comptes rendus : Wood- History by Jim Wardrop . ward's Catalogue 1898-1953 and The 7 Notes and Comments / Nouvelles -Autumn and Winter Catalogue 1910- (SpringlPrintemps 1979). breves : Norman R. Ball, "Comments 1911 of theHudson'sBayCompanyby on the Burrard Inlet Sawmill David Richeson ; Valerie Simpson, ed., Articles : R. Bruce Shepard, "The Inventory : 1869" ; Bernard Genest, Women's Attire /Les vetements Mechanized Agricultural Frontier of «Recherches ethnographiques au Mi- feminins by Ivan Sayers ; Jacques the Canadian Plains" ; John Adams, "A nistcre des Affaires culturelles du Bernier, Quelques boutiques de Review of Clayburn Manufacturing Qutsbec» ; Adrienne Hood, "Research menuisiers et charpentiers au and Products, 1905 to 1918 ." into the Technical Aspect of Repro- tournant du XIXQ siecle par Serge Reviews / Comptes rendus: Marylu ducing 19th Century Canadian Saint-Pierre; Charles H. Foss, Cabi- Antonelli and Jack Forbes, Pottery in Handwoven Fabrics ; History Section, netmakers of the Eastern Seaboard : A Alberta: The Long Tradition by David Nova Scotia Museum ." Study of Early Canadian Furniture by Richeson ; Eileen Collard, publications

83 on clothing in Canada by Katharine B . Schlereth, "Material Culture Studies American Woodworking Tools by Brett; Mary Conroy, 300 Years of in America" ; Marie Elwood, "A Mu- Martin E. Weaver; Ray MacKean and Canada's Quilts by Leslie Maitland ; seum Approach to Material History Robert Percival, The Little Boats: Alexander Fenton, Scottish Country Studies"; Paul-Louis Martin, «Un pas- Inshore Fishing Craft of Atlantic Life by J. Lynton Martin ; Ellen J. s6 en quete d'avenir» . Canada by David A. Taylor ; Ruth Gehret, Rural Pennsylvania Clothing McKendry, Quilts and Other Bed by Adrienne Hood ; Jean-Pierre Hardy, Coverings in the Canadian Tradition Le forgeron et le ferblantier par Jean- 9 by Leslie Maitland ; Marcel Moussette, Claude Dupont ; Howard Pain, The (Fall/Automne 1979). La peche sur le Saint-Laurent : r6per- Heritage of Upper Canadian Furniture toire des m6thodes et des engins de by Donald Blake Webster ; Mary Articles: Anita Campbell, "An Evalu- capture par Corneliu Kirjan; David L. Shakespeare and Rodney H. Pain, ation of Iconographic and Written Newlands, Early Ontario Potters: Sources in the Study of a Traditional West Coast Logging : 1840-1910 by Their Craft and Trade by Elizabeth Technology : Maple Sugar Making." Warren F. Sommer ; Deborah Trask, Collard; Loris S . Russell, Handy Life How Short, Eternity How Long: Reviews/Comptes rendus: Patricia Things to Have Around the House by Gravestone Carving and Carvers in Baines, Spinning Wheels, Spinners Hilary Abrahamson ; Jeffrey J . Nova Scotia by Gerald L. Pocius . and Spinning by Judy Keenlyside; Bus Spalding, Silversmithing in Canadian Griffiths, Now You're Logging by Notes and Comments / Nouvelles History by Tara Nanavati; Sheila Robert Griffin; David L. Newlands and breves: "Glass Collection in Canada/ Stevenson, Colchester Furniture Claus Breede, An Introduction to Les collections de verre au Canada"; Makers by David L. Myles; Donald Archaeology by Dianne F . J. Thorpe, "Eighteenth-Century Canadian Blake Webster, English-Canadian Fur- Western Land-Surveying Equipment and Sup- Newell; D.R. Richeson, ed., niture of the Georgian Period by Benno plies." Canadian History: Museum Interpre- Forman . tations by Alan F.J. Artibise ; Vancou- Notes and Comments / Nouvelles ver Centennial Museum, "The World br6ves: Marie Elwood, "The Weldon 8 of Children: Toys and Memories of and Trumball-Prime China Collec- (Special Issue l Numero spdcial, Childhood" by Zane Lewis ; Mustse du tions" ; David Skene-Melvin, "Histori- 1979). Canada's Material History: A Qu6bec, «Cordonnerie traditionnelle» cal Planning and Research Branch, Forum/Colloque sur 1'histoire de la par Yvan Chouinard. Ontario Ministry of Culture and Recre- culture mat6rielle au Canada. Notes and Comments / Nouvelles ation"; Corneliu Kirjan, «Les publi- Papers/Communications : F.J . Thorpe, breves: Robert Shiplay, "War Memo- cations de la Direction gtsntsrale du "Remarks at the Opening Session" ; rials in Canadian Communities"; Peter patrimoine, Minist6re des affaires Jean-Pierre Wallot, «Culture matts- Priess and Richard Stuart, "Parks culturelles, Qu6bec» . rielle et histoire»; John J. Mannion, Canada, Prairie Region." "Multidisciplinary Dimensions in Material History" ; Robert D. Watt, 11 "Toward a Three-Dimensional View 10 (Fall/Automne 1980). Furniture in of the Canadian Past"; Elizabeth (SpringlPrintemps 1980). Canada / Le mobilier au Canada. Ingolfsrud, "Tangible Social History: Articles : Martha Eckmann Brent, Out of print/Epuis& The Ontario Furniture Collection of "A Stitch in Time : Sewing Machine the National Museum of Man" ; Jean- Industry of Ontario, 1860-1897 ." Pierre Hardy et Thiery Ruddel, «Un 12 projet sur 1'histoire de la culture et de Special Report/ Rapport sp6cial : (SpringlPrintemps 1981). Victoria Dickenson and Valerie Ko- la soci6t6 qu6b6coises» ; David J. Goal Articles Gerald L. Pocius, "Eigh- lonel, "Computer-Based Archival Re- : "The Incarnation of Meaning: New- search Project : A Preliminary Report ." teenth and Nineteenth-Century Approaching the Material Culture of foundland Gravestones ." Religious Traditions" ; Luce Vermette, Reviews/Comptes rendus : Clement W. «Sources archivistiques concernant la Crowell, The Novascotiaman by Research Note / Note de recherche : Ester Klaiman, culture mattsrielle» ; Lilly Koltun, Rosemary E . Ommer; Jean-Claude Ronald Getty and : A "Seeing is Believing?-A Critique of Dupont, Histoire populaire de "Identifying Medalta, 1916-1954 Markings Archival Visual Sources" ; Gerald L. 1'Acadie par Clarence LeBreton ; Guide to ." Pocius, "Oral History and the Study of Michel Gaumond et Paul-Louis Reviews / Comptes rendus: British Material Culture" ; W. John McIntyre, Martin, Les maitres-potiers du bourg Columbia Provincial Museum, Mod- "Artifacts as Sources for Material His- Saint-Denis, 1785-1888 par Corneliu ern History Galleries by Ian Mac- tory Research" ; Alexander Fenton, Kirjan ; Bernard Genest et al ., Les Pherson ; British Columbia Provincial "Material History in Great Britain"; artisans traditionnels de Pest du Museum, "William Maurice Carmi- Joseph Goy, «L'histoire de la culture Qu6bec par Jean-Pierre Hardy; Paul B. chael, Silversmith" by Martin Segger ; mattsrielle en France)) ; Thomas J. Kebabian and Dudley Whitney, Judith Buxton-Keenlyside, Selected

84 Canadian Spinning Wheels in Per- Chain: Indian Ceremonial and Trade ships"; Irene Rogers, "Cabinet-making spective : An Analytical Approach by Silver" by Robert S. Kidd; Vancouver in Prince Edward Island"; T.G. Dil- Peter W. Cook; Mus6e du Qu6bec, Museum, "Waisted Efforts" by Marion worth, "Thomas Nisbet"; Cora Green- ((Regard sur le mobilier victorien» par Brown; National Gallery of Canada, away, "Decorated Walls and Ceilings Denise Leclerc; Point Ellice House, "The Comfortable Arts" by Anita in Nova Scotia"; Charles H. Foss, Victoria, B.C. by John Adams; Lynne Rush; Newfoundland Museum, "New- "Room Decorating and Furnishing in Sussman, Spode/Copland Transfer- foundland Outport Furniture" by the First Half of the Nineteenth Printed Patterns Found at 20 Hudson's Christine Cartwright; New Brunswick Century" ; David Orr, "Traditional Fur- Bay Company Sites by Elizabeth Museum, "On the Turn of the Tide : niture of Atlantic Canada"; A Round- Collard. Ships and Shipbuilders, 1769 to 1900" table Discussion : "Collectors, Dealers, Private Initiative and Notes and Comments / Nouvelles by Eric Ruff; Mus6e national de and Museums: Dick- br6ves: Duncan Stacey, "The Iron 1'Homme, «L'art du marteau : coup Public Responsibility"; Victoria Chink"; Richard Stuart, "An Approach d'ceil sur la ferronnerie et la ferblan- enson and George Kapelos, Closing to Material Culture Research." terie» par Johanne LaRochelle; Collec- Remarks. tif, Jean-Claude Dupont et Jacques Mathieu, comp ., Les metiers du cuir 13 par David T. Ruddel ; Peter E. Rider, 16 (Fall/Automne 1981). Exploiting the ed., The History of Atlantic Canada : (WinterlHiver 1982). Ceramics in Forest/Exploitation foresti6re . Museum Interpretation by William B. Canada/La ct?ramique au Canada. print/Epuisd. Hamilton ; Thomas J. Schlereth, Arti- Out of Out of print/6puist;. facts and the American Past by De l Muise; David and Suzanne Peacock, Old Oakville : A Character Study of 14 17 the Town's Early and of the (SpringlPrintemps 1982). Buildings (Spring/Printemps 1983). Material Men Who Built Them by Harold Kal- Articles: George Bervin, «Espace phy- Conditions and Society in Lower man ; Jack L. Summers, Ren6 Char- Canada: Postmortem inventories/Ci- sique et culture mattsrielle du trand, and R. J. Marion, Military Uni- marchand-n6gociant A Qu6bec au vilisation mat6rielle au Bas-Canada : forms in Canada, 1665-1970 by les inventaires aprcs d6c6s. d6but du XIX° si6cle» ; Georges P . Charles Bourque ; Robert S. Elliott, Introduction : Jean-Pierre Hardy, L6onidoff, «L'habitat de bois en Matchlock to Machine Gun : The Fire- David-Thiery Nouvelle-France : son importance et arms Collection of the New Brunswick Gilles Paquet, Ruddel et ses techniques de construction)); Anita Museum by John D. Chown. Jean-Pierre Wallot, "Material Condi- Rush, "Changing Women's Fashion tions and Society in Lower Canada, and Its Social Context, 1870-1905 ." 1792-1835/Culture matdrielle et soci6tts au Qu6bec, 1792-1835 ." Research Notes / Notes de recherche: 15 Martin Segger, "Some Comments on (Special Issue l Numero sp6cial, Articles: Gilles Paquet et Jean-Pierre the Use of Historical Photographs as 1982). Colloquium on Cultural Pat- Wallot, «Structures sociales et ni- Primary Sources in Architectural terns in the Atlantic Canadian Home. veaux de richesse dans les campagnes History" ; Robert W. Frame, "Wood- du Qu6bec, 1792-1812» ; George Papers/Communications : Gerald L. working Patterns at the Sutherland Bervin, «Environnement matdriel et Pocius, "Interior Motives : Rooms, Steam Mill, Nova Scotia Museum"; activit6s 6conomiques des conseillers Objects, and Meaning"; Shane O'Dea, E.M. Razzolini, "Costume Research ex6cutifs et l6gislatifs A Qu6bec, 1810- "The Development of Cooking and and Reproduction at Louisbourg"; 1830» ; Jean-Pierre Hardy, «Niveaux de Heating Technology" ; Linda Dale, "A Richard MacKinnon, "Company richesse et inttsrieurs domestiques Woman's Touch: Domestic Arrange- Housing in Wabana, Bell Island, New- dans le quartier Saint-Roch A Qutsbec, ments" ; Wilfred W . Wareham, foundland." 1820-1850» ; D .-T. Ruddel, "The "Aspects of Socializing and Partying Domestic Textile Industry in the Research Reports / Rapports de in Outport Newfoundland" ; Gary R. Region and City of Quebec, 1792- recherche : Barbara Riley, "Domestic Butler, "Sacred and Profane Space" ; 1835" ; Christian Dessureault, Food Preparation in British Columbia, Kenneth Donovan, "Family Life and «L'inventaire aprbs d6cc?s et 1'agricul- 1895-1935" ; Elizabeth Quance, "On- Living Conditions in Eighteenth- ture bas-canadienne» ; Lorraine tario Historical Society Material Cul- Century Louisbourg" ; Carol M. Whit- Gadoury, «Les stocks des habitants ture Project"; CtLAT, «Ethnologie de field, "Barracks Life in the Nineteenth dans les inventaires aprZs d6c6s» . 1'Am6rique frangaise» ; Sheila Steven- Century" ; Donald Blake Webster, son, "An Inventory of Research and "Furniture and the Atlantic Canada Researchers Concerned with Atlantic Condition" ; Thomas Lackey, "Folk In- 18 Canadian Material Culture ." fluence in Nova Scotia Interiors" ; (FalllAutomne 1983). Reviews / Comptes rendus : National Marie Elwood, "Halifax Cabinet- Articles: Anita Rush, "The Bicycle Museum of Man, "The Covenant Makers, 1837-1875 : Apprentice- Boom of the Gay Nineties: A Reassess-

l 1 ment"; Catherine Sullivan, "The tive Studies of Housework, Stoves, Borden Bridge" ; Claudia Haagen and Bottles of Northrup & Lyman, A and Diet in Great Britain and Canada" ; Debra McNabb, "The Use of Primary Canadian Drug Firm." Ian Radforth, "In the Bush : The Documents as Computerized Collec- Research Reports / Rapports de Changing World of Work in Ontario's tion Records for the Study of Material recherche: Julia Cornish, "The Legal Pulpwood Logging Industry during Culture." the Twentieth Century"; W. Records of Atlantic Canada as a Re- John Notes and Comments / Notes et McIntyre, "From source for Material Historians" ; Tina Workshop to Fac- commentaires : Gregg Finley, tory: The Rolande Roy, "New Brunswick News- Furnituremaker"; Marilyn J. "Material History and Museums : A Barber, "Below Stairs: The Domestic paper Study of Imports, 1800-1860" ; Curatorial Perspective" ; Hilary Rus- Servant." Nancy-Lou Patterson, "German-Alsa- sell, "Reflections of an Image Finder : tian Iron Gravemarkers in Southern Research Reports / Rapports de Some Problems and Suggestions for Ontario Roman Catholic Cemeteries" ; recherche: Sandra Morton, "Inven- Picture Researchers" ; Papers Com- Lynn Russell and Patricia Stone, tory of Secondary Manufacturing pleted in North American Decorative "Gravestone Carvers of Early Ontario" ; Companies in Alberta, 1880-1914" ; Arts Graduate Course, University of Luigi G . Pennacchio and Larry B . Nancy-Lou Patterson, "Waterloo Toronto, 1968-82 . Pogue, "Inventory of Ontario Cabinet- Region Gardens in the Germanic Forum/Colloque : Robert D. Turner, makers, 1840-ca . 1900." Tradition" ; H.T . Holman, "Some Com- "The Limitations of Material History : Notes and Comments / Nouvelles ments on the Use of Chattel Mortgages A Museological Perspective"; Peter E. in Material History Research ." breves : Robert Griffin and James Rider, "The Concrete Clio: Definition Wardrop, "Preliminary Investigations Reviews/Comptes rendus : Costume in of a Field of History." into Ocean Falls Pulp and Paper Canada : An Annotated Bibliography Reviews/Comptes rendus : Manitoba Plant" ; Claudia Haagen, "Material by Jacqueline Beaudoin-Ross and Museum of Man and Nature, "Con- History Sources in Eighteenth- Pamela Blackstock ; Canadian War cerning Work" by David Flemming ; Century Nova Scotia Newspapers"; Museum, "The Loyal Americans" by National Museum of Man, "Of Men Sandra Morton, "History of Alberta John Brooke; Newfoundland Museum, and Wood" by Robert H. Babcock; Quilts" ; T.B. King, "A Research Tool "Business in Great Waters" by James Parcs Canada, R6gion du Qu6bec, for Studying the Canadian Glass Hiller ; McCord Museum, "The Potters' aQu6bec : port d'entr6e en Am6rique» Industry" ; Andr6e Crdpeau, "An View of Canada" by Lynne Sussman; par David-Thiery Ruddel. Inventory of Persons Working on the Elizabeth Collard, The Potters' View Material Culture of Eighteenth- of Canada : Canadian Scenes on Century Louisbourg" ; Elizabeth J. Nineteenth-Century Earthenware by 21 Quance and Michael Sam Cronk, Robert Copeland; Eileen Marcil, Les (SpringlPrintemps 1985). "Selected Museum Studies Disserta- tonneliers du Quebec by Peter N. Greg Baeker, Introduction. tions at the University of Toronto ." Moogk. Articles: Thomas J. Schlereth, "The Reviews / Comptes rendus : Glenbow Material Culture of Childhood : Pro- Museum, "The Great CPR Exposition" 20 blems and Potential in Historical by David R. Richeson ; National (FalllAutomne 1984). Explanation" ; Felicity Nowell-Smith, Museum of Man, "The Ever-Whirling Articles: Jocelyne Mathieu, «Le mobi- "Feeding the Nineteenth-Century Wheel" by Catherine Cooper Cole ; lier contenant : traitement comparatif Baby : Implications for Museum Robert W. Passfield, Building the Perche-Qu6bec, d'apres des inven- Collections" ; Christina Bates, "'Beauty Rideau Canal by Norman R. Ball ; taires de biens aprcs d6cbs des XVII° et Unadorned': Dressing Children in Late Walter W. Peddle, The Traditional XVIII° si6cles» ; Alison Prentice, "From Nineteenth-Century Ontario" ; Hilary Furniture of Outport Newfoundland Household to School House : The Russell, "Training, Restraining, and by Shane O'Dea ; Barbara Long Emergence of the Teacher as Servant Sustaining : Infant and Child Care in Rottenberg with Judith Tomlin, Glass of the State." the Late Nineteenth Century" ; Janet Manufacturing in Canada : A Survey Holmes, "Economic Choices and Research Reports Rapports of Pressed Glass Patterns by Deborah / de Popular Toys" ; Mary Tivy, "Nine- recherche : Frances Roback, "Adver- Trask; David-T . Ruddel Canadians teenth-Century Canadian Children's tising and Their Environment by Robert Canadian Pianos and Organs, Games." Griffin ; Thomas J. Schlereth, Material 1850-1914" ; Luce Vermette, «L'habil- lement traditionnel au d6but du XIX° Culture Studies in America by A. 22 Fenton . sibcle» ; Eileen Marcil, «Le role de la tonnellerie dans la r6glementation de (FalllAutomne 1985). la peche au d6but du XIX" si6cle» ; Articles : Ernst W. Stieb, "A Profes- 19 Anita Rush, "Directory of Canadian sional Keeping Shop: The Nineteenth- (SpringlPrintemps 1984). Manufacturers, Bicycle Industry, Century Apothecary"; W. John McIn- Articles: Hilary Russell, "'Canadian 1880-1984" ; David Neufeld, "Dealing tyre, "Diffusion and Vision : A Case Ways': An Introduction to Compara- with an Industrial Monument : The Study of the Ebenezer Doan House in Sharon, Ontario"; Bruce Curtis, "The Cemetery in Nineteenth-Century Report; Atlantic Canada Newspaper Playground in Nineteenth-Century Ontario" ; Gerald L . Pocius, "The Survey ; Research Queries ." Ontario: Theory and Practice ." Transformation of the Traditional Reviews / Comptes rendus: Royal Newfoundland Research Reports / Rapports de Cemetery : Institution- Ontario Museum, "The Canadiana alizing recherche: "Towards a Material His- the Secular Dead." Gallery," by M. Christina Castle ; tory Methodology" ; Richard Henning Research Reports/ Rapports de Newfoundland Museum, "For King Field, "Proxemic Patterns : Eighteenth- recherche: Deborah Trask and Debra and Country : Newfoundland and the Century Lunenburg-German Domestic McNabb, "Carved in Stone: Material Fighting Services, 1689-1945," by Furnishings and Interiors" ; David Evidence in the Graveyards of Kings David R. Facey-Crowther ; Thomas J. Mattison, "All the Latest Improve- County, Nova Scotia" ; Nancy-Lou Schlereth (ed .), Material Culture : ments : Vancouver Photographic Patterson, "Open Secrets : Fifteen Ma- A Research Guide, by Kenneth Studios of the Nineteenth Century ." sonic and Orange Lodge Gravemarkers McLaughlin; Olive R. Jones and E. Ann Research Note / Note de recherche: in Waterloo and Wellington Counties, Smith, Glass of the British Military, Serge Rouleau, «1986 : cent ans Ontario (1862-1983) ." ca . 1755-1820, and Olive Jones and d'exploitation de la cale s6che Lorne, A Research Note /Note de recherche: Catherine Sullivan et al ., The Parks Lauzon». Valerie Evans, "In Mourning." Canada Glass Glossary, by Judith Tomlin. Forum/ Colloque : D.R. Richeson, "An Bibliographies: Gerald L. Pocius, "An Approach to Historical Research in Introductory Bibliography on Cultural Museums" ; Barbara Riley, "Research Studies Relating to Death and Dying in 25 and the Development of a Domestic Canada" ; Madeleine Grammond et (SpringlPrintemps 1987). History Collection ." - Benoit Lacroix, «Mort et religion Articles : Elizabeth W. McGahan, Reviews / Comptes rendus : traditionnelle au Quebec : biblio- Canadian "Inside the Hallowed Walls: Convent War Museum, "Women graphie. » and War," by Life through Material History" ; Colin Ruth Roach Pierson ; Royal Ontario Reviews /Comptes rendus : Provincial M. Coates, "Monuments and Memo- Museum, "Georgian Canada: Conflict Museum of Alberta, "Spiritual Life - ries : The Evolution of British and Culture, 1745-1820," by Gregg Sacred Ritual" by Earl Waugh ; Des- Columbian Cemeteries, 1850-1950" ; Finley ; New Brunswick Museum, Brisay Museum National Exhibition Ann Gorman Condon, "Loyalist Style "Treasures," "The Great 19th Century Centre, "The Ox in Nova Scotia" by and the Culture of the Atlantic Sea- Show," "Colonial Grace: New Bruns- Earl J. Ruff ; Thomas J. Schlereth, board." wick Fine Furniture," "Foundations : U.S. 40: A Roadscape of the American Research Reports / Rapports The River Province," by Stuart Smith, Experience by John van Nostrand . de Judith Tomlin, Rosemarie Langhout, recherche: Tom Brown, "Agricultural Books received/Ouvrages re~us. Equipment Tim Dilworth, Elizabeth W. McGahan ; Manufacturers Advertise- ment Elizabeth Collard, Nineteenth-Century Index 1847-1942 ." 24 Pottery and Porcelain in Canada by Research Notes / Notes de recherche: Alan Smith; Edwinna von Baeyer, (FalllAutomne 1986). Elizabeth Bloomfield and Gerald Rhetoric and Roses: A History of Article : Joyce Taylor Dawson, "An Bloomfield, "Mills, Factories and Canadian Gardening 1900-1930, by Analysis of Liturgical Textiles at Craftshops of Ontario, 1870 : A Alex Wilson ; Canadian War Museum, Sainte-Marie among the Hurons." Machine-Readable Source for Material "The Rebellion of 1885," by Brereton Research Reports/ Rapports de Historians." Greenhous ; Louisiana State Museum, recherche : Tim Dilworth, "Thomas Notes and Comments / Notes et "L'amour de Maman: Acadian Textile Nisbet's Furniture : Distinctive Style, commentaires : Gregg Finley, Federa- Heritage" by Robert S . Elliot ; Mus6e Design and Workmanship ;" Richard tion of Nova Scotian Heritage Con- r6gional Laure-Conan, «Deux cent ans Henning Field, "Lunenburg-German ference "Rum by Gum"; "Wallpaper in de vill6giature dans Charlevoix» par Household Textiles : The Evidence Canada, 1600s-1900s," Microfiche Francine Brousseau . from Lunenburg County Estate Report . Inventories, 1780-1830" ; Patricia Reviews/ Comptes rendus: Glenbow Stone and Lynn Russell, "Observa- 23 Museum, "Metis," by Jean Friesen; tions on Figures, Human and Divine, "Environment Canada, Parks, Batoche (SpringlPrintemps 1986). on Nineteenth-Century Ontario Grave- National Historic Park, Phase I," by Gerald L. Pocius, Introduction . stones ;" Thercse Beaudoin, «Le W.A . Waiser ; Royal Ontario Museum, processus technique de fabrication Articles : David J. Goa, "Dying and "Canada's Handwoven Heritage," by d'un moule de sable au XIXe Rising in the Kingdom of God: The si6cle». Susan Burke ; Vancouver Museum, Ritual Incarnation of the `Ultimate' in Notes and Comments / Notes et "Captain George Vancouver : A Voyage Eastern Christian Culture"; Roger Hall commentaires : Gregg Finley, "North of Discovery," by Douglas Cole ; Robert and Bruce Bowden, "Beautifying the American Material Research : New Ob- C. Wheeler, A Toast to the Fur Trade: Boneyard: The Changing Image of the jectives, New Theories - Conference A Picture Essay on Its Material Cul-

87 ture, by Jean Morrison ; P.A. Buckner Research Notes/ Notes de recherche : passts industriel» ; Robert S. Elliot, "VI (ed.), Teaching Maritime Studies, by A.J.B . Johnston, "History Painting : International Congress of Maritime Mary Ellen Herbert. The Creation of Interpretive Ta- Museums" ; Peter Latta, "Science and bleaux" ; Robert S. Elliot, "The Flight to Society in the Maritimes." Marseille" ; Jean-Roch Cyr, «As- Reviews / Comptes rendus: James A. 26 pects de 1'agriculture chez les fran- Slater, The Colonial Burying Grounds (FalllAutomne 1987) cophones du Nouveau-Brunswick au of Eastern Connecticut and the Men Results of Bulletin Surveys / R6sumts XIX" si6cle : le recensement de 1861 .» Who Made Them ; Barbara R. Robert- des sondages Forum / Colloque: Mary Tivy, "The son, Sawpower: Making Lumber in the Articles : Robert B . Klymasz, "Crucial Quality of Research Is Strained : Sawmills of Nova Scotia ; Debra Trends in Modern Ukrainian Embroi- Collections Research in Ontario Com- McNabb, Old Sydney Town : Historic dery"; Jacques Mathieu avec la munity Museums." Buildings of the North End ; Alaric and participation de Georges-Pierre Notes and Comments /Notes et Gretchen Faulkner, The French at L6onidoff et John R. Porter, «L'objet et commentaires : Peter E . Rider, Pentagoet 1635-1674 ; Thomas B. ses contextes» ; Ronald W. Hawker, "Planters Studies Conference." King, Glass in Canada ; Kenneth "Monuments in the Nineteenth-Cen- M . Molson, Canada's National Reviews / Comptes rendus: Karl A. tury Public Cemeteries of Victoria, Aviation Museum : Its History and Peter, The Dynamics of Hutterite Collections ; Francess G . Halpenny, British Columbia." Society: An Analytical Approach, by ed ., Dictionary of Canadian Research Reports / Rapports de B. Klymasz; Provincial Muse- Robert Biography, Vol . VI, 1821 to 1835. recherche: M.A. MacDonald, "Artifact um of Alberta, "Seasons of Celebra- Survivals from Pre-Loyalist English- tion : Ritual in Eastern Christian speaking Settlers of New Brunswick" ; Culture," by Robert B. Klymasz; Gail Nancy-Lou Patterson, "The McWil- Helgason, The First Albertans: An 29 liam House Hallway: A Painted Room Archaeological Search, by Richard E. (SpringlPrintemps 1989) in Drayton, Ontario ." Morlan; Simon J. Bronner, Grasping Articles : John C. Lehr, "The Ukrainian Reviews/ Comptes rendus : Museum Things : Folk Material Culture and Sacred Landscape : A Metaphor of of the History of Medicine and the Mass Society in America, by Brenda Survival and Acculturation" ; David J . Mother-Child Project, Inc. "Mother Orr; Harry E . Cullis and David T. Goa, "Three Urban Parishes : A Study and Child: History of Mothering from Suzuki, British Columbia: Frontier for of Sacred Space" ; Stella Hryniuk, "A 1600 to the Present," by Katherine Ideas, by Jim Wardrop. Heritage Lost : The Church of the Arnup; New Brunswick Museum, Assumption of the Blessed Virgin "Reflections of an Era: Portraits of 19th Mary, Portage la Prairie, Manitoba, Century New Brunswick Ships," by 1927-1983" ; Peter Melnycky, 28 Eileen Reid Marcil ; Ian M.G. Quimby "Draught Horses and Harnesses among (FalllAutomne 1988) (ed.), The Craftsman in EarlyAmerica, Early Ukrainian Settlers in East- by W. John McIntyre ; Environment Articles : Suzanne Marchand, Central Alberta" ; Radomir B . Bilash, Canada, Parks Canada, Christ Church c

89 mentaires: Peter E. Rider, "Ongoing Changes to Material History Review"/ ((Nouvelle orientation de la Revue d'histoire de la culture materie]]e» ; Louise Trottier, «Le Comit6 canadien pour la conservation du patrimoine industriel» / "The Canadian Commit- tee for the Conservation of Industrial Heritage" ; New Research in Museum Studies; Veronika Gervers Research Fellowship. Reviews/ Comptes rendus: "Impact of the Bauhaus : Ceramics from the Weimar Republic, 1918-1933," by Diane Reid ; Joy L. Santink, Timothy Eaton and the Rise of His Department Store, by Rhonda Mawhood ; Norman J. G. Pounds, Hearth and Home : A History of Material Culture, par Luce Vermette ; Thomas Melville Bailey, ed., Dictionary of Hamilton Biography, Volume 1, and Francess G. Halpenny, ed ., Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Volume 12,1891-1900, by Norman R. Ball; C. J. Taylor, Negoti- ating the Past: The Making of Canada's National Historic Parks and Sites, by Daniel T. Gallacher .

90 Material History Revue d'histoire de la culture Review materielle The Material History Review provides a venue La Revue d'histoire de ]a culture mat6rielle for articles and research reports encompassing pr6sente des articles et des travaux de a range of approaches in interpreting the past recherche qui proposent diff6rentes fagons through an analysis of Canadians' relationship d'aborder 1'6tude et 1'interpr6tation du passd to their material world. Critical reviews of par 1'analyse des rapports unissant les books, exhibitions, and historic sites, artifact Canadiens et lour monde mat6riel. Des cri- studies and reports on collections encourage tiques de livres, d'expositions et de lieux the use of material evidence in understanding historiques, des 6tudes d'objets et des articles historical change and continuity. sur les grandes collections canadiennes favo- The Review is distributed to more than risent 1'utilisation de t6moins mat6riels dans 250 universities, research institutes, mu- 1'interpr6tation du changement et de la conti- seums, and libraries, in 30 countries . It is nuit6 historiques . indexed in America: History and Life, Journal La Revue est distribu6e b plus de of American History, Technology and 250 universit6s, instituts de recherche, mus6es Culture's Current Bibliography in the History et bibliothbques dans une trentaine de pays. of Technology, and Annual Bibliography of Elle est rtspertori6e dans America :History and Ontario History. Life, Journal of American History, la «Current Bibliography Subscription Rates in the History of Technology» (Canadian subscribers please add 7% GST) publi6e dans Technology and Culture et dans Annual Bibliography of Ontario History. One-Year Two-Year Three-Year 1991 1991-1992" 1991-1993' Tarifs d'abonnement (au Canada, ajouter TPS de 7 p. 100) Individuals $15.00 $28.00 $42.00 Un an Deux ans Trois ans Institutions $25.00 $47.00 $70.00 1991 1991-1992" 1991-1993" Back Issues $ 7.00 $7.00 $7 .00 Particuliers 15$ 28$ 42$ *Rates valid until August 1, 1991 ttablissements 25$ 47$ 70$ The Material History Review is published Anciens num6ros 7 $ 7 $ 7 $ twice a year. Cheques or money orders should " Tarifs en vigueur jusqu'au 1°1 aoilt 1991. be made payable to the Receiver General for Canada. Please allow six to eight weeks for La Revue parait deux fois Pan. Les chbques ou back orders. Subscriptions and related corre- mandats-poste doivent 5tre g 1'ordre du spondence should be addressed to: Receveur g6n6ral du Canada . Il faut compter de Finance Division (MHR) six A huit semaines pour la livraison des National Museum of Science and anciens num6ros. Toute correspondance au Technology sujet d'un abonnement doit 8tre envoy6e A la P.O . Box 9724, Ottawa Terminal Division des finances (RHCM) Ottawa, Ontario Musde national des sciences et de la K1G 5A3 technologie C.P. 9724, Terminus d'Ottawa Submission of Manuscripts Ottawa (Ontario) Manuscripts and endnotes should be double- K1G 5A3 spaced. Captions for illustrations should be Pr6sentation des manuscrits double-spaced and include credits, source, and negative number (if held in a public Les textes et notes doivent btre dactylographi6s collection) ; measurements of objects should be b double interligne, de m6me que les l6gendes, in metric form. Authors are responsible for accompagn6es de la mention de la source et du obtaining permission to reproduce material num6ro du n6gatif (si la photo fait partie d'une from copyrighted works. collection publique) ; les dimensions des objets Correspondence concerning contributions doivent 6tre en mesures S.I. Il incombe aux and editorial matters should be addressed as auteurs d'obtenir 1'autorisation voulue pour follows: reproduire des textes tir6s d'ouvrages prot6g6s Managing Editor par le droit d'auteur. Material History Review Toute correspondance concernant les National Museum of Science and articles et les questions r6dactionnelles doit Technology btre adress6e ainsi : P.O. Box 9724, Ottawa Terminal Directeur administratif, Ottawa, Ontario Revue d'histoire de la culture mat6rielle, K1G 5A3 MusBe national des sciences et de la technologie C.P. 9724, Terminus d'Ottawa Ottawa (Ontario) K1G 5A3 7711831