Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e

Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e

Quality of urban public spaces and services as paths towards upraising deprived neighbourhoods and promoting sustainable and competitive cities

Edited by: Liliana Padovani lead export of URBACT II WG Sha.ke Baseline study March 2010

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Table of contents

Chapter 1. The topic, the approach proposed, main references to current debate and EU challenges Chapter 2. Fighting social and spatial exclusion and addressing problems of deprived urban neighbourhoods. National reports Policy approach and facts in: Austria, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland and in Spain Chapter 3 Local overviews and case studies 1 - Iuav University of Venice (lead partner) “Innovative practices in the production of public spaces and services and urban regeneration”. Case studies: Venice, Padua and Verona, Veneto Region 2 – Vienna University of Technology “Fostering social integration through the renovation of public spaces in deprived urban neighbourhoods and through the promotion of area-based, integrated urban regeneration policies”. Case study Vienna City 3 – Hafen City University of Hamburg “Public space in different planning concepts”. Case studies: Altona Altstadt and Hafen City, Hamburg 4 – University of the Aegean “The role of public space renovation in the Urban Growth Poles strategy”. Case studies: The cities of Alexandroupolis, Komotini and Mytilene. 5 - Wroclaw Municipality Case study: “A Regeneration programme for Nadodrze District: focus on restoration of traditional commercial routes” 6 - Mytilene Municipality “Integrated urban intervention in an island city”. Case study: Mytilene City. 7 – Apulia Region case studies: a) regional programme PIR b) implementation of the programme in five cities: Bari, Manfredonia, Putignano, Cisternino, Torremaggiore. 8 - Generalitat de Catalunya Case studies: a) regional programme of urban sustainable regeneration Lei de Barrio b) implementation of the programme in two cities: Badalona and Manlleu Chapter 4 Summary and synthesis Findings from intake visits, kick-off and final meeting of the partners and development phase Conclusions and implication for the future work

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Chapter 1 The topic, the approach proposed, main references to current debate and EU challenges. Methods and structure of the baseline study

Topic, and approach

P. Bruegel image emphasises the density and the freedom in the use of a public space by different groups of inhabitants: elders, young, merchants, artisans, gamblers .

The aim of these introductory notes is to explain: a. why public spaces and services can play an important role in process of deprived neighbourhood regeneration and more generally in the revitalization of cities b. why the focus of Sha.ke WG activities is on the relationships between three different angles to look and consider public spaces: the optics and procedural practices of the public administrations, that of the different associations involved, and that of everyday life. a. The role of public spaces and services in regenerating deprived neighbourhoods European cities have experienced a variety of innovative actions and programmes aiming at improving the quality of life in deprived neighbourhoods, fighting process of spatial and social exclusion, as well as addressing the problems of revitalising those parts of the city that have been affected in the last decades by problems of decline, de- industrialisation, abandonment A common feature which characterises these different orders of programmes is the strategic centrality assigned by them to the quality of public space and services (public and private) as a lever toward sustainable processes of improvement. Years of action to revitalise deprived neighbourhoods that have considered the improvement of services and of public spaces at the core of their initiatives allow to

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develop some considerations as far as the main issues identified, approaches followed, difficulties met and results. Some of these seem of particular interest for Sha.ke WG. Among the new problems to face: - the new features acquired by public spaces and services in the city of today The increased citizens mobility (Tarrius 1) within and between cities, their multiple belonging to places (Frug 2), the heterogeneity of the social, cultural, ethnical profile of the groups of population using public spaces, has deeply changed, functions, meaning and attractiveness of public spaces - in public spaces coexist local users (from the stable concept of ‘community’ to a more recent one of ‘proximity’) and non local users. How to make their coexistence a resource in terms of openness to the whole city, a tool to avoid marginalisation, a richness in the quality of services and not a potential arena for conflicts - how to deal with new feeling of safety and security in public spaces. - how to improve the capacity of living together, of sharing spaces. This is a field to effectively experiment forms of declination of the concept (at present still undetermined of social mix) which is at the centre of urban policies both at the EU level and of European governments. - b. An approach involving all the relevant actors as a promising way of action Urban public spaces through the process of industrialisation and then the shift towards the knowledge society, have gained in safety, capacity to represent society organisation, order, but have lost their original capacity to host a variety of forms of social interactions and being vitalised and determined in their social, functional, cultural and political terms by these activities.

Urban planning, health rules, a new sense of urban décor, the interests of urban promoters and other important urban actors have progressively specialised and diversified the use of these spaces devolving the definition of their meanings and ways of use from citizens to technical apparatus.

Not all the cities and not all the parts of cities underwent this process, some of them because of their structural and social texture were able to resist, preserving in the good and the bad theirs nets of interactions between urban public spaces and city inhabitants and users (see cities lake Naples and Moscow, Benjamin 3, the concept of the city in Amin Thrift 4; the Mediterranean city, etc).

The problem is particularly evident in the new residential peripheries built during the growth years of the 50-80s. Large arena-shaped squares, porches evoking the democratic concepts of agora, of meeting and walking, lay, still conserving traces of their original architectural beauty, in a state of neglect in many public estates whose settings had been conceived and drown by valuable architects (Aimonino and Rossi at Quartiere Gallaratese in Milan). In other les fortunate contexts empty spaces

1 Tarrius A. (1994) “Territoires ciculatoires et espaces urbains”, Annales de la recherche urbaine , n.59- 60. 2 Frug, G. E. (1999), City Making, Princeton Univ. Press, Princeton and Oxford 3 Benjamin W. (2007) Immagini di città , Einaudi 4 Amin a:, Thrift N.(2002) Cities, reimagining the urban, Cambridge Polity Press

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characterise areas classified as services and public spaces by the land-use plan. Thus contributing at the negative image and the low quality of life in these neighbourhoods.

The dominance of a technical approach, nevertheless required to guide urban growth, has contributed to empty public spaces by a multiplicity of uses and functions and made them prone to neglect, vandalism, or appropriation by specific social groups (legal or illegal) at the expenses of other groups or of the whole community. Quoting Jane Jacobs: "Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.".

This to explain why the approach proposed by the Sha.ke WG to address the issue of the role of public spaces (and services) in upgrading deprived neighbourhoods, stresses the interactions between three different areas of practices: - ‘Institutional practices’ (i.e., roughly, practices of production of public spaces developed by institutions within urban policies) - Urban practices somehow linked to ‘social innovation’ which consider the needs and socio-political organisation of excluded groups at the core of local development strategies (Moulaert, 2000 5) - Urban practices linked to people everyday life (Bang 1999 6). These different fields of practices, which are frequently considered separately in urban policies, are tightly interconnected in the process of providing services and public spaces, and their intertwining has an important place in determining the ‘quality’ of public spaces and services. Particularly if quality is confronted with local needs and expectations. The social innovation concept involves an alternative view of urban development. This is focused on satisfaction of human needs trhough innovation in community governance. Both needs and socio-political organisation of excluded groups are at the core of local development strategies.

Main references to current debate and EU challenges

During the last two decades the issues of deprived urban areas have played an important role in the EU policy agenda. Cities and urban regions have been acknowledged to be the motors of EU economic growth, and essential for Europe’s competitiveness in the global economy. Their key role as centers of innovation in the knowledge economy has also been emphasised. However, in parallel with the focus on the economic role of cities, social and environmental demands and uneven development have been highlighted (CEC, 1997; CEC1998; CEC, 2006; CEC, 2009). Increasing poverty and social exclusion are part of an intensive social and economic change, which is mainly hitting cities as places of social integration and social cohesion (Marcuse & van Kempen 2002). Accelerating socio-economic polarization and socio-cultural differentiation are leading to specific patterns of social and spatial segregation. Areas with a high concentration of poor and socially excluded persons within cities are the result of these restructuring processes (Dangschat 2007, Madanipour et al. 2003, Parkinson 1998). These same areas are characterized by a lack or a low quality of

5 Moulaert, F., 2000, Globalization and integrated area development in European citie s, Oxford University Press 6 Bang H P, Sorensen E. (1999) ”The everyday maker, a new challenge to democratic governance”, Adminstrative theory and practice , vol 21

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physical infrastructures (e.g. housing, public spaces), environmental problems and economic downgrading. These problems are likely to become more severe in times of economic crisis. Within this framework the role played by the renovation and retalisation of public spaces emerges as crucial to many extents: to improve the quality of life of citizens living in deprived areas, to open these areas to the rest of the city thus increasing their accessibility and attractiveness, to promote social cohesion. In fact, trough the upgrading of public spaces the quality of life of residents can be improved as well as the sense of belonging and the feeling of safety in public spaces. Processes of renovation of public spaces in some circumstances can help reducing disparities between poor and rich neighbourhoods, thus affecting social cohesion. Furthermore, renovating public spaces has also two other important outcomes: in terms of environmental sustainability, as it can support policies aiming at reducing soil consumption in urban development; and in terms of increasing the attractiveness and competitiveness of the whole city.

Inequalities at both the inter- and intra-urban levels have become a major concern within Europe. Policies targeting urban deprived areas have become a key issue on the EU `urban agenda’ (Atkinson, 2000; 2007) as deprived areas issues have been considered at the same time as an obstacle to the processes of definition of EU citizenship and as an obstacle for improving cities attractiveness following Lisbon and Gothenburg strategies. at the EU level and a variety of policies have been proposed and implemented. Area based, integrated and bottom-up programmes have been set up and implemented (in particular, Urban Pilot Projects, URBAN, URBAN II).Other important programmes have been proposed by national governments and/or regions (e.g. the German Programme “The Socially Disadvantaged City; the Italian Neighbourhoods Contracts). These have often been influenced by innovation introduced by EU. The underpinned idea of these innovative programmes was that multidimensional problems of deprived areas had to be tackled by programmes adopting an integrated approach. Among the key issues addressed by EU area-based urban regeneration programmes we can mention: the involvement of inhabitants and local community groups in the decision-making processes; the improvement of the capacity to run programmes at the local level,close to people and their problems; the diffusion of the integrated approach to tackle the high concentration of social, environmental and economic problems in deprived urban areas. The EU programmes have been differently implemented within EU Member States. These differences are somehow reflected in the different interpretations given by the actors involved in the programmes’ implementation to actions related to the renovation and revitalisation of public spaces. In fact, most programmes included actions devoted to public spaces. However, these actions differ in terms of approach and expected outcomes. They range from actions merely aiming at upgrading built and/or natural spaces considering the social outcomes as a linear consequence of intervention on physical space to actions assuming the involvement of inhabitants and other local stakeholders in the decision-making process, as a main aim. A variety of innovative practices and policies have been experimented throughout Europe and processes of exchange and validation of what has been considered as promising experiences have been developed (see in particular the URBACT programme). The new challenge is the shift from experimental innovation to ordinary, mainstream policy-making. What has been learnt by the actors involved? What are the main obstacles? How to overcome them? In most EU Member States experiences of mainstreaming what learnt during the implementation of EU area-based urban

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regeneration programmes have been carried out. We have selected our case-studies among these experiences. In particular, we have selected cases where it is possible to highlight strengths and weaknesses of the attempts to spread innovation introduced by EU programmes into mainstream urban policies . Referring to the study cases considered processes of renovation and revitalisation of public spaces have been analysed focussing on their capacity of: - improving the quality of life of citizens; - pursuing social cohesion; - increasing the attractiveness of these areas.

Methods and structure of the baseline study

In order to develop the baseline study, the following methodology has been implemented: - Each partner (with the exception of Wroclaw and Vienna) has been visited by the Lead Expert ( Region Apulia has been visited by the lead partner), in order to gather a first range of information on local policies and practices, meet the most relevant stakeholders – members of the Local Support Group – and identify the main challenges and problems faced by the city. - On the basis of the gathered information, and further information supplied by the partners, and presented during the kick off meeting and the development phase final meeting, hold in Venice, a first analysis of case studies has been developed by the lead expert and all partners. A common template was followed to develop the case studies (see chapter 3). - A transversal analysis has been later developed, gathering the information from all partners, with the objective to highlight common needs, opportunities and challenges and establish the basis for a cooperation that may facilitate each city evolution.

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Chapter 2.

Fighting social and spatial exclusion and addressing problems of deprived urban neighbourhoods. Policy approach and facts in : Austria, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland and Spain

This chapter presents national overviews of the six countries involved in the project, analysing similarities and differences on some strategic aspects of which it is very important to be aware when comparing case studies, validating interesting practices, and working towards their transferability in other contexts. The following aspects have been considered for each country: • Territorialisation of poverty and urban decay • National policies to fight exclusion and promote sustainable urban regeneration • National governance frame in urban regeneration and urban planning: distribution of competences. • Access to structural funds

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1. Policy approaches and facts in Austria by Alexander Hamedinger, Vienna University of Technology

1.1 Territorialisation of poverty and urban decay Since 2004 Austria has exhibited a relatively stable, albeit slightly increasing rate of persons running a poverty risk (12.6% in 2006, ÖGPP 2008), which is characteristic also for other conservative welfare regimes in Europe (e.g. France, Belgium; Heitzmann & Tiller-Tentschert 2009). Above average GDP per capita compared to other European countries and a relatively high share of social transfers to income are contributing to this rate.

Figure 1: Development of at-risk-of-poverty-rate in % and at-risk-of-poverty-threshold in Euro, 1994-29006

Source: BMSK 2003/2004 and Statistics Austria: EU-SILC 2004-2006

In 2006, nearly one million persons were running the risk of living in poverty, whereby 2 million had problems in coping with their small incomes (ÖGPP 2008: 149); 420.000 people were living in apparent poverty (apparent poverty pictures multi-dimensional deprivation; Heithmann & Till-Tentschert 2009: 99). Persons running an exceptional high risk of slipping into poverty were unemployed persons, low-skilled persons or persons occupying precarious jobs, single mothers, families with more than three children and migrants. Particularly women and children were highly affected by poverty. Furthermore, social divides between men and women concerning income have increased significantly. The number of persons, which were running the risk of falling into poverty, even though they had a job (“working poor”), amounted to nearly 230.000 (+ 12% compared to 2003; ÖGPP 2008). Simultaneously, the number of persons earning high and very high incomes has increased considerably in the last years (570.530 persons in 2006). Obviously, social polarization is severely growing in one of the wealthiest nations of Europe. This alarming development is due to, amongst other things, a policy targeting at raising taxes on incomes, while simultaneously lowering wealth taxes and to changes in the labour market currently showing a significant increase in atypical employment with low income. Restrictive integration policy and an accentuated conservative family policy are contributing to relatively high poverty risks for women and migrants.

Besides an obvious socio-spatial divide between the North and the South, Austria is characterised by a significant disperse spatial distribution of poverty risks. Above-

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average poverty risk was found in larger cities like Vienna, Graz, Linz, Salzburg and Innsbruck in 2001. It was argued that this was mainly due to the relatively high share of poverty risk groups like unemployed persons, migrants and single mothers. In 2005 poverty risk in Vienna amounted to 13%, in other larger cities (more than 100.000 inhabitants, like Graz and Linz) to 9%, in medium sized municipalities to 15 % and in small cities to 12%, the lowest poverty risks showed small and medium sized cities. Remarkably, in Austria more than half of the persons running the risk of slipping into poverty (597.000) lived in rural areas (Wiesinger 2009: 235). In 2005 the urban-rural divide concerning poverty risk could not be identified anymore, but rural poverty is still a central feature in Austria’s spatial distribution of poverty. Migrants, neo-Austrians (who received Austrian citizenship), singles, women without pensions, long-term unemployed persons are more concentrated in larger cities, while families with children are living in small cities.

It is worth to mention that the possibilities to find a job, living cost structures and social and economic infrastructures differ regionally. Inter-regional disparities, which predominantly emanate from processes of regional economic restructuring, are certainly reaffirming poverty development trends in each of the nine federal provinces. Federal provinces exhibiting high percentages of poverty risk (e.g. Burgenland, Kärnten) in 2005 will be caught up by at the moment better off federal provinces like Styria (with the capital Graz) and Salzburg in the near future (Dangschat 2009a: 248). Again, compared to other cities, larger cities possess a relatively bad position as they have been tremendously hit by high unemployment rates, which have been above the Austrian average since the 1980s. For most of the larger cities in Austria this is due to intensified processes of economic restructuring (with job losses in the secondary sector) and to process of re-locating industries to smaller cities in their hinterland. Inter-regional disparities may increase considerably in all federal provinces in Austria in the coming years.

Table 1: Regional distribution of at-risk-of-poverty-rate, 2004-2006

Federal Province 2004 2005 2006 Burgenland 11,6% 15,2% 12,4% Carinthia 13,1% 16,3% 14,6% Lower Austria 11,8% 12,9% 12,1% Upper Austria 9,3% 9,9% 10,1% Salzburg 15,9% 8,7% 11,8% Styria 12,5% 11,6% 11,6% Tirol 11,0% 14,0% 10,0% Vorarlberg 16,9% 12,9% 9,2% Vienna 15,8% 12,7% 17,2% Austria 12,8% 12,3% 12,6% Source: Statistics Austria: EU-SILC 2006, p.31

These figures have to be interpreted against the background of the settlement structure in Austria. While 67% of Austria’s population lives in cities with more than 5.000

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inhabitants, Austria is to a much lesser extend marked by large cities than other European countries. The urban system is characterised by a steep differentiation between the capital city of Vienna with its nearly 1.7 million inhabitants (in a conurbation of about two million inhabitants) and all other cities. As Vienna stands out in size and economic/political importance, its weight is somewhat balanced through Vienna’s peripheral location and the federal structure of the country which delegates important centre functions to the capital cities of the federal provinces. Among these, Graz, Linz, Salzburg, Innsbruck and Klagenfurt (in that order with 226.000 to 90.000 inhabitants) can be described as medium-sized cities. Three provincial capitals (Bregenz, Eisenstadt, Sankt Pölten) do not number more than 50.000 people. A few other cities in roughly that size exist (Villach, Wels, Steyr, Wiener Neustadt), however they generally play a subordinated role vis-à-vis provincial capital cities in their vicinity. Polycentric conurbations of smaller cities mainly exist in the Rhine Valley (Vorarlberg), the northern part of Styria and the southern part of Lower Austria. The strong polarisation of the settlement system becomes also visible in the relative distribution of the population: While 19.3% of the population live in Vienna, only 9.4% live in the five other larger cities, 7.1% live in 18 cities with between 20.000 and 90.000 inhabitants, and not fewer than 64.2% live in municipalities with less than 20.000 inhabitants. Also when population numbers in the wider agglomerations are taken into account, only about 40% of all inhabitants live in the conurbations of Vienna and the five other medium-sized cities (Statistik Austria, 2001 census, www.statistik.at ).

Currently, population development in Austria is regionally unbalanced and shows polarizing tendencies on different levels. On the level of federal provinces, ageing will be moving from East to West, whereby, parallel to this development, population decrease will hit some parts of the South (Styria) and the West (Tirol) more seriously within the next 25 year. In contrast, Vienna will become ‘younger’, which is mainly due to migration of young people from other EU and non-EU countries and from other federal provinces. The peripheries of the federal provinces will have to handle ageing and loss of parts of the population continuously. Finally, city regions will grow in terms of population; particularly the sub-urban areas will benefit from population growth in the next years. This means that a spatial concentration of employed persons in city regions (most of all in their sub-urban areas) will mark the future spatial development of Austria (Dangschat 2009b).

1. 2. National policies to fight exclusion and promote sustainable urban regeneration Until the mid of the 1990s information about poverty was only scarcely gathered and distributed. This was due partly to a lack of data, but predominantly to the political will of the ruling parties in Austria (which are the Socialdemocrats (SPÖ) and the Conservatives (ÖVP) (Heitzmann & Till-Tentschert 2009: 91). With the entry of Austria into the EU in 1995, poverty as concept and political term was getting more important in the political debate. In the meantime, national poverty reports embracing facts and trends are produced regularly by ‘Statistik Austria’, poverty reporting seems to be getting institutionalized. However, the Ministry for Social Affairs, which is officially responsible for reporting about poverty, unfortunately has retreated from developing official reports. Furthermore, in depth data covering information about the regional and local distribution of poverty in Austria are still missing (Heitzmann & Till-Tentschert 2009). This lack of data is partially compensated by regional poverty reports, which are

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regularly elaborated for most of the nine federal provinces (‘Bundesländer`) of Austria, partially on behalf of the government of the federal provinces themselves (e.g. in Tyrol and Styria). However, because of the use of different concepts and indicators for measuring poverty these reports are difficult to compare. Therefore policy measures, which opted for by the federal provinces, vary to a certain extent. Furthermore, homelessness is an urgent issue discussed by NGOs (e.g. the Poverty Conference Austria), but until now completely ignored by relevant policy actors.

Addressing poverty and social exclusion is competence shared by all tiers of government, but shows a considerable centralist tilt. On the national level labour market, economic, integration, family and housing policies, hence sectoral policies of different Ministries are targeting poverty and social exclusion. Austria is mainly relying on a still stable (although slightly de-regulated) social insurance system, which is based on the occupational system, and on a considerable list of social transfers (e.g. family assistance) to address poverty (‘monetary transfers’). This means that persons, which are not or only partially included into this occupational system, exhibit high risks of being socially excluded. In Austria the provision of social transfers is deeply connected to principles of social insurance rights (mainly concerning health, pension, unemployment) and to the principles of maintenance (e.g. family assistance), which depend on the existence of certain disadvantages (and not on paying contributions to the social insurance system). Currently, the most frequently discussed national measure to combat poverty is the establishment of the so-called ‘Mindestsicherung’, which will be a fixed minimum amount paid to socially disadvantaged person (at the moment 744 Euro per month for single persons; this is still not decided by law).

Ideologically, integration into the first labour market is the dominant goal of policies orientated towards fighting poverty and social exclusion. This ‘activating policy’ (and its supply-side orientation) is achieved through launching large qualification programmes, through providing consultancy and coaching for persons looking for a job (realized by the ‘Austrian Labour Market Service’). Getting people into the labour market, giving them the possibility for earning an income lies at the core of these policies. Therefore, multi-dimensional deprivation effects are not taken into account, policies are not focussed on combating social exclusion at all (Dimmel 2009: 746).

For the federal provinces, the most important way to fight poverty and social exclusion is to provide social assistance and through maintaining high levels of social infrastructure, furthermore through housing and education policies (e.g. giving housing subsidies). The provincial social assistance laws in Austria differ between the federal provinces concerning organisational and financial structures and formal requirements. Additionally, the provinces rely on certain social transfers for supporting persons with low income (e.g. housing assistance).

Access to the housing market exerts serious influence on the spatial concentration of poverty in cities. Traditionally, housing markets in Austria have been highly regulated, but since a couple of years de-regulation measures are leading to increasing housing costs (especially for rent housing). This negative development is particularly detrimental for low income groups spending comparatively more income for housing than upper income groups (Deutsch 1998). Low income groups are still suffering from facing bad housing conditions (overcrowded, bad basic building structure of a building).

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Housing subsidies provided by the national state, give federal provinces and municipalities some room of manoeuvre concerning alleviating high levels of spatial concentration of socially disadvantaged groups. The federal provinces decide on the basis of a provincial law about its appropriate utilization. Housing subsidies are object or subject-orientated (the latter directly offered for some social groups), whereby object- orientated subsidies are mainly deployed for building new houses. In the meantime, housing subsidies are criticised for supporting rather middle and upper income classes than lower income classes (Breitfuss et al. 2004). Consequently, their social accuracy is questioned broadly. Claims for strengthening subject-orientated subsidies, which are addressing socially disadvantaged persons directly, are brought into the fore by housing experts.

If we look at the competences of municipalities to fight social exclusion and poverty, it is obvious that they have a clearly circumscribed room for manoeuvre in this respect (by law). They can take part in policy measures set by the federal provinces, can provide social infrastructures (e.g. schools, children care facilities) and offer social services. Predominantly, they rely on the competences given to them in planning matters (s. below) in order to upgrade neighbourhoods in terms of physical appearance (e.g. through modernising the housing stock, improving the quality of public spaces). Urban planning policy and its instruments (e.g. urban development plans in larger cities like Graz, Vienna, Linz etc.) are implicitly used to address the situation of socially excluded and disadvantaged persons and to address problems emerging in deprived urban neighbourhoods. So, in most of the cities, improving the situation of deprived urban neighbourhoods is approached through ‘classical’ planning measures and instruments, which most of all concentrate on changing the physical structures of these neighbourhoods. These planning policies are in some cases filtered through urban regeneration measures (as in the cases of Vienna and Graz; see case study report).

Additionally, housing policies and their instruments, which are decided on the federal province level, are important for cities to steer the developments of deprived urban neighbourhoods. In Vienna, which has the status both of a municipality and a federal province, most of the housing subsidies are used for maintaining and developing affordable social housing (Vienna is still owning 230.000 flats). This housing sectore can be divided into communal social housing and subsidized housing. Until recently migrants (non-EU-citizens) have been excluded from communal social housing, hence they had no access to this part of the local housing market, which has led to a certain degree of segregation. Migrants also had to come to terms with discriminations in the subsidized housing sector and concerning the provision of housing assistance (which is paid after demonstrating a minimum income).

To summarize, institutions of the public sector (national, federal provinces and municipalities) mainly rely on direct steering instruments for fighting poverty and social exclusion; additionally, institutions of the third sector (Social Profit Organisations) play an important role in providing some social services (Heitzmann 2009). Governance arrangements, particularly based on public-private partnerships or on the participation of relevant stakeholders are marginally used on the national and regional (federal provinces) level.

In this respect the EU has had some influence on the discourse about poverty and social exclusion, measuring poverty and on establishing cooperation and participation.

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Particularly the obligation to develop ‘National Inclusion Plans’ by the member states and the establishment of Territorial Employment Pacts has had some impacts on the cooperation between national, regional and local political-administrative systems, NGOs (like the ‘Poverty Conference Austria’), institutions of the social partnership (chambers, unions) and organisations representing the private sector in Austria. Main goals of the second national inclusion plan are: better protection of socially disadvantaged persons, better coordination between economic, fiscal, employment and social policy, qualification measures for socially disadvantaged persons, improvement of the compatibility between job and family, gender-relevant questions of social exclusion, further development of care offers, improvement of the access to education, health and housing for socially disadvantaged persons etc. (Till & Till-Tentschert 2006: 114). Although some steps are made to further the cooperation between different actors and institutions, the Poverty Conference Austria’ scrutinizes national efforts and claims for establishing regional inclusion plans, for improving cooperation and coordination between the responsible political-administrative systems and for more involving relevant stakeholders (Poverty Conference Austria 2003: 3). Additionally, the Poverty Conference Austria regularly points to a central challenge: the development of an all- embracing strategy to fight poverty and social exclusion, which is based on clear objectives, on a definition of time horizons and on a package of measures aimed at helping the most socially disadvantaged persons.

1.3 National governance frame in urban regeneration and urban planning Austrian municipalities have their place in a stable three-tiered national system of government, enshrined in the constitution of 1921/1929. Jurisdictions of the nine federal provinces and municipalities however build on rights which had been constitutionally recognized already in the 19th century. The municipalities are all-purpose public entities with executive powers, which draw their legitimacy from directly elected councils. Cornerstone of their activities is the municipal autonomy, i.e. the constitutionally granted and protected right to self-government. In the area of autonomous self-rule, the Austrian municipality acts as regulatory public authority in a number of areas. In particular, many decisions with spatial implications are reached on the local level without interference from other levels of government: spatial development schemes, zoning plans, building permits, urban development plans as well as building site assessments. Crucially, Austrian municipalities (like all other territorial authorities) are also free to act as public business entities in the sphere of private law. Thus no legal limits are set to economic activities, providing the municipalities with the foundation to deliver (or contract) a wide array of public services. These services of general interest (‘Daseinsvorsorge’) may include the construction and/or operation of municipal streets and roads, hospitals, kindergartens and primary schools, cultural and sport facilities, public transport, sewerage and waste disposal, water and energy supply, as well as social assistance. Taken together, legal competencies and the freedom to act as public entrepreneur endow the municipalities with sufficient capacities to autonomously pursue local development goals. However, the room of manoeuvre of the municipalities is also closely circumscribed, both constitutionally and financially. Constitutionally, municipalities must act as the implementing authorities for federal and state law as well, and need to maintain the necessary infrastructure for these tasks. In addition, the federal

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provinces are the supervisory authorities of the municipalities, among others with jurisdiction covering the municipal statutes (Fallend/Mühlböck/Wolfgruber 2001, Purschke 1998, Wolffhardt & Bartik 2005).

Not the least because Vienna, the largest and dominant city, is a federal province and municipality at the same time, the situation of the provinces is also relevant for a discussion of urban policies in Austria. In purely constitutional terms, the federal provinces – there are nine of them in Austria - are relatively weak when compared to other countries with a federal structure. In Austria, crucial policy fields like the social security system, education, science and research, criminal justice, police and home affairs, interregional transport as well as a major share of tax collection are all being governed on the federal level. The Länder or federal provinces are weak on rights to veto federal legislation and are left to regulate under their own jurisdiction a rather patchy array of issue areas, which includes housing, the infrastructure of health provision, poverty relief and social assistance, spatial planning, protection of the environment, preschool and primary education as well as regional road and transport networks. The federal provinces are responsible for legislation in terms of spatial planning; every province develops and revises its provincial spatial planning law. Main planning instruments of the federal provinces are the provincial spatial development plans, which define the central features of spatial development for the whole province and develop guidelines for planning measures set on the local level.

The Austrian multi-level system of government is widely described as exemplifying the type of cooperative federalism. This entails that policy areas are not solely assigned to one level of government, but legislation and execution of regulations or policies are spread across all three layers of government. The consequences are an imperative need for cooperation, multilateral rather than bilateral bargaining with central government, high levels of harmonisation in public services and the taxation system, as well as strong redistribution and equalisation effects across all involved territorial units. Thus, a strong consensus orientation among all political actors is a build-in feature of the constitutional framework and is embedded in a widely non-adversarial, corporatist political culture (Wolffhardt & Bartik 2005).

Map 1: Tiers of government and distribution of competences in Austria

constitutionally granted (strong) legal status

Federal State
Regulatory authority for sectoral policies affecting cities‘ room for manoeuvre (economic, social etc.); no urban policy; no planning competences

constitutionally granted (weak) legal status, but strong Federal Provinces (9) identification with federal province

Regulatory authority for some policy fields (overall planning, municipal status, housing etc.)

Constitutionally granted legal status: right to self- government, but also implementing authority of federal province and state laws C ities/Municipalities
Regulatory public authorities in some policy fields (urban regeneration, services of general interest; planning: zoning plans etc.)

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Source: author

The policy fields of regional development and spatial planning are of natural importance for all sub-national tiers of government. ‘Urban policies’, however conceived in detail, always are closely interconnected to notions of spatial development. A closer look at the distribution of policy framing and -implementation powers across levels of government reveals highly averse conditions for the emergence of a national urban policy in Austria. Regarding spatial development in a strict sense, Austria represents the near-extreme case of a federal polity which concentrates actual decision powers on the lower, local and regional tiers of government. While spatial development planning lies in the hands of the municipalities, the federal provinces are responsible for coordination and overall frameworks. Austria has neither been able to establish anything like a federal spatial development law (as opposed even to strongly federal Switzerland and Germany), nor does it have a federal ministry for spatial planning. Instead, a very peculiar form of multi-level policy coordination has emerged in the form of the Austrian Conference on Spatial Planning (ÖROK) from the seventies on. It brings together the federal government, provinces and municipalities (both on administrative and political level) and operates a permanent coordination office in Vienna. On the federal level, an administrative unit in the Federal Chancellery is responsible for coordinating federal ministries in questions of spatial relevance and representing the federation in ÖROK. ÖROK tries to influence spatial development and planning policies on the sub-national levels through the development of national spatial development concepts, which are not legally binding for other sub-national authorities. Currently, the Austrian Spatial Development Concept of 2001 (ÖROK 2001) is being revised. However, the area of spatial planning in a narrow sense must be seen in the context of other sectoral policy fields, where the federal government disposes of policy instruments with strong implications for spatial development patterns. Interregional transport, energy and communication infrastructure, business investment incentives/subsidies, secondary and higher education, technology and innovation policies as well as the overall framework for health provision need to be mentioned here in the first place. In these issue areas, the above described distribution of competencies and the framework of interest policies for the sub-national territorial units when participating in federal decision-making apply (Wolffhardt & Bartik 2005).

Furthermore, urban regeneration is not an explicit policy field of the national state, even though the national Urban Regeneration Act from 1974 should originally provide the basis for large scale modernisation efforts in the cities. It allowed for delineating so called ‘Assanierungsgebiete’ (‘renovation areas’), whereby delineation was based on building stock indicators (completely neglecting social indicators). To put it into a nutshell, the impact of this law was marginal as it was in the hands of the federal provinces and municipalities to implement measures.

In comparative view, these circumstances render Austria one of the European countries with the least developed urban policy and urban regeneration framework on national level. Given the small number of larger cities, their low profile in the political landscape of the sub-national territorial units, and a constitution that leaves binding spatial development law outside the jurisdiction of the federal government, it seems no wonder that Austria is far away from having a national urban policy or even a national vision on urban affairs. A national (but also provincial) area-based policy combating the problems

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occurring in deprived urban neighbourhoods is missing up to now (Wolffhardt & Bartik 2005).

1.4 Access to Structural Funds The policy field of regional and spatial development has been much affected by EU membership through adaptation to the rules and opportunities of the Structural Funds. It merits a deepened discussion in this context, since arguably EU regional policies (with their considerable financial input and requirements of programme planning and partnership) have the highest potential impact of all EU policies on the domestic balance and interaction between layers of government. From 1995 on Austria received financial support from the European Regional Development Funds (ERDF) and the European Social Fund (ESF), which in the territorial grid of EU regional policies have been dedicated to Objective 1, 2 and 5a areas until 1999, and to Objective 1 and 2 areas since 2000. These areas however are predominantly rural and Austrian cities benefited mainly from the (also ERDF-funded) Community Initiatives URBAN I and URBAN II, which were implemented in Vienna and Graz. The Community Initiatives INTERREG II and III have played, due to the geographic peculiarities of Austria, a relatively more enhanced role than in other member states. Of the larger cities however only Vienna (as a federal province) has become more strongly involved in the cross-border programmes of INTERREG. In the current period, the federal province of Burgenland is defined as a convergence region receiving 177.2 million Euro. Eight EFRE-programmes within the regional competitiveness programme, which are distributed to eight federal provinces (including Vienna), amount to 555 million Euro; 472 million Euro are used for the national programme ‘employment’ (territorial employment pacts). Financial means coming from EFRE for the goal of ‘territorial cooperation’ amount to 256.7 million Euro in the current period (ÖROK 2009). They are used for seven programmes concerning regional cross-border cooperation with the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Slovenia, Italy and the region Lake Constance.

The institutional system which was set up for programme implementation of the EU funds is marked by continuity vis-à-vis the established structures of regional policies in Austria. Programme development and formulation of strategic goals falls under the responsibility of the provincial governments. The federal government is only involved through a coordination role conducted by the Unit for Spatial Development in the Federal Chancellery. ÖROK provides the platform for coordination of the EU regional funds among the levels of government, and has an operational role in their allocation and management (Wolffhardt & Bartik 2005).

Hence, on EU accession the introduction of the European dimension did not lead to an adaptation or overhaul of the pre-existing regional policy framework, but to the integration of the new instruments into it. A debate on whether the traditional meso- level structures (i.e. the Länder) are best suited to the scope and goals of the European policies never materialized. In view of the constitutional and political realities it was rather taken as granted by all sides that the provinces would play the crucial role as managing authorities. Only the URBAN programmes in Graz and Vienna provided municipalities an opportunity to be at the helm of programme development. Concerning the provincial-central government relationship, the traditional non-adversarial actor constellation was maintained and both levels of government could reinforce their status: the provinces, because they could dispose of new means and instruments, giving them

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additional leverage; the federal government, because its pivotal position between the regional and European levels enhanced its overall coordination role. While the regional policy field maintained its institutional stability, EU programmes nevertheless had important effects with regard to policy modernisation and the emergence of new cooperative forms of governance in programme implementation. Especially the Objective 1 programme in the (mostly rural) state of Burgenland and the URBAN programmes in Graz have resulted in a much tighter interaction among local or regional actors, stipulated through the requirements of joint programme planning and partnership as defined by the EU. The emergence of regional management bodies within all federal provinces is also directly associated with the impact of EU membership. (Fallend/Mühlböck/Wolfgruber 2003, Schremmer/Steiner 2003, Wolffhardt & Bartik 2005).

References Breitfuss, A./Dangschat, J.S./Frey, O./Hamedinger, A. 2004: Städtestrategien gegen Armut und soziale Ausgrenzung. Studie im Auftrag der AK Wien. Wien. Dangschat, J.S. 2009a: Räumliche Aspekte der Armut, in: Dimmel, N. et al.: 247-261. Dangschat, J.S. 2009b: Stadtentwicklung zwischen Wachsen und Schrumpfen. Schriftenreihe des Österreichischen Städtebundes, Nr. 1/2009. Wien. Dangschat, J.S./Hamedinger, A. 2009: Planning Culture in Austria – The Case of Vienna, the Unlike City, in: Knieling, J./Othengrafen, F. (eds.): Planning Cultures in Europe. Farnham/Burlington: 95-112. Deutsch, E. et al. 1998: Kosten einer allgemeinen Wohnbeihilfe in Wien. AK-Wien. Dimmel, N. 2009: Prinzipien und Instrumente der Armutsbekämpfung, in: Dimmel, N.: 433-448 Dimmel, N./Heitzmann, K./Schenk, M. (eds.) 2009: Handbuch Armut in Österreich. Innsbruck-Wien-Bozen. Falkner, G. 1999: How Pervasive are Euro-Politics? Effects of EU Membership on a New Member State, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies Discussion Paper 99/4. Falkner, G./Müller, W.C. (eds.) 1998: Österreich im europäischen Mehrebenensystem: Konsequenzen der EU-Mitgliedschaft für Politiknetzwerke und Entscheidungsprozesse, Vienna. Fallend, F./ Mühlböck, A./Wolfgruber 2001: Die österreichische Gemeinde – Fundament oder „Restgröße“ im Mehrebenensystem von Kommunen, Ländern, Bund und Europäischer Union, http://www.sbg.ac.at/regiostudies/downloads/gemeinde.doc . Fallend, F./ Aigner, D./ Mühlböck, A. 2002: „Europäisierung“ lokaler Politik? Der Einfluss der Europäischen Union auf Politiknetzwerke und Entscheidungsprozess in der lokalen Wirtschafts-, Beschäftigungs- und Arbeitsmarktpolitik in Österreich, in: Europäisches Zentrum für Föderalismus-Forschung Tübingen (Hg.): Jahrbuch des Föderalismus 2002: Föderalismus, Subsidiarität und Regionen in Europa, Baden-Baden, pp. 563–576.

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Heitzmann, K. 2009: TrägerInnen der österreichischen Armutsbekämnpfung, in: Dimmel, N. et al.: 388-397. Heitzmann, K./Till-Tentschert, U. 2009: Armutsgefährdung und manifeste Armut in Österreich, in: Dimmel, N. et al.: 91-111. Mayerhofer, P. 2004: Wien in der internationalen Städtekonkurrenz. Entwicklung und Potentiale in einem veränderten Umfeld, in: WIFO-Monatsberichte 5/2004. ÖGPP 2008: 2. Armuts- und Reichtumsbericht für Österreich. Wien. ÖROK 2001: Österreichisches Raumentwicklungskonzept 2001. Wien. ÖROK 2009: EU-Kohäsionspolitik in Österreich 1995-2007. Eine Bilanz. ÖROK- Schriftenreihe, Nr. 180. Wien. Palk, D. 2009: Armutsberichterstattung in den österreichischen Bundesländern, in: Dimmel, N. et al.: 112-123. Poverty Conference Austria 2003: Der Nationale Aktionsplan der ARMUTSKONFERENZ für 2003-2005. Wien. Purschke, H. 1998: Austria, in: Van den Berg L./Braun E./van den Meer J.(1998), op.cit., 14-35. Schindegger, F. 2004:, Austria: no national urban policies, in: Van den Berg L./Braun E./van den Meer J. (2004), op.cit., 67-68. Schremmer, Ch./Steiner, J. 2003: Regionale Auswirkungen des EU-Beitritts Österreichs: Bisherige Erfahrungen, ÖIR, Forschungsbericht, Wien. Stenner, C. 2010: Die Armut und die Kommune: am Beispiel Graz, in: Verein ERfA (Hg.): Die Armut und die Kommune: am Beispiel Graz. Grazer Sozialpolitische Hefte, Band 1. Graz: 11-16. Till, M. & Till-Tentschert, U. (Hg.) 2006: Armutslagen in Wien. Schriftenreihe des Instituts für Soziologie, Band 40. Wien. Van den Berg, L./Braun, E./van den Meer, J. 2004: National Urban Policies in the European Union, Euricur Report for the Dutch, Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations, Rotterdam. Wiesinger, G. 2009: Armut im ländlichen Raum, in: Dimmel, N. et al.: 233-246. Wolffhardt, A./ Bartik, H. 2005: Austrian Cities and the EU: the cases of Vienna and Graz, in: Antalovsky, E. et al. (eds.): European Metropolitan Governance. Final report. Vienna: 241-310.

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2. Policy approaches and facts in Germany Prof. Dr. Ingrid Breckner, Dr. Massimo Bricocoli, HafenCity Universität Hamburg

2.1 Territorialisation of poverty and urban decay To consider territorialisation of poverty and urban decay in the federal Republic of German, a date and an event should be fixed on the timeline. The fall of the Berlin in 1989 was the start for the process of re-unification of western and eastern Germany and therefore deeply affected both the socio-economic geography of the country as well as the public policy agenda. To give one measure: in year 2000 in the eastern part of the country, 1 million of housing units (13% of the national housing stock) were unoccupied (www.bmvbs.de/Stadtentwicklung_-Wohnen, 2010).

If we imagine an overview before that event, we shall consider some major and different dynamics in the two countries:

- In the west, some regions have been heavily suffering from industrial decline and restructuring, from consistent loss of blue collar jobs, from the decay affecting cities and industrial areas which rapidly became brownfields. It is the case – above all - of the Rurhgebiet (the polycentric urban region along the river Ruhr) which has become a Europe-wide reference of the urban and industrial crisis in the post-fordist time. Moreover, in large cities and even in those wealthy one which were rapidly moving towards a knowledge-based local economic system (such as Munich), the issue of “Armut in Reichtum ”, that is to say pockets of social and economic deprivation in the affluent and wealthy contexts became a growing issue, witnessing the structural dimension of poverty in a time of heavy restructuring and the need of adequate and appropriate public policies.

- In the east, the socialist state had been by definition denying any social problem assuming that generalised welfare would allow equal and adequate resources to the whole population while state-driven economy was providing full occupation. Though in the years before the fall of the iron curtain the crisis of industrial production started to affect and to further weaken the whole economic system. When the wall fell, the crisis was evident and, once it lost the protection of autarchic measures, the uncompetitive industrial production system collapsed, leaving enormous industrial areas in abandonment.

The territorialisation of poverty and urban decay is nowadays still very much affected by the west-east divide: while several areas in the west still suffer of the heavy burdens of decaying industries and face the enormous costs of recovery for the re-development of old industrial areas and cities, these problems have been very much re-dimensioned in comparison to the dramatic urban and regional decline of the eastern part of the country, which is heavily suffering from a constant loss of population in the working age which is moving west in the search for a job.

For the focus and interest of the Urbact Sha.ke project, it is though relevant to stress that in spite of growing population and economy, most of large and medium cities in the

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more developing parts of the country display processes of decay in those disadvantaged neighbourhoods where the most vulnerable population tends to be concentrated.

2.2 National policies to fight exclusion and promote sustainable urban regeneration Assuming as a reference the re-unified country, many of the peculiar features of the federal system that Western Germany developed after second world war are somehow more evident. The federal government has little influence on urban and regional development. Although a national spatial planning framework was developed with some commitment, each state (‘ Land ’ in German) detains a consistent autonomy in the design of urban and regional policies as well in specific domains of public action, such as welfare and housing. In the term which ended in autumn 2009, the Federal government put emphasis on urban issues and launched a “National urban development policy” (Bmvs, 2009) which is reviewing the state of the art of urban development in cities and states and is forwarding concepts and references for a sound urban development. Though doubts remains (as for the case of the previous Spatial Planning framework) as far as its effectiveness and real impact beyond general declarations are concerned. The recent change of government already seem to remark the retreat of such a commitment. It is therefore very difficult to draw a nation-wide framework of national policies activated to fight exclusion and to promote sustainable urban regeneration. Any national report tends to summarise and condense the experience of sets of states, while national programs set a very wide agenda in which each state develops public action that is very much tailored on the local context as well as on the policy tools that the state has been developing and putting into use. No real evaluation of the implementation of national programs is ever made at federal level as it would imply what would be considered a significant intrusion in the states’ policy affairs. It is possible, nevertheless to identify some major experiences which have been characterising and orienting policies at the national level. It is moreover important to stress that the case study on Hamburg is somehow reporting itself a summary of national policies in the terms the local government assumed and interpreted them.

A. The IBA Internationale Baustellung The so called “IBA” is a peculiar German institution in the field of urban planning. It is in origin an international exhibition which we could refer to the experience of the Werkbund initiatives that in the period between the two world wars were displaying the best prototypes in terms of new architecture and design for modern and economic housing. The Werkbund was focused on the production of new housing with a typical modern approach to the standardisation of solutions tailored on the industrial city and on the needs of middle and low income population. On the contrary, recent IBA initiatives display for an international audience, projects and experiences that are mainly dealing with the restructuring and regeneration of the modern and industrial city along an area-based approach dealing with the re-organisation of the built environment but bringing along significant issues and contributions to the organisation of social and economic local re-settings. Strong focuses are put on social, cultural, ecological innovation. The initiatives have a significant echo at a European level and definitely a strong influence in the framing of the policy discourse at the German Federal level as well as in orienting the innovation of local policies and practices.

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Three main IBA initiatives worth to be mentioned: - the IBA Berlin (1984), with a strong emphasis on “critical reconstruction” and “soft urban renewal”. New housing architecture and area based urban regeneration were setting some key references in terms of innovation and advancement of local practices that were to widely influence the debate at the intersection between architecture and urban planning. - The IBA Emscher Park (1989-1999)was developed in the state of North Rhein Westphalia and was tackling the social, economic, ecologic and spatial challenges related to the severe industrial restructuring of the Ruhr metropolitan region where severe environmental problems produced by industrial development and abandonment were intertwined with the social problems deriving from unemployment and disinvestment. Beside the concrete recovery of the region (now set of the European Capital for Culture), the development of wide partnerships (involving different institutional and private actors) and innovation in ecological oriented urban development were two of the major learning resulting from the programme. - The IBA Hamburg (2007-2013) is located in the area of Wilhelmsburg and Veddel and in the Binnenhafen.The main target is to organise inputs and proposals for the re- organisation of the contemporary metropolis in the face of globalisation, polarisation and climate change starting from projects and policies targeting one of the mostly deprived and poor areas of the city.

B. Stadtumbau (West and East) Stadtumbau is a Federal programme launched in 2002 and splitting its action into two main frameworks and organisations: Stadtumbau West and Stadtumabu East. “Umbau” stands as a reference to the reconversion of the overall urban environment (demolition of redundant buildings and infrastructures, reconversion of former industrial and military sites, etc.) in shrinking cities and regions of the eastern regions as well as the older industrial regions of the west. Shrinkage is a result of consistent migration to regions with better job opportunities as well as to natural demographic trends (low birth rates, high rate of elderly).

Stadtumbau West is targeting 300 cities and towns in which economic and demographic change are heavily impacting. From 2004 to 2008, 246 millions of euro were funded by the federal state while 738 million were available after co-funding by states and cities. New concepts were introduced as guiding themes. Two were leading actions in specific time frames: - “Zwischennutzung” (2006-2008) temporary uses of abandoned buildings and sites targeting innovative practices and uses, - “Renaturalisierung” (2007-2009) aiming at re-naturalising contaminated and/or low environmental quality areas.

Stadtumbau West . The funding is far higher than for the western part: in the period 2002-2009 an overall budget of 2,5 billion euro (1 billion from the federal state, the rest as local co-funding) was devoted to initiatives targeting the severe decay of many eastern cities, the development of their old infrastructures.

C. Die Soziale Stadt

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The nation-wide programme ”Die Soziale Stadt” was launched in 1999 starting from some selected areas were local pilot projects were first implemented. Since then, “Die Soziale Stadt” has represented the main framework programme which served as a reference for states and cities in developing their own integrated urban regeneration policies. The programme adopts a comprehensive approach targeting the different dimensions of social and economic disadvantage and inequality. While recognising the limits of initiatives that are limited to refurbishment and recovery of the physical environment, the programme fosters the development of economic and social development, cultural integration, join insertion of the population living in the targeted neighbourhoods. From 1999 to 2008, 760 millions € of Federal funding and 2 billions € co-funded by the states were allocated to disadvantaged neighbourhoods in German cities. In 2009 the annual federal funding was up to 105 million €. In 1999 the programme was targeting 162 neighbourhood in 124 cities. In 2008 the number of target neighbourhoods is 532 in 326 cities.

Germany 1980-1990 1999 2002 / Federal Financing of Die Soziale Stadt Stadt Umbau Governme urban renewal nt

Local 1984 1989-1999 2007-2013 initiatives Iba Berlin IBA Emscher Park IBA Hamburg of National relevance

Hamburg 1980 1990 1994 1998 2005 2009 Small areas Urban Urban Fight against Social City Active Integrated Urban renewal/ regeneration poverty / Programme / Neighbourhood Regeneration/ Stadterneuerung Programme/ Armutsbekäam Soziale Stadt- regeneration / Integrierte in kleinen Revitalisierung pfungsprogram entwicklung Pilot Aktive Stadtteilentwiklung Schritten programm m project Lurup Stadtteilenwicklun g

2.3 National governance frame in urban regeneration and urban planning The national governance frame in urban regeneration and urban planning is guided by the national law for urban regeneration (Städtbauförderungsgesetz) which allows municipalities to spend national funding for urban regeneration. The programme “Soziale Stadt” is one part of this national funding, but was cut of from the former funding for urban regeneration. So municipalities have less money for construction of social housing but can spend some money for integrated programmes in the context of “Soziale Stadt”. Since the last national elections there is a new funding in the context of the “National Urban Policies”. These funds are mostly spent for national reports on urban development (see: Bundesministerium für Verkehr, Bau- und Stadtentwicklung 2009a/b) with less connotation to local specials and nearly no respect to the issue of public spaces in specific local contexts.

2.4 Access to Structural Funds The access to structural funds is concentrated on national areas with specific economic problems, mostly declining formal industrial areas and spaces in Eastern Germany. As these funds are used especially for structural economic development, they mostly are

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not connected to needs in urban areas because economic policies are still missing a micro-level spatial orientation. References Bundesministerium fuer Verkehr, Bau und Stadtentwicklung (2009), Stadtentwicklungsbericht 2008 , Stadtentwicklungspolitik in Deutschland Band 1, Berlin. Deutsche Institut fuer Urbanistik, ed., (2002), Die Soziale Stadt, Eine erste Bilanz des Bund-Länder-Programms ‘Stadtteile mit besonderem Entwicklungsbedarf – die soziale Stadt’ , im Aufrag des Bundesministerium fuer Verkehr, Bau- und Wohnungswesen, pp. 138-151. Mayer M. (2009), “Combating social exclusion with “activating” policies: lessons from recent German Policy reforms” in The Urban Reinventors Online Journal , issue 03/09 The Right to the City: the entitled and the excluded.

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3. Policy approaches and facts in Greece by Ioannis Chorianopoulos

3.1 Territorialisation of poverty and urban decay Greece joined the EU in 1981. The extent to which the country was not in a position to participate in an enhanced competitiveness context is indicated by the underdeveloped state of key aspects of the economic environment, such as physical infrastructure provision and workforce qualifications 7. The political prioritisation of the speeding up of economic integration aggravated concerns about the capacity of the country to adjust along competitiveness lines. Greek cities were gradually called in to participate in the competitiveness effort. Results, however, are not encouraging. With the exception of Athens, Greek cities lag behind in critical competitiveness indicators (DATAR, 2003), exhibit poor economic performance and fall short of participating in the European urban

7 The provision of motorways, for instance, was less than 10 per cent of the Community average. In terms of the qualifications of the workforce the figure of adults who had not completed education beyond the primary level was one in every two - as opposed to one in five in the Community as a whole, while the country had only 20-25 per cent of the Community’s average of persons employed in Research and Technology Development (RTD) (CEC, 1994: 10-1).

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core, the area that encompasses the majority of economically dynamic European cities (ESPON, 2006). On the contrary, it appears that enhanced inter-urban competition that followed the Single European Act (1986), and the subsequent diminution of protectionists barriers to trade and investment, exposed the traits of an urban system which faces embedded difficulties in grasping the development opportunities opened up by EU integration. Similarly, the record of intra-urban interventions in Greece is commented upon in the literature as diverging from the diffused governance approach encouraged by the EU, exhibiting limited interest group participation, as well as problematic understanding and implementation of integrated intervention approaches (Chorianopoulos, 2008). The aim of this brief report is to sketch the particularity of the Greek urban world, and to portray, in turn, key urban policy responses in the country that took place during the last two decades. Greek urban legacies The debate over the European urbanisation patterns correlates socio-economic transformation processes with distinct stages of urban spatial evolution (CEC, 1992: 71- 2). The 1960-80 decline of population of urban agglomerations in Northern Europe, for instance, was approached as the spatial manifestation of industrial, employment and residential decentralisation processes (Berg, L. et al, 1982: 29-36). Also, the emergence of a variation of urban development patterns - with some urban regions displaying recentralisation tendencies since the 1980s - was correlated with the growth of service sector employment and the enhanced urban socio-economic embeddedness of economic activity (Cheshire, 2006). In this framework, Greece offers a distinct example. Table 1 displays the average urban growth rates for the period 1950-2005, also indicating the rate of expansion of the urban population as a percentage of the total population.

Table 1 : Urban Population Growth Rates in Greece Urban Growth Rates (%) Urban as % of Total Years 1950 1970 1990 2005 1950 1970 1990 2005 % 2.43 1.61 1.10 0.55 37.3 52.5 58.8 60.4 Source: (UN, 2009)

As noted in Table 1, the wave of urbanisation experienced in Greece in the early post- war period was substantial and extensive. What is also note in the above figures is the continuous, albeit at lower rates, pattern of urban centralization, a trend that raises the question of the urban economies and ‘pull’ factors that originally drove and currently sustain the influx of population in cities. A look at the sectoral distribution of labour force during the last decades (Table 2) sheds light on this trend.

Table 2 : Sectoral distribution of labour force (1960-2005) AGRICULTURE INDUSTRY SERVICES Years 1960 1980 2005 1960 1980 2005 1960 1980 2005 % 56 37 12.4 20 28 22.4 24 35 65.2 Sources : (World Bank, 1984: 259; OECD, 2007: 30).

At first glance, Table 2 depicts the gradual modernization of the country’s employment structures, from the dominance of the agricultural sector in the 1960s, to the key role of services in the 2000s (CEC, 1992: 67). Looking closer, however, the significant rates of service employment during the early period of urban centralization is noted. In fact, the

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working population engaged in service activities surpasses that of industry throughout this period. The moderate contribution of industry as a source of employment during the early period of urban growth indicates the constrained capacity of the sector in influencing the immigration patterns. The narrow manifestation of internal economies of scale in industrial firms (Hudson and Lewis, 1984: 200), as well as the few signs of external economies of localisation affecting the spatial pattern of industrial development 8, further support this argument. The limited role of industry as an initial ‘pull’ factor to urban centres and the precise nature of tertiary sector employment, dominated by public administration, tourist services and self-employment, points to the informality of job expectations of the migrants (Tsoukalas, 1986: 184). Distinct spatial and socio-political landscapes are related to this particularity.

3.2 National policies to fight exclusion and promote sustainable urban regeneration The EU conceptualization of urban intervention differs from local realities. EU urban policy is informed by resurgent cities: areas that experienced de-industrialization and managed to effectively restructure their economy based on concerted and locally-defined governance responses (Storper and Manville, 2006). As discussed, however, de- industrialisation was never a major urban concern in Greece. The key role of the service sector as an employment provider during urban centralisation curved distinct urban landscapes. Industry, as it followed the emergence of urbanisation economies, is primarily located in the urban outskirts (Leontidou, 1990). Its subsequent withdrawal, in turn, affected primarily detached parts of the urban fabric 9. Moreover, limited local articulation of interests questions the effectiveness of a policy intervention aimed at triggering locally defined synergistic actions. It is in this context of centralized political- administrative structures and territorial experimentation that the impact of the EU on Greek urban policy is looked at. The following figure (Fig.1) portrays key urban policy programmes and reforms in Greece.

8 By 1980, 57 per cent of the urban population was living in Athens (CEC, 1992: .62 and 67). The concentration of urban growth in predominantly one urban centre is an indication of the absence of localisation economies - either based on firm specialisation or determined by the presence of raw material resources - influencing industrialization (see Chorianopoulos, 2008). 9 It is for this reason that the experience of Greek cities did not inform the de-industrialisation debate that dominated urban geography discussions in the 1980s. Greek inner cities were not part of this trend.

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National

Strategic 1999 Act on URBAN (1994- ‘Integrated Reference Urban Pilot 1999) and Urban Framework Projects (1989- URBAN II (2000- Interventions’: (2007-2013): 1993 / 96) and 2006) Urban Pilot Launch of Key cities are Projects II (1997- A total of nine integrated urban defined in the 1999) cities participated development country as Four cities in the two phases schemes at the growth poles. participated in of URBAN. national level, this integrated in partnership urban with local intervention interest groups. attempt.

1989 1994 1999 2007

Figure 1: Key recent urban policy programmes and policy reforms

• The first ever attempt at integrated urban interventions appears in Greece with the launch of the Urban Pilot Projects (1989). In total, four (cross-municipal) areas 10 were nominated by the national authorities to participate in the two phases of this scheme. • ‘URBAN Initiative ’ (1994-1999). The administration of the Initiative took the form of a single URBAN programme co-ordinated by the national authorities, with six sub- programmes implemented at the local level. There was no bidding process amongst Greek cities for participating in the Initiative. The six URBAN sub-programmes - and the corresponding local authorities 11 - were nominated at the national level by the ministries responsible for the implementation of the second Community Support Framework (1994-2000). Information about URBAN was send to local authorities by the Ministry of Environment and Planning (1994) and the municipalities were invited to submit an Action Plan based on local policy priorities. ‘URBAN II’ (2000-2006) was the second scheme of integrated urban interventions noted in the country. The relevant authorities (Ministry of Planning and Ministry of Finance) launched, this time, an ‘open call’ to all cities in the country to put forward their proposals. In total, 40 applications for participation were submitted. The subsequent approval of three programmes (namely, Komotini, Heraklion and Perama) was based on a range of qualitative and quantitative criteria. • The influence of URBAN and the familiarization of policy-making with the traits of integrated interventions resulted in the introduction of an Act (1999) that permitted the independent launch of such initiatives by local authorities. The 1999 Act on

10 The target areas were located in Athens (1989-1993), Thessaloniki (1993-1996), Alexandroupoli and Western Athens (1997-1999). 11 Namely, Keratsini-Drapetsona, Volos, Syros, Patra, Peristeri, Thessaloniki

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‘Integrated Urban Interventions’ , marks a shift from the dominant local authority pre-occupation with infrastructure improvements, enabling the local state to embark on thematically broader partnership activities with interest groups. The Act, however, prohibits any partner organization from policy implementation, assigning this responsibility solely on local authority hands (Local Authorities Institute, 2006). As a consequence, no such schemes have been launched in Greece since the law passed. • Although a clear policy plan regarding urban areas was not available at the time of writing, the approach to cities presented in the ‘ National Strategic Reference Framework ‘ (2007-2013) is challenging and innovative. The relevant document recognises urban social exclusion and unordered expansion as key socio-spatial problems in the country and portrays, simultaneously, cities as motors of economic activity. Following that, it categorizes and ranks urban areas on the basis of a number of criteria 12 , to propose, in return, seventeen cities as national growth poles. It is around these cities that sustainable development targets are to be promoted in the current programming period (Ministry of Economy and Finance, 2006). The incorporation of cities in a national spatial development perspective has not been attempted in the past. This development alone stands as evidence of the upgraded importance of urban areas in Greek spatial planning. The spheres of activity that make up the emerging national urban policy agenda revolve around the familiar ESDP (European Spatial Development Perspective) concepts of ‘polycentrism’, and ‘urban-rural partnership’, while equal attention is placed to the intra-urban environmental and socio-economic issues. What is not discussed in the NSRF documents, however, is the precise role that the local political level will be entrusted with in such an attempt. ESDP umbrella terms do not safeguard the active involvement of the local level in spatial policy, nor do they recognize the relational particularity of local governance.

3.3. National governance frame in urban regeneration and urban planning: distribution of competences Greece is currently divided into 13 administrative units, named "Peripheries" (Regions). The second level of local government is the “Nomarchia” (Prefecture). In total there are 54 prefectures and the autonomous administrative region of Mount Athos (Agion Oros)

The first level of local government consists of municipalities “Dimos”, or “Kinotita”. In total there are 900 municipalities and 133 communities. Local Finances More than eighty per cent of local income is levied centrally and is subsequently distributed at the local level on the basis of a number of rigid, population-related, criteria (Lalenis and Liogkas, 2002: 443).

12 Urban categories criteria, are related, amongst others, to: population size and dynamics; economic performance and relevance of particular sectors to local economy; location with respect to major transport routs; presence of research facilities and administrative headquarters; and, degree of functional networking linkages with neighbouring cities (Ministry of Economy and Finance, 2006: 80)

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Figure 2: Breakdown of sources of finance of Greek local authorities Local Taxes Other 2% 12%

Borrowing Fees and Charges 6% 22%

Transfers 58%

Source : (Lalenis and Liogkas, 2002: 443)

Such inflexibility renders the financial activity of Greek local authorities ranking last amongst EU 15 (Petrakos and Psycharis, 2004). More importantly, it inhibits the formation of local spaces of regulation. The confined local authority capacity to actively finance and execute locally decided development plans limits interaction with interest groups, directing the latter’s attention towards the respective gate-keepers at the national level (Chorianopoulos, 2008). Recent developments, however, indicate territorial restructuring attempts aiming at strengthening the regulatory and developmental role of the local level.

Territorial restructuring reforms

Territorial restructuring

Extensive municipal proposal (2010) in

Transformation of amalgamations that which: a) local

the 54 decreased the authorities are reduced administrative number of local from 1033 to 370; and, prefectures into authorities from b) prefectures are political bodies with 5992 to 1033. abolished and a directly elected amalgamated in 13 prefect and council politically accountable by universal regions run by a suffrage directly elected council.

1994 1997

1994 1997 2010

Figure 3: Territorial restructuring endeavours

As indicated in Figure 3, the 1990s introduced a number of challenging endogenous development prospects. The emergence of politically accountable prefectures (1994) in conjunction with municipal amalgamations (1997) redefined the local political- institutional arena. Emphasis in the discussions preceding the ‘amalgamations’ reform was placed on the way administrative boundaries relate to local spatial patterns of socio-

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economic activity. Such considerations suggest that local authority territorial reorganisation constitutes more than an attempt to facilitate efficient service provision, aiming also to act as stimuli to institution building and policy-making innovation. It is along these lines that a new territorial restructuring attempt is currently under public consultation in Greece (Ministry of Interior Affairs, 2009). Restructuring aims to alter thoroughly the ‘hard’ governance structures at sub-national level. According to the national government timetable, by April 2010 directly elected local authorities will be amalgamated to 370 (out of 1033, today), while the total of 6000 public bodies and Municipal enterprises are expected to be reduced to around 2000. Also, prefectures, as political authorities, will be abolished and amalgamated into 13 directly elected regional authorities. The stated aims place emphasis on the economies of scale expected to derive from the significantly larger (and economically viable) local tiers. The new local authorities will be entrusted with enhanced decision taking powers, while they’ll be comparatively more capable to raise their own resources, enabling the emergence of a developmental profile that is currently absent. The lack of such a developmental role, and the difficulties local authorities faced in approaching EU development opportunities, is clearly stated in the relevant documents as a key reason behind the reform (Ministry of Interior Affairs, 2009). Indeed, the Greek record of integrated local interventions is, by any standards, relatively poor.

3.4 Access to Structural Funds There are two key ways in which cities access Structural Funds directly during the fourth programming period (2007-2013). The first is through the launch of an ‘integrated urban development scheme’ in their area of jurisdiction. In this context, local authorities develop a multifaceted and long term programme of intervention in a particular urban area. Public consultation prior to implementation, and the involvement of public, private and voluntary sector groups in all phases of the programme constitutes a formal requirement. The second ‘access point’ corresponds to the novel ‘urban growth poles’ strategy. As mentioned, it is the first time national authorities incorporated the urban dimension in the country’s territorial development perspective. The details of this policy, however, have not been defined yet, neither has the precise role and responsibilities of the local authority been set up.

References Anagnostou D, 2005, “Deepening democracy or defending the nation? The Europeanisation of minority rights and Greek citizenship” West European Politics 28 (2) 335-357. Berg, L.V.D., Drewett, R., Klaassen L.K., Rossi, A. and Vijverberg C.H.T. (1982), Urban Europe: A study of growth and decline, Oxford, Pergamon Press, CEC (1992), Urbanisation and the Functions of Cities in the European Community , Luxembourg, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. CEC (1994), Competitiveness and Cohesion: Trends in the Regions. Fifth Periodic Report on the Social and Economic Situation and Development of the Regions in the Community , Luxembourg, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Cheshire, P.C. (2006), “Resurgent Cities, Urban Myths and Policy Hubris: What We Need to Know”. Urban Studies , 43 (8), pp. 1231–1246

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Chlepas, N. (1997), Local government in Greece , Athens, Sakkoulas. Chorianopoulos, I. (2008), “Institutional responses to EU challenges: attempting to articulate a local regulatory scale in Greece”. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research , 32(2), pp. 324-343. Christopoulos D, Tsitselikis K, 2003, “Impasses in the treatment of minorities and homogeneis in Greece” Jahrbuecher fuer Geschichte und Kultur Suedosteuropas 5 81-93 Clogg R, 2002 A Concise History of Greece (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge). DATAR (2003) Le villes Européennes: analyse comparative , Montpellier, DATAR. Docherty I, Goodlad R, Paddison R, 2001, “Civic culture, community and citizen participation in contrasting neighbourhoods” Urban Studies 38 (12) 2225-2250 http://www.euborderconf.bham.ac.uk/case/GreeceTurkey/Gr-Ttsitselikis.pdf Dragonas T, Frangoudaki A , 2006, “Educating the Muslim minority in western Thrace” Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 17 (1) 21-41. ECHR, 2008, Arrêts de chambre Emin et autres c. Grèce, Tourkiki Enosi Xanthis et autres c.Grèce,http://cmiskp.echr.coe.int/tkp197/view.asp?item=2&portal=hbkm&action=ht ml&highlight=34144/05&sessionid=6643778&skin=hudoc-pr-fr (accessed: 02/04/2008) ESPON (2006), Territory matters for competitiveness and cohesion. Facets of regional diversity and potentials in Europe . ESPON Synthesis Report III, Luxembourg, ESPON. Hudson, R., and Lewis, J.R. (1984), “Capital Accumulation: The Industrialisation of Southern Europe”. In Williams, A.M. (ed.), Southern Europe Transformed: Political and Economic Change in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain , London, Harper and Row Publishers. Human Rights Watch (1999) Greece: The Turks of Western Thrace , www.hrw.org/reports/1999/greece Ioakimidis, P.C. (1984), “Greece: From Military Dictatorship to Socialism”. In Williams, A. (ed.), Southern Europe Transformed: Political and Economic Change in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain , London, Harper and Row Publishers. Labrianidis L, 2001, “ ‘Internal Frontiers’ as a hindrance to development” European Planning Studies 9(1) 85-103 Lalenis, K. and Liogkas, V. (2002), “Reforming local administration in Greece to achieve decentralisation and effective space management: the failure of good intentions”. In, Department of Planning and Regional Development, University of Thessaly, Discussion Paper , 8.18, pp. 423-46. Leontidou, L. (1990), The Mediterranean City in Transition: Social Change and Urban Development , Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Ministry of Economy and Finance (2006) National Strategic Reference Framework 2007-2013 , Athens, MEF Ministry of Interior Affairs (2010) Kallikratis Programme - Public Consultation Document (10-01-2010). Mouzelis N, Pagoulatos G, 2005, “Civil society and citizenship in postwar Greece” in Citizenship and the Nation State in Greece and Turkey Eds F. Birtek, T Dragona (Routledge, Abington and New York) pp 87-103 OECD (2007), OECD in Figures , Paris, OECD publications Pappa, G. (2005) Integrated urban interventions: the case of Mytilene. Msc Dissertation, Dept. Of Geography, University of the Aegean. Petrakos, G. and Psycharis, I. (2004), Regional development in Greece , Athens, Kritiki.

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Sitaropoulos N, 2004, “Freedom of movement and the right to a nationality V. ethnic minorities: The case of the ex-article 19 of the Greek Nationality Code” European Journal of Migration and Law 6 205-223. Storper, M., and Manville, M. (2006) “Behaviour, Preferences and Cities: Urban Theory and Urban Resurgence”. Urban Studies , 43(8), pp. 1247–1274. Tsitselikis K, 2004, “How far have EU policies affected minority issues in Greece and Turkey?” Presented at the Conference EU and Greek/Turkish Relations , Bogazici University, Istanbul, 22-23 October, Tsoukalas, K. (1986), “Employment and Employees in the Capital: Opaqueness, Questions and Suggestions”. In A. Manesis and K. Vergopoulos (eds), Greece in Evolution , Athens, Exantas. UN (2009), World Population Prospects: The 2006 Revision and World Urbanization Prospects: The 2007 Revision, Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat, http://esa.un.org/unup , (Accessed: Wednesday, August 19, 2009; 4:38:22 AM). URBAN Files, 2004 Komotini URBAN (Ministry of Environment, Planning and Public Works, Athens) http://www.urban.gr/gr/index.asp?p=7-2 Williams, A. (1984), Southern Europe Transformed: Political and Economic Change in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain , London, Harper and Row. World Bank, (1984), World Development Report: 1984 , Oxford, Oxford University Press.

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4. Policy approaches and facts in Italy by Liliana Padovani, Iuav University of Venice

Over the last two decades a growing interest has developed in Italy, both at the national and local government’s levels, towards area based innovative policies, able to promote social inclusion and fight poverty and urban decay 13 .

4.1 Territorialisation of poverty and urban decay In Italy the problem of social and spatial exclusion was considered a policy issue later and in a softer way than in other European countries. Spatial features assumed by poverty are still the object of research debates in a country where territorial inequalities depend more on a large geographical division between the richer North-Centre and the poorer South than on spatial segregation within urban systems. In spite of a long sequence of development policies for the South of Italy, the gap between the Centre- North and the South has not been reduced: the percentage of households below the poverty line amounted in 2006 to 22,6% in the South (against 5,2% in the North and 6,9% in Central Italy) 14 . Very few resources have been channelled to study features and trends of social and spatial exclusion in Italy. The outcomes of the few fragmented studies developed in this direction seem to question the existence within Italian urban systems of important situations, or large neighbourhoods, with a severe concentration of non-reversible poverty processes. The very existence of a strong relationship between poverty and urban areas in Italy has been questioned by some researchers 15 . Up to the 1990s the general perception was that the increase in social polarisation and urban fragmentation 16 did not necessarily imply the development of new forms of severe spatial segregation or exclusion, with the exception of some specific neighbourhoods in the North-Centre and of the cities in the South. In the North-Centre it is the case of some small social housing estates built between the two wars, enclave of deprivation in relatively central good quality urban areas, and of some of the larger social housing estates built at the fringes of urban areas in the 60s-70s. In Southern Italy acute problems of social, economic and physical distress may be found both in inner areas and in the peripheries of large agglomerations such as Naples, Palermo, Bari or Reggio Calabria. The development of illegal settlements at the periphery of urban agglomerations is also an issue in the south of the country. But in this part of the country the number of persons or families at risk of social exclusion, because of lack of jobs or because they are far below the poverty line, is so large and important that the spatial dimensions of social exclusion have been somehow

13 Large part of the content of this report is based on two texts written by Liliana Padovani in the early 2000: first part of Laino G. and Padovani L (2000) “Le partenariat pour rénover l’action publique. L’expérience Italienne”, Pole sud , n. 12, mai, pp.27-46; Padovani L., Serravalle S. (2002) “Neighbourhood Governance: Capacity for Social Integration. National Policy for neighbourhoods – Italy ” EC Targeted Social and Economic Research Contact n.SERD-2000-0041. 14 Istat (2007) La povertà relativa, Famiglia e società statistiche in breve 15 See the works developed by A. Becchi (1999), E. Mingione (1993, 1996), C. Saraceno (1996). 16 Revenue distribution placed Italy in 1998 among the countries with the highest income inequalities, just after Portugal, Greece and Spain (Eurostat, 1998), but this gap between the top or wealthiest and the bottom or poorest population groups presents distinctive spatial features that in Italy seem to concern the large geographical subdivisions between the North, Centre and South, more than the smaller scale intra- urban sub-areas.

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overshadowed by the more general issue of increasing opportunities of development for the area as a whole.

Only at the very end of the 1990s the issue of fighting social exclusion became an explicit goal of the then centre-left government 17 ; the Italian National plan for inclusion being the last important action in this direction.

4.2 National policies to fight exclusion and promote sustainable urban regeneration A constellation of disjointed actions The path taken in Italy to contrast processes of decay affecting specific urban zones or neighbourhoods, is far from linear. While in other European countries these problems have been along the object of important debates and been the targets for central governments’ ad hoc policies, Italy has not developed any real national policy in this direction 18 . The model applied is more that of a “constellation” of initiatives taken by different (local and central) public institutions that have tried to introduce either procedural innovations (a slow and contradictory process of innovation of public administration was started and went on along the 90s, Prodi and following centre-left governments) or specific programmes of action. Some of these programmes were more directly concerned with area based issues such as urban regeneration, social stress and poverty or local economic development, while others addressed in a more sectorial perspective problems such as unemployment and training, education, criminality. Within this constellation of disjointed actors and actions it is possible to recognise the idea, still elitarian (in the sense of being shared by a limited number of actors, but very active) that in order to address situations where urban physical decay coexists with problems of social deprivation and exclusion, it is necessary to introduce important innovations in the conception and management of urban policies. Public administration is required to shift from the more consolidated logic of providing subsidies, incentives, or constraints toward a new logic of action more open to cooperation, negotiation, and dialogue between the different governmental departments, between local and central government, and between public, private and volunteer sectors. In the process of institutional and experimental innovation that took place in Italy in the 1990s, four main areas of action stand out (see scheme Table 1): - A first area is connected with the process of reform of local government and the public administration undertaken by the Parliament . This process which started in 1990 was further developed and concluded in the late 1990s. The reform produced two principal results. In the first place, the process of redefining the competencies and distribution of power among state and local governments, which was one of the issues of the reform, has given more strength and power to local governments. Mayors are directly elected thus acquiring more visibility and direct involvement in developing and implementing local policies. One might say that the reform has recognised the importance of “territory” in defining public policies.

17 With reference to defining the problem of social-spatial exclusion in policy terms, the term social exclusion can be found in political statements of the last years of the 1990s: in a speech of December 1998, Prime Minister Massimo D’Alema made fight against social exclusion an explicit goal for the government. 18 Certainly, there are none that equal those promoted in France with La Politique de la Ville or in Great Britain with City Challenge and the Single Regeneration Budget.

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In the second place, new possibilities have been opened in favour of an approach more oriented towards negotiation and cooperation, both inside the public sector and between the public and private sector. To this end new tools have been introduced, such as: accordo di programma 19 , conferenza di servizi 20 , società miste 21 . Along the same lines, the 1996 Act introduced the concept of negotiated programming and new forms of partnership between sectors and levels of government. Important changes in orientation occurred with Berlusconi centre-right governments fostering federalism and devolution of competencies to the regions. - A second area of action was developed by the Ministry of Treasury and Budget , more precisely by the new Department of Development Policies and Cohesion, with the “Territorial Pacts ” programme, an interesting experiment of promoting locally integrated action of economic development. The programme is opened to forms of partnerships involving: i) different sectors and levels of public action with an important role assigned to mayors ; ii) employers and workers associations and associations of the third sector ; iii) actors of the private sector. The case of territorial pacts is interesting for the spin-offs that have resulted both in terms of the experimentation of new methods with which actors relate to each other and in terms of good practices in the design and implementation of locally integrated actions. - A third area is related to the different types of urban regeneration programmes promoted by the Ministry of Public Works CER - Comitato per l’Edilizia Residenziale (Housing Committee) and by the Direzione Generale del Coordinamento Territoriale (Territorial Coordination Department). The priority is to promote regeneration of distressed urban areas under the constraint of safeguarding in these areas forms of social housing provision. An important role is played by partnerships between public bodies (local authorities, Ministry of Public Works, regions, IACP) and actors of the private sector (landlords, real estate promoters, building firms). Public Funds used to co-finance these programmes derive from public housing financing - A final area, always at the central government level, involves a variety of actions concerned with the problems of employment, cohesion, insertion and training. Initiatives have been promoted: by the Ministry of Labour to support job placement and the creation of new jobs (co-financed by European Social Fund); by the Ministry of Social Affairs , to fight poverty and exclusion or to promote day-care and youth programs; by the Ministry of Interior to fight criminality or to promote projects in favour of youth.

19 The accordo di programma (program agreement) is an institutional negotiating procedure finalised at coordinating the action of several public entities. The procedure may be activated to implement important public works projects and programmes that require the joint action of several public entities. Recently, the procedure has opened to private or third sector actors as well. 20 The conferenza di servizi (meetings for program evaluation by public entities) was introduced to accelerate and simplify the procedure of project approval. The progressive broadening of the sphere of public action, where new functions and levels of action have been introduced to meet the demands of a more complex society, had rendered the approval of a project an extremely complex task. In view of important decisions involving a broad range of public interests, the procedure for collecting the necessary certificates, permits and consents had become extraordinarily time-consuming and difficult. According to Act n. 142 of 1990, it is possible, whenever it is believed “opportune” to carry out a contextual examination of the various public concerns involved in an administrative procedure or to assemble all parties involved in “meetings for program evaluation” whose unanimous decisions effectively substitute all other required judgments and authorisations. 21 Another instrument made available to local offices by the public administration reform consists of the possibility of forming società miste (joint public and private municipal companies) for supplying public services and for managing urban redevelopment programmes.

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Table 1 The Italian path toward local integrated action: a constellation of initiatives (1990s)

Parliament: Reforms of local government and public administration

Accordo di programma (programme agreement) Conferenza di servizi (service Integrated conference) programmes Società miste (joint public-private municipal companies) Urban renewal Negotiated Planning-programming programmes Urban regeneration Ministry Ministry programmes of Physical Local of Territorial Public Urban regeneration development Treasury rehabilitation and Pacts Works and sustainable Social Budget development cohesion Vocational programme training and Neighbourhood labour flexibility Contracts programmes FSE Pic Urban Youth Ministry Minimum of EU programmes wage labour Urban Initiative Ministry of Social Interior Affairs Ministry

PPp This is the area of Public private partnerships, main aim: promoting urban rehabilitation. PPTh This is the area of Public Public and Third sector partnerships, main aim: promoting social inclusion and urban regeneration. PPpTh This is the area of Public private Third sector partnerships, main aim: promoting (economic) development.

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From a learning point of view, the practices activated by this constellation of policies, which differ substantially in each of the four groups of experiences, have contributed to build a climate more open to innovations and interaction between local actors. This frame of practices helped local governments to design and implement innovative model of “locally integrated” area based policies. Area based policies of sustainable urban regeneration Area based policies have assumed two main features in Italy: a) actions addressing areas with severe social and urban decay problems, either promoted by central government special programmes, or built up locally, by the local government (three arms partnership between: public bodies, the private sector - mainly no profit- and local community) b) and special programmes to fight urban decay and promote urban regeneration launched by the central government and implemented locally. Dominance of physical dimension partnerships between public bodies and the private sector (mainly property led private sector). These programmes were promoted with an experimental intent in the early 90s 22 , to be further developed by regional administrations during the 2000s when the Regions were given full responsibility in housing and urban planning matters. a) Action in severely distressed areas The number of national programmes promoting integrated action of urban regeneration in severely distressed is limited to two experimental schemes: - The first one is connected with the European Community Urban Initiative . In 1994 when the Initiative was launched, Italy decided to present one national programme comprising 16 sub programmes coordinated by the Ministry of Public Works Direzione generale del Coordinamento Territoriale. The presence of a third actor - the central government - if, on the one hand introduced a further level of negotiation and bureaucracy, on the other produced positive effects in terms of consultation, mutual learning and diffusion of good practices (a network between the 16 Urban communes has been constituted). It is worth noting, as a proof of the learning process activated by the implementation of Urban programme, that in connection with Urban Initiative II, the Ministry of Public work provided special funds to finance the 10 urban regeneration programmes ranking immediately after the first 10 projects accepted under the frame of EU Urban II. - The second is the program “Contratto di quartiere” (Neighborhood Contract) promoted by the Cer (centre for Housing) , Ministry of Public Works. The Neighbourhood Contract scheme was designed and implemented in 1997. This programme attempts to combine social action with built environment rehabilitation programmes. Although the scheme does not directly finance any of the “non-material” social or economic actions, the latter are considered essential elements of the proposals. Their presence is carefully evaluated when selecting the programmes eligible for public financing. Selection follows a procedure of bidding: each municipality can submit a Neighbourhood Contract proposal to its regional offices. Regions evaluate the proposals received and select up to a maximum of five programmes that are then sent to the qualified commission under the Ministry of Public Works, which selects one project per

22 The possibility of implementing such programmes was opened by an housing act introducing the concept of ‘Integrated programme’ (the Housing Act of 1992 and subsequent acts financing these programmes)

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region. A budget of 700 billion Italian lire (360 million Euro) was made available to finance a set of activities ranging from new-housebuilding or rehabilitation, to land acquisition and the creation or improvement of infrastructures and services. Qualitative features such as the sustainability of the project, the positive impact on the quality of life in the area, and social and economic benefits play an important role in the evaluation criteria. This programme introduced a new philosophy in the conception of local urban regeneration programmes: the term “Contract” implies cooperation and mutual engagement between different public sectors, between public and private sectors, and also new forms of relationships between the community involved and its public administration 23 . In 2000, with Regions having acquired full powers in many domains, the central government re-lounched this programme co-financing regions willing to promote and implement Neighbourhood contracts (Contratti di Quartiere II). Differences may be detected between regions in the ways they interpret the concept of integrated approach and the involvement of local actors and inhabitants imbedded in such programmes. b) Integrated programmes of urban regeneration In the early 90s the Ministry of Public Works introduced in the government agenda the issues of the low quality of residential development (private and public housing estates) built in the sixties and seventies at the periphery of urban systems and of the situation of urban decay affecting some zones within the cities. To this aim a sequence of experimental urban regeneration programmes were promoted and implemented. Since 1992, four schemes have been launched: - Programmi integrati (Integrated programmes); - Programmi di recupero urbano (Urban renewal programmes) addressing the problems of distressed public housing estates, December 1994; - Programmi di riqualificazione urbana (Urban regeneration programmes), December 1994, addressing urban areas with problem of industrial dismission and urban decay 24 ; - Programmi di recupero urbano e di sviluppo sostenibile (Urban regeneration and sustainable development programmes), 1998 25 . Main target: the improvement of infrastructures and services. The general idea of the central government (Ministry of Public Works) was to promote new forms of public and private partnerships in housing and urban rehabilitation, offering financial incentives (loans and public funding for housing rehabilitation, urban infrastructure maintenance and renewal, land acquisition) and new procedures (new action schemes, on the one hand, and simplified urban control procedures, on the other) that would encourage municipalities to promote integrated projects of urban renewal. Local authorities may accede to public funds made available by each programme through a competitive bidding. The bidding procedure is supposed to contribute in improving the quality of the proposals. These programmes are mainly focused on the regeneration of the built environment. They aim at improving the quality of infrastructures and services as well as buildings in the project area. Social and economic aspects are left in the background or only indirectly considered by the request that the programme provides a mix of public, subsidised and private housing.

23 700 billion Lire (360 million Euro) of public funding were allocated for this programme, 123 proposals were presented, 83 selected at the regional evaluation level and 55 selected and financed at the central government level. 24 1,100 billion Lire of public funding for an investment of 5,000 billion Lire (respectively 571 and 2,954 million Euro), 254 proposals were presented and 74 projects were approved. 25 700 billion Lire of public funding. More than 400 proposals were submitted for evaluation.

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Three main innovative elements may be identified in these programmes: a) the promotion of new forms of public-private partnerships in the design and implementation of the project; b) the integration between interventions on buildings and interventions on infrastructure, services, and open spaces; c) timing of the project to be shared and subscribed by all the actors involved. As already said before, these programmes are focussed on the built environment more than on social and economic issues and this is a heavy limit if the idea is that of improving the quality of life of the inhabitants and particularly of the most disadvantaged groups. Still they present two interesting aspects: - action undertaken to improve the built environment are conceived in a more comprehensive, less sectorial way than in the past; - public-private partnerships are structured in a way to push private partners to become more concerned with the production and management of communal- public goods (public spaces, services, green areas, etc.).

A third area of action has been developed on the local level where a number of municipalities have experimented a variety of forms of joint action. Integration is achieved by drawing together single purpose actions financed from different sectors of the public administration (ranging from the central and regional governments to the European Union) to areas characterised by a high incidence of negative factors and a multiplicity of problems. It is a “bottom up” model of integrated local action. The local authorities’ propensity to experiment innovative practices has been facilitated by the processes of institutional innovation and new practices of negotiated cooperation between public bodies..

Table 2 - Central Government programmes of sustainable urban regeneration

Number of. Ministry Public Private Total % public Programmes Funds funds funds funding (billion (billion (billion (billion Euro) Euro) Euro) Euro) Urban Local Authorities can use for this purpose up to 30% of regional funds for social renewal housing programme Urban 76 588 2.241 9.467,5 regeneration (miliardi (miliardi (miliardi programmes lire) lire) lire) Prusst 78 0,337 31 31 62 50,3% Contratti di 54 700 quartiere I (miliardi lire)

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4.3. National governance frame in urban regeneration and urban planning: distribution of competences. Italy is articulated in 20 Regions, 103 Provinces, and 8.101 Municipalities. The representative bodies of these three levels of administration are elected. Larger communes are subdivided in sub-areas (called municipalities in some case, local districts in other) with more consultative than decisional power, whose representatives are also elected. The Ministry of Public Works has been for a long time the most important national department with competencies relating to land-use and planning. It had the task of providing guidance and coordination and of identifying the basic orientation, being at the same time responsible for the construction of the most important infrastructures at national level. Between 1970 and 1977 most competencies have been shifted from the central government to the regional level. Among the most relevant for Sha.Ke activities: regional and urban planning, housing and health, are full responsibility of Regions. Regions have now full and self-governing power for programming and planning their territories and full power to legislate. They organize the regional implementation of sectoral policies, distribute funds to the Municipalities, manage directly some programs and control the Municipalities’ activities. The Provinces have quite a weak role and have little competence on territorial planning. The Municipalities have full competences in terms of urban planning, as far as their territories are concerned. Nevertheless their autonomous decisions must fit within the decisions taken at higher level. As explained in § 4.2. a major process of reform of the public administration developed in the course of the 90s and 2000s implied a redistribution of competencies giving more power to local governments, more visibility to the directly elected Mayors, and more opportunities for public/private cooperation. From 1942 and until 2000s the main planning tool in Italy has been the Piano Regolatore Generale (PRG), based on the concept of zoning at Municipality level and allocating established uses of the land to all the areas that it includes. Once to be approved by the Ministry of Public Works, this competence shifted to the Regions in 1972. In the last years the rigidity of the PRG and of the overall planning system established in 1942 has been deeply criticized and reforms at regional level have been undertaken, differentiating the main planning tools in the different regions.

4.4. Access to Structural Funds The Quadro Strategico Nazionale – QSN (National Strategic Reference Framework – NSRF) establishing the priorities for the regional development policies at national level with reference to the programming cycle 2007-2013 has been approved in June 2007. The QSN has identified ten Objectives and Priorities for the whole country. Among the most relevant for Sha.Ke activities could be mentioned the Priority n. 4 “Social Inclusion and Services for Life Quality and territorial attractiveness”, and the Priority n. 8 “Cities’ and Urban Systems’ Competitiveness and Attractiveness”. In particular, the Priority n. 4 pays particular attention to the major towns’ deprived areas where phenomena of social exclusion could be more relevant and their consequences for social cohesion as well as development opportunities more significant.

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The Priority n. 8 pays particular attention to the promotion of competiveness, innovation and attractiveness of cities and urban networks underlining that these objectives depend also on the cities’ liveability given by their common goods and public services that play a core role for social inclusion. In both cases, the couples attractiveness/competitiveness and social cohesion/liveability are presented as strictly liked each other. According to the EU disposals each Italian Region has approved a Programma Operativo Regionale – POR (Regional Operational Programme – ROP). Regarding the Regione Veneto, none of the six priority axes identified by the POR approved in September 2007 is specifically dedicated to cities or social inclusion. An urban development section describes the cities as the places of soft-economy, culture and sustainable mobility underlining their “mediating role between urban areas, rural areas and peripheral areas”. On the contrary, the POR for Regione Puglia, approved in October 2007, identifies two axes specifically connected with social inclusion issues and urban problems. The axe number III is dedicated to “Social inclusion and services for life quality and territorial attractiveness”, while the axe number VII is dedicated to “Cities’ and urban systems’ competitiveness and attractiveness”. Regarding the axe number III the POR recommends forms of integration between urban policies and social policies. Regarding the axe number VII the Region aims at promoting the cities’ and the urban systems’ competitiveness and attractiveness paying attention to issues such as social cohesion and environmental issues. Two main forms of integrated project are proposed: PISU (Piani integrati di sviluppo urbano – Integrated programs for urban development) addressed to medium/large-sized cities; PIST (Piani integrati di sviluppo territoriale – Integrated plans for territorial development) addressed to the small cities.

References Becchi A. (1999) « Una mezza idea”, Archivio di studi urbani e regionali , n. Bobbio L. (1994) Conséquences de l’organisation post-fordiste sur le fonctionnement de l’administration, in Le partenariat public-privé , (ed.by) Ruegg J., Decoutère S., Mettan N., Presses Polytechniques et Universitaires Romandes, Lausanne Briata P., Bricocoli M., Tedesco C. (2009), Città in periferia. Politiche urbane e progetti locali in Francia, Gran Bretagna e Italia , Carocci, Roma. Cnel (1999) I protagonisti e le esperienze territoriali della programmazione negoziata; Rapporto di ricerca predisposto per il Cnel dal Consorzio AASTER, April De Rita G., Bonomi A.(1998) Manifesto per lo sviluppo locale. Dall’azione di comunità ai Patti territoriali , Bollati Boringhieri, Torino Istat (2007) La povertà relativa, Famiglia e società statistiche in breve, 4 Ottobre Laino G., Padovani L. (2000) «Le Partenariat pour rénover l'action publique ? L'expérience italienne», Pole-sud, avril Ministero dello Sviluppo Economico, Quadro Strategico Nazionale per la politica regionale di sviluppo 2007-2013 , Giugno 2007. Padovani L. (1998) «Public and private partnerships in urban regeneration programs» in Housing in Transition - Conference Proceedings , ed. by Cernic, K. Dimistrovska, B. Turner, Lubiana

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Padovani L., Serravalle S. (2002) “Neighbourhood Governance: Capacity for Social Integration. National Policy for neighbourhoods – Italy ” EC Targeted Social and Economic Research Contact n.SERD-2000-0041 Regione Puglia (2007), Programma Operativo FESR Puglia 2007-2013 , October . Regione Veneto (2007), Programma Operativo Regionale 2007-2013, Parte FESR, September . Tosi A. (2006) “Povertà e domanda sociale di casa: la nuova questione abitativa e le categorie delle politiche”, RPS – Rivista delle Politiche Sociali n. 3 www.cittaitalia.it (ANCI National Association of Italian Municipalitis: Research Department)

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5. Policy approaches and facts in Poland by Małgorzata Golak, Municipality of Wrocław, Economic Development Office

5.1 Territorialisation of poverty and urban decay A lot of buildings in Poland have not been refurbished since the world war two, and considering all dilapidations there is a strong revitalisation need. In 1990 Polish cities started to indicate regeneration areas in their land use plans (the majority of them declare to have areas that need regeneration), mostly old towns and city centres. The modernisation of buildings and improvement of public spaces seem to be the most important problem. Social problems in old city quarters are hardly noticed.

5.2 National policies to fight exclusion and promote sustainable urban regeneration The Polish Planning system consists of four planning levels.

On the national level we can refer to the following planning documents (indicating general rules of urban development): - National Development Plan for 2007-2013 - National Strategy of Regional Development - National Spatial Development Concept

The priority of the national policy is to provide natural, cultural, social and economic directions of spatial policy and to balance the development of regions.

There are some government institutions responsible for general co-ordination and standardisation of planning, including: - the Housing and Urban Development Office (Urz ąd Mieszkalnictwa i Rowoju Miast) – physical planning - the Government Centre for Strategic Studies (Rz ądowe Centrum Studiów Strategicznych) – national physical development policy - The Ministry of the Environment (Ministerstwo Środowiska) – environmental issues of spatial planning.

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On the regional level – Poland is divided into 16 regions called voivodships which are self-governing authorities managed by the Marshal of the voivodship and have full responsibility for strategic and spatial planning. Each region has to prepare a strategy for regional development. The regional spatial policy respect the objectives of social partners, location of principal public infrastructure and other development programmes.

On the county level – there is no specific planning competencies. The counties perform specific tasks commissioned by the national government.

On the local level – there is the most important planning responsibility. All local self- governments establish local planning policy and are obliged to prepare and approve a local comprehensive planning document indicating physical development directions of the city, principles of sustainable territorial and economic development, functional zones and areas for housing, direct investment, technical infrastructure systems, main roads, areas of natural, economic and cultural value. On the local level the areas to be revitalized and sites intended for implementation of public programmes are indocated.

National and regional goals and directions have to be taken into account. Detailed spatial plans are a legal instrument for development permits.

5.3 National governance frame in urban regeneration and urban planning: distribution of competences The national government encourage local authorities to create Local Revitalisation Programmes that are connected with Regional Operational Programmes. Transferring the responsibilities of regeneration process to local level involves a lack of financial support and organisation of revitalization programmes from the national level. The funding has to be assured by local self-governments.

Polish cities have only few years experience in urban regeneration and the integrated approach is quite new, so they benefit from successful experiences of the Western European cities.

On the local level there are following legal regulation connected with urban sustainable development:

- Study of land use planning (obligation), - Physical Management Plan (obligation), - Local development strategy, - Housing strategy or program, - Local Revitalisation Programme (connected with European structural funds).

Main problems of revitalisation in Poland: - lack of legal regulations, including facilitating public-private partnership, - lack of national budget for revitalisation, - local administrative instruments (complicated), - ownership of buildings (very often difficult to indicate the owner).

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5.4 Access to Structural Funds

Operational Programmes for 2007-2013 in Poland 26 Operational Programme - Infrastructure and Environment – financed from ERDF. The programme supports key investment aimed to sustain and improve the condition of the environment. Operational Programme - Human Capital (HC OP) – financed from the ESF. The programme will concentrate on support for the following areas: employment, education, social inclusion, the development of the adaptability of workers and enterprises as well as issues connected with the development of the human resources in rural areas, building an efficient and effective public administration at all levels, implementing the good governance principle and health promotion in labour resources. Operational Programme - Innovative Economy - financed from the EFRD. The programme supports innovativeness at least at national level. Innovativeness at local or regional levels will be supported and promoted through Regional Operational Programmes.

Operational Programme - Development of Eastern Poland - financed from the ERDF. The reason for the development of this programme was that additional funding was awarded from the European Regional Development Fund for the five most disadvantaged regions: Lubelskie, Podkarpackie, Podlaskie, Świ ętokrzyskie and Warmi ńsko-Mazurskie. These voivodeships are characterised by the low living standards of their residents, a low dynamic of their economic development, poorly developed and inadequate transport infrastructure and insufficient growth factors.

Regional Operational Programmes – financed from ERDF. The justification for the preparation of the 16 ROPs is the decentralisation of the programming of regional development, an increased effectiveness of the provision development activities by the public administration, the strengthening of the civic and self-government dimension as well as the effective use of the structural measures for the period 2004-2006

The objectives of the ROPs are on the one hand set by voivodeships in compliance with regional development strategies, while on the other hand they are also inscribed in such NSFR goals as enhanced competitiveness of individual regions and the promotion of balanced development.

All ROPs have a similar structure, but their contents and financial resources will be specified at regional level. The need to harmonise the list of activities implemented under regional programmes results from a number of premises, of which the most important is to ensure the consistency between the regional approach and goals and priorities of the national and European strategies, as well as taking into account

26 Polish Ministry of Regional Development

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activities concerning state aid for the SMEs sector (uniform criteria for the granting of aid will be laid down at national level).

Programmes of the European Territorial Cooperation Objective

The Technical Assistance Operational Programme - financed from the EFRD.

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6. Policy approaches and facts in Spain and Catalonia by Pere Picorelli Riutord, REURSA

6.1 Territorialisation of poverty and urban decay Spain experienced its modern urbanisation process with an important delay in relation to other Western Europe countries. Due to a late arrival to the industrial revolutions the demographic change in Spain was postponed to the XX century and the break of Spanish civil war and the following post-war years pushed the configuration of the contemporary urban areas up to the decade of 1950. Up until 1980 Spain experiences an accelerated rural exodus and that coincides with the post-war baby-boom takes place. This leads to a dramatic territorial change where Spanish traditional hinterland has a net loss of 20% population while few areas - Madrid, Barcelona, Basque Country, the Mediterranean coast – concentrate massive rates of growth in population larger than 80%.

Population growth in Spanish provinces between 1950 and 1980

The demographic transition had a dramatic impact on the morphology of urban areas all across Spain, an impact that has survived up until nowadays in the territorialisation of current urban decay.

The most dynamic urban areas from the 1950s until the late 1970s attracted a constant flow of large numbers of people. While the urban growth in XIX century led to the creation of large slum areas in many cities in Spain, Franco’s regime in order to avoid that same process promoted and tolerated a two urban developments in many urban areas. One the one hand a social housing policy that provided large scale social housing states build with very modest resources that were designed often to house hordes of countrymen and women arrived to steaming industrial areas, as well as people from slum clearance initiatives. Although that policy was an improvement on living conditions for many, the new housing was not only poor on its constructive side but also on terms of its lack on urban services, public spaces and private services, as well as segregating structure from more affluent areas of cities.

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On the other hand we find not a policy as such but the consequence of inaction from the public sector perspective. Many fringe areas of Spanish cities were developed in a fast and unplanned manner by the small private initiative, sometimes even self constructed by their own dwellers. With the compliance or encouragement of public sector, swift urban development took place, lead by the objective of maximising land development profit without taking care for infrastructure provision, respecting topographic impediments or preventing excessive densification.

These two developments had a third connected to them as a by-product, which is common to many developed countries at the time, which is de abandonment of historic city centres. These central areas became through time inconvenient and underserved. Often the transition cost to adapt to contemporary car infrastructure that was driving change in cities made historic centres prone to abandonment and decay.

Urban decay in contemporary Spain is shaped by these three developments in relation to residential areas: large housing states in poor condition, peripheral urban areas and abandoned city centres. All three urban areas concentrated the most relevant social and demographic problems once the urbanisation process moved from agglomeration to sprawl. This event took place during the late 1990s and early 2000s, when metropolitan regions sprawled rapidly and metropolitan centres and its immediate less favourable conurbations faced with the arrival of a large wave of migrant population seeking for primary and secondary settling areas.

Another relevant process of urban decay responds to the industrial reconversion processes that begin in the 1980s that lead to the obsolescence of many industrial areas, and infrastructure facilities (railway yards, docks) usually in central metropolitan locations. This change had a crucial impact on the socioeconomic structure of cities like Bilbao or Barcelona, but the impact on residential areas of cities was less direct.

6.2 National policies to fight exclusion and promote sustainable urban regeneration Spain has lived a very quick process of urbanization during the 50’s, and mainly the 60’s and the 70’s. The level of income of the country was very low, the intervention of the State was very reduced and public management was not submitted to transparency rules. Democratic local governments improved the situation from the end of the 70’s, through the improvement of public facilities and services in urban areas, while the economic growth started to diminish the income differences. Nevertheless, urban segregation persisted and the decay of historical city centres continued to grow. During the 80’s some cities began to look for solutions for their more deprived neighbourhoods. As there didn’t exist any national or regional policy to support this kind of initiatives, the struggle to attract investments used to limit the scope of these initiatives to the historical centres, with more opportunities to attract private investments, and forced local authorities to innovation in order to counterweight the lack of resources and the weak position they were when negotiating with the private sector. This is a period of improving urban planning and land management, improving the services in the peripheries and of partial attempts to counteract market forces in city centres through public intervention. These attempts usually took the form of specific agencies or public firms through agreements between local authorities, regional and

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central governments, sometimes with private contributors such as the Chamber of Commerce of the city. At the same time, the first area-based renewal policy at the national level took form. Within the National Housing Plans the Areas for Integral Renewal (ARI) are created during the mid1980s, being 1986 Barcelona’s Ciutat Vella ARI one of its most relevant cases. These areas are defined by the regional governments taking into account physical and social decay of a neighbourhood. The inclusion of an urban area in the ARI list gives access to additional and specific resources for the refurbishment of housing and for the renewal of public spaces. The first initiatives of urban renewal of deprived neighbourhoods in Spain articulated in a higher level policy are linked to the integration of the country to the European Union and the application of the Structural Funds, with the inclusion of some cities in the Urban Pilot Projects since 1990. The learning process about urban regeneration has gone since then parallel to the one taking place at the European level, with a growing interest for the integrated approach. Specific local initiatives sustained by regional and central governments funding have continued to appear, and Areas of Integrated Renewal have since their creation been included in the successive National Housing Plans (the latest one for the period 2009- 2012), but Spain as a country has not developed any area-based integrated urban renewal global policy.

European Program / Projects Total eligible cost European funding Initiative Urban Pilot Projects I 4 23,1 MECU 11,1 MECU Urban Pilot Projects II 4 25,6 MECU 11,15 MECU Urban Initiative 29 180 M€ 112,6 M€ Urban II Initiative 10 182 M€ 114 M€

The heritage of the Urban Initiative For the Programming Period 2007-2013 the Urban Initiative has disappeared. The idea behind was to integrate urban development and the integrated approach of urban renewal in the mainstream of the Structural Funds. As a consequence, in Spain urban development has been included as a priority axe in all the regional ERDF Operational Programs. Although the programming is made at a regional level, the Spanish Central Government has kept the management of these funds and issued two common calls for proposals in order to allocate these resources through area based projects developing an integral approach to urban regeneration. A third one for municipalities of less than 50.000 inhabitants and for the period 2010-2013 is pending.

Call for proposals Management unit Nº of Investment ERDF Funding projects Urbana 2007-2013 (cities Treasury – D.G. for 43 500M € 327M€ > 50.000 inhab.) European Funds

Urban and rural Territorial Policy 112 607M€ 426M€ development 2007-2010 Ministry - D.G. Local (< 50.000 inhab.) Cooperation

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The number of projects and the funding have substantially increased. Furthermore, little cities and villages have been given the opportunity to take part in a similar initiative, even if the more reduced budgets of these projects limit their integrality.

Regional Policies For most regions in Spain, urban area-based renewal policies are limited to those included in the programming of the Structural Funds, URBAN I and II and Urbana since 2007. No further measures or funding are provided to counteract urban segregation. Nonetheless, given the competence stricter and the degree of self-government of Spanish regions, some specific initiatives have been developed by regional authorities. Those more sensitive to the problems of urban segregation, the financial difficulties of municipalities to face them and to the integrated approach developed by the European programs have devised their own schemes in order to promote urban regeneration.

Basque Country Experience: The Izartu Program

Population: 2.155.546 inhab. (2008) Area: 7.234 km²

The Basque Izartu Program started in 2001 for a first five year period. It is aimed to finance urban renewal projects. Municipalities can apply for funding in 3 priority axes, plus one for Technical Assistance: • Axe 1. Economic development • Axe 2. Basic local infrastructures • Axe 3. Social inclusion and local services • Axe 4. Technical assistance The Program is promoted and financed by the Basque Ministry of Finances and Public Administration. Housing is not included as an eligible field of intervention. Specific funding is provided through the Basque Housing Plan, dependant on the Housing, Public Works and Transport Ministry. The first period, from 2001 to 2005 the program was not very precise in the territorial definition of the intervention areas, so that the municipalities didn’t concentrate the actions and the resources in specific neighbourhoods with special needs. This aspect was reinforced in the second Program 2004-2008 in which the interventions had to be defined at a district or neighbourhood level.

IZARTU. Basic data Nº of projects Total investment Izartu funding Izartu 2001-2005 51 150 M€ Izartu 2004-2008 68 173 M€ 109 M€

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The access to funding was not conditioned to the integrality of the projects, so that, according to the data of the program it seems that the funding has concentrated in investments in basic local infrastructures. Out of 68 projects just 3 actions on social inclusion and 11 in economic development were planned.

IZARTU. Distribution of projects actions by priority Priority Axe Nº of actions % Axe 1. Economic development 11 3% Axe 2. Basic local infrastructures 248 77% Axe 3. Social inclusion and local services 3 1% Axe 4. Technical assistance 58 18% Source: Izartu Follow-up report 2008.

Balearic Islands Experience: Programa de Barriadas Population: 1.071.221 inhab. (2008) Area: 4.992 km²

The program has been approved by law in March 2009 and the first Call for proposals was launched in June 2009. The general aim of the Program is the renewal and improvement of the districts needing special attention. The projects should intervene in some of the following aspects: • Urbanisation. • Housing and architecture. • Economic development. • Social cohesion. Within these fields of action the call for proposals is very precise in defining the type of interventions that would positively be considered, giving them a specific weight in the score to be given to a project in the selection process, allowing the regional authority to promote specific actions like, for example, improving accessibility for the physically impaired or promoting gender equality in the use of public space. Integrality is promoted by giving points for the inclusion of different types of action in the planned projects. Therefore, the projects are evaluated for their compliance with the priority actions defined in the call for proposals and the diversity of their interventions, regardless of the social, physical and economic condition of the target area. Positive discrimination is applied in favour of municipalities of less than 20.000 inhabitants, and also in favour of the projects with more actions planned in the social field. The law establishes also a priority for those municipalities that haven't received funding in the framework of the previous call. The territorial balance in the distribution of the resources is also an explicit criterion.

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The law provides a minimum financing of 10 million Euros per year, and the regional co-financing should go from 40% to 90% of the total investment. The first annual call for proposals has granted a total amount of 12,5 million Euros to 21 projects with a total investment of 16,7 million Euros.

Catalonia Experience: The Programa de Barris in Catalonia Population: 7.475.420 inhab. (2009) Area: 32.114 km²

In 2004 the regional Parliament of Catalonia approved the District Improvement Act that served as base for the development of the Programa de Barris , the District Improvement programme. Based on an intergovernmental cooperation the programme shows the commitment of both the regional and local administration towards the improvement of living conditions od deprived urban areas. The Programma de Barris finances area based integral regeneration projects that propose a four year intervention for an specific area or district. In order to select where the financial resources are to be allocated, a bidding system has been set up. Since, 2004 every year a call from proposals has been opened in order to allocate 100M€ of co-financing to projects proposed by local authorities, based on a 50% local 50% regional finance. Selection is based on an homogeneous data provided by regional statistical office and also based on the quality and feasibility of the proposal.

Nº of projects Total investment Average budget 2004 13 198M€ 15,2M€ 2005 17 198M€ 11,6M€ 2006 17 199M€ 11,6M€ 2007 24 199M€ 8,2M€ 2008 22 199M€ 8,7M€ 2009 28 165M€ 6,6M€

Each project after presenting a diagnosis of the urban area of intervention defines its general strategy, objectives and actions. All projects selected have to propose interventions in related to eight fields of action: 1. Improvement of public spaces and the provision of green areas. 2. Renovation common elements of housing buildings. 3. Improvement of public and social facilities 4. Incorporation of information technology in buildings 5. Measures for the promotion of sustainability in urban development 6. Gender equality in urban spaces and installations 7. Programmes that foster social and economic development 8. Actions that improve equal accessibility of public spaces and facilities

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Catalan Programa de Barris. Action areas by share of expenditure (2004-09)

7% 9% 2% Public and open space Housing buildings improvement 4% 1% Public facilities 46% IT Mesures Sustainability Gender Equality 21% Social and Economic Development Accessibility mesures

10%

All projects are implemented by local authorities with the support and financial control of the regional government. This support is provided by different regional ministries beside the Ministry of Infrastructures and Planning which is responsible of the Programme at Regional Level. Thus Employment and local economic development, Housing Rehabilitation, Health and Civic Engagement programmes have been developed to improve policy cooperation on the specific urban areas where Programa de Barris projects are been implemented.

On the 2009 call for proposals, some modifications were introduced to adapt the programme. In order to preserve the quality management a limit to the number of ongoing projects was fixed to 100 simultaneous projects. A new type of Town Programme was defined, targeting towns of less than 10.000 inhabitants that needed intervention, this projects have an increased cofounding by the regional authority: up to 75%. Finally, a two year phasing out programme was set up for those municipalities that completed the implementation of their project and proposed actions to complement those already develop.

6.3 National governance frame in urban regeneration and urban planning: distribution of competencies Spain is an EU member state with an area of 504.785 km 2, and a population of 46.662.950 inhabitants (1st January 2009). Catalonia is a NUTS 2 Spanish region with an area of 32.113 km 2 and 7.467.423 inhabitants.

Spain has been a parliamentary monarchy since 1978, with a constitutional system adopted by the Spanish Parliament after Franco’s dictatorial regime. The administrative structure in Spain until this date was quite simple, with a three level administration where the State was on the top and the municipalities (over eight thousand) on the bottom. A single level, the provinces (in the number of 50), was the connection between them. After the death of Franco and the recovering of Democracy, this administrative structure was partially modified and a process of devolution opened.

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Source:

The 1978 Constitution recognised the existence of a regional reality in many parts of Spain. According to this recognition, Spain was divided into 17 Autonomous Communities (and two Autonomous Cities in the north of Africa: Ceuta and Melilla). Each Autonomous Community has their own Parliament and an Autonomous Government with large competences. Autonomous regions correspond with the NUTS 2 European level, and they overlap the previous division into 50 provinces (NUTS 3), so that the Autonomous Communities or regions are a grouping of those.

Source: ESPON

The Constitution also determined that Autonomous Communities could internally legislate to organise their own territory. For historical reasons, Catalunya was one of the few Autonomous Communities that undertook this internal division. Thus, in 1987, on the passing of the Spatial Planning Acts, the Catalan territory was divided into 38 comarques (counties), that later became 41. These divisions did not replace the existing ones into municipalities and provinces, but overlapped them.

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State(NUTS 0)

Autonomouscommunities(NUTS 2) 17 in Spain

Provinces(NUTS 3) 53 in Spain 4 in Catalonia

Counties(in a few autonomuscommunities) 41 in Catalonia

Municipalities(LAU 2) 8.112 in Spain 946 in Catalonia

In parallel, the important growth of the most important cities (Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Bilbao) during the post war period led to a new metropolitan reality in their areas of influence, together with the necessity of specific administrative bodies covering the supramunicipal scope where the real city extended. This led to the creation of four metropolitan entities for each of these four areas, with a high level of competences. The history of every metropolitan area and its institutional form is complex and will not be dealt with in here. The current administrative structure in Catalunya is completed, finally, at its lower level with the same municipalities (8.112 throughout Spain, 946 in Catalunya) existing in the past. As a result, the Catalan territory as a whole bears a complex framework of administrative divisions with the corresponding institutions responsible for their management, and the resulting complexity in terms of sharing out competences. Competences in planning, housing and urban regeneration Article 148.1 of the Spanish Constitution, approved in 1978, assigns “exclusive competences in terms of Spatial and Urban Planning, as well as Housing“ to Autonomous Communities. This has led to each of the Communities to develop their own legislative framework in these fields. In the case of Catalunya, this exclusivity of competence was also reflected by the 1979 Statute of Autonomy. There are no specific provisions in the Spanish Law on urban renewal, so that the competences are not defined. Urban renewal has been considered as a part of urban practice since the 80’s. That doesn’t mean that urban renewal policies do not exist, but they have developed according to historical circumstances, following the evolution of the European agenda and the application of the Structural Funds, or being shaped by specific political initiatives in the regions were urban renewal has become a priority in the political agenda. This has led to diverse situations in the different Spanish autonomous regions.

Competences in local/urban planning reside both in the local and the regional level. Municipalities are competent for urban planning, but local urban planning tools (“Municipal Spatial Planning Plans” or “Plans d’Ordenació Urbanística Municipal”, as they are named in the 1/2005 Legislative Decree) are subject to final approval by the regional authorities (as Generalitat de Catalunya ). Through this approval the regional government should guarantee the coherence among different municipal plans, as well as

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their coherence with general guidelines set by larger territorial planning tools approved at the regional level.

Partial Territorial Plans • 5 approved • 2 in process

General Territorial Urban Planning Sectorial Plans Master Plans Plan • Roads • General supralocal • Railways planning • Public transport • Sectoral supralocal • Others planning

For instance in Catalonia, the territorial planning competences of the Catalan Government are covered by the “Territorial Policy Act” (“Llei de Política Territorial”) approved by the Catalan Parliament in 1983. The structure of the territorial planning tools is graphically described in the previous picture. Of course, all these planning tools may include guidelines on housing, and a specific plan on housing is under construction. Between 1983 and 1995 only a few sectoral plans were approved covering aspects of certain relevance like roads, the protection of areas of natural interest... Finally, in 1995 the “General Territorial Plan for Catalunya” (“Pla Territorial General de Catalunya”), was approved. The General Plan, with a limited scope, had to be developed at a smaller scale by seven “Partial Territorial Plans”, where the guidelines provided in the general document should be developed in detail. Five of them have been approved since then, one of them being now under revision. Two more Partial Plans have been made public and are under the process of being approved. In 2002 the Catalan Parliament approved the “Urban Planning Act”. This law regulates the local planning competences, but it also includes under regional competence the “Urban Planning Master Plans” (“Plans Directors Urbanístics”). These Plans are conceived to develop the guidelines for urban development at a supralocal level, for sustainable development, mobility and public transport, protection of non urban land, big infrastructures and the programming of supramunicipal policies on land and housing.

Competences on housing, as stated in the Spanish Constitution lie with the regional level. The devolution of these competences is completed in 1987. The central government keeps a planning and coordination role, which takes the form of pluriannual National Housing Plans The National Housing Plan includes measures for promoting social housing, subsidies to facilitate the access to housing, subsidies for housing refurbishment, subsidies for land acquisition and urbanization for social housing, and the regulation of Integrated Renewal Areas and Urban Renewal Areas and the special subsidies that can be granted for interventions in these areas.

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The National Housing Plan constitutes a framework for the regions to obtain financing for the type of actions included in the Plan, but according to their own programming and within a framework of intervention that can be larger if financed with regional resources. Therefore, the scope, the objectives, the type of interventions, the territorial aspects like de definition of priority areas of intervention, and the financial resources finally assigned are defined at the regional level.

6.4 Access to Structural Funds Section 6.2 devoted to national framework on polices tackling urban social exclusion and regeneration introduced the effort made by national government and several regional governments on those issues. For the programme period 2007-2013 the Spanish government decided on its NATIONAL STRATEGIC REFERENCE FRAMEWORK what were the priorities in allocating structural funding from ERDF. Among other objectives, priority was given to “Local and urban development” and two programmes were assigned funding: one targeting medium-small sized cities and another, URBANA, for larger cities. Regional operational programmes allocated funding based on the differences between regions, since some are considered to be competitiveness others are convergence and a few are either phasing-in or phasing-out.

Competitiveness regions Phasing in regions

Phasing out regions Convergence regions

Central Government URBANA initiative defined in 2007 builds on the URBAN approach to urban regeneration and operates projects selected through competitive calls for proposals. Management and control on implementation varies from region to region based on the agreements set up in each operational programme.

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References Bruquetas, M., Moreno, F.J. y Walliser, A. (2005) La Regeneración de Barrios desfavorecidos Madrid: Fundación Alternativas (In Spanish) http://www.falternativas.org/laboratorio/documentos-de-trabajo/documentos-de- trabajo/la-regeneracion-de-barrios-desfavorecidos Comunitat Autónoma de les Illes Balears (2009) Llei 2/2009 de 19 de Març, de rehabilitació i millora dels barris dels municipis de les Illes Balears . BOIB Núm. 44. http://boib.caib.es/pdf/2009044/mp6.pdf Generalitat de Catalunya (2004) Llei 2/2004, de 4 de juny, de millora de barris, àrees urbanes i viles que requereixen una atenció especial http://www10.gencat.net/ptop/AppJava/cat/arees/ciutat/barris/normativa.jsp Generalitat de Catalunya (2004) Decret 369/2004, de 7 de setembre, pel qual es desenvolupa la Llei 2/2004, de 4 de juny, de millora de barris, àrees urbanes i viles que requereixen atenció especial http://www10.gencat.net/ptop/AppJava/cat/arees/ciutat/barris/normativa.jsp Gobierno Vasco - Direccion de Economia y Planificacion del (2009) Informe de seguimiento del Programa Izartu II, año 2008. http://www.ogasun.ejgv.euskadi.net/r51- 19375/es/contenidos/informacion/informes_seguimiento_izartu/es_informes/adjuntos/IS 2008_c.pdf González García, I. (1997) Análisis urbanístico de barrios desfavorecidos en las ciudades españolas http://habitat.aq.upm.es/bv/gbd03.html Ministerio de Economía y Finanzas (2007) Marco Estratégico Nacional de Referencia 2007-2013 (executive summary in English) http://www.dgfc.sgpg.meh.es/aplweb/pdf/DescargasFondosComunitarios/(490)Resume n_ejecutivo_ingl_s.pdf

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Chapter 3.

Local overviews and case studies

1 - Iuav University of Venice (lead partner) “Innovative practices in the production of public spaces and services and urban regeneration”. Case studies: Venice, Padua and Verona, Veneto Region 2 – Vienna University of Technology “Fostering social integration through the renovation of public spaces in deprived urban neighbourhoods and through the promotion of area-based, integrated urban regeneration policies ”. Case study Vienna City 3 – Hafen City University of Hamburg “Public space in different planning concepts”. Case studies: Altona Altstadt and Hafen City, Hamburg 4 – University of the Aegean “The role of public space renovation in the Urban Growth Poles strategy”. Case studies: The cities of Alexandroupolis, Komotini and Mytilene. 5 - Wroclaw Municipality Case study: “A Regeneration programme for Nadodrze District: focus on restoration of traditional commercial routes”

6 - Mytilene Municipality “Integrated urban intervention in an island city”. Case study: Mytilene City.

7 – Apulia Region case studies: a) Regional programme PIRP b) implementation of the programme in five cities: Bari, Manfredonia, Putignano, Cisternino, Torremaggiore. 8 - Generalitat de Catalunya Case studies: a) regional programme of urban sustainable regeneration Lei de Barrio b) implementation of the programme in two cities: Badalona and Manlleu

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Case study template (city level) • Context elements : Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions. Elementary information on territorialisation (spatialisation) of poverty and urban decay. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach, involvements of local actors. Planning tool and or programmes used • List (if useful, or a description) of the integrated urban regeneration programmes, projects activated in the city and considered interesting for the Sha.ke project (see annex table a). For each selected initiative/programme (please select the cases on the basis of the potential they offer to analyse interaction and intertwining between the different fields of practices we are interested in analysing: institutional practices, social innovation practices, everyday life practices see the point d) and e) in the "elements of discussion document" we sent you before the Venice meeting):

For each selected case study, consider the following elements a. promotion of the initiative (who started; with what aim; in which context – funds etc.-?) b. actors involved c. structure of the project , with particular reference to the approaches to the improvement, renovation and revitalisation of public spaces and services (from physical approaches focussing on upgrading built and or natural spaces to approaches focussing on the involvement of inhabitants and local stakeholders in the decision making and implementation processes to approach modifying the attractiveness of the area for different target groups) d. outcomes/expected outcomes in terms of: improving the quality of life of (neighbourhood) inhabitants; increasing the attractiveness of the area; pursuing social cohesion (figthing stigma, opening the areas to a larger range of users, increasing the feeling of safety) e. first draft of potential actors to involve in the LSG .

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1. Iuav University of Venice (lead partner) “Innovative practices in the production of public spaces and services and in urban regeneration” Case studies Cities of Venice, Padua and Verona - Veneto Region by Paola Briata, Liliana Padovani, Alessandra Ruggero

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What are the results expected from Veneto case studies? - To identify innovative practices in sustainable regeneration of deprived neighbourhoods focussed on the improvement of public spaces and services, which have been designed and implemented under special programmes such as Urban 1 or 2 or other national programmes. - To identify the relevant partners which have been involved in these processes, with a particular attention to the role of the region that is responsible for the management of structural funds - To understand what has been learnt by the partners and with which outcomes - To identify, if any, practices of mainstreaming of urban policies that can be considered related, in weaker or stronger ways, to what has been learnt in the previous phase of experimentation. The more general perspective is to build, through the analysis, evaluation and capitalisation of these experiences, guidelines to increase the effectiveness of these lines of action and or specific local plans .

With this aim, the three larger cities (head of provinces) of the Veneto Region have been considered as case studies: Venice (chief city of the region; 271.073 inhabitants in 2001, 322.811 in 1991: - 9,2%), Padua (205.000 inhabitants in 2001, 215.000 in 1991: - 4,8%) and Verona ( 253.208 inhabitants at 2001, 255.824 at 1991: -1,0%). These cities are located along the major east-west axe of connection in the north of Italy (railway, highway, EU Corridor 5) and constitute important urban poles. The choice of the three cities as case studies was motivated by the fact that: - first of all, they represent important poles in the model of the diffused city that characterises the spatial pattern of urban growth of the Veneto region and for this reason they are engaged on the double front of increasing their attractiveness for new investments, activities and inhabitants and taking care of the negative problems induced by the recent processes of urban change: abandoned industrial areas, situations of poverty, growing social polarisation and urban decay - secondly they have experienced innovative programmes of sustainable urban regeneration.

Specificities of the Veneto region In the post-second war phase of Italian industrialisation, urban and economic growth in the region started later than in the rest of the North. When in the 60s, cities like Milano, Genova, Turin in the Northwest were at the pick of their growth, Veneto Region was still experiencing processes of severe emigration. Economic growth, centred on the model (family based) of small industry district 27 , started in the 70s, to bring, in a relatively short time, this area among the richest regions in Europe. As far as spatial organisation is concerned, the area is characterised by a diffused model of urbanisation, with a spread of detached houses and small factories which have occupied, at a relatively low density and with weak control by land-use plans, large amounts of agricultural land. From an economic point of view, it is a well off region, but with growing problems of land consumption, pollution, mobility problems, erosion of environmental resources and with on the average a low level of education of its inhabitants. Small industry activities in the region implied growing flows of immigrants

27 Bagnasco A (1980 ) Tre Italie: la problematica territoriale dello sviluppo italiano, Bologna , il Mulino

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from Eastern Europe, Africa, Morocco in particular, Asia, South America. The immigration from the east of Europe has increased in the last years 28 . These processes of immigration induce new housing, cultural and social problems.

The region is composed by 7 provinces, 581 local administrations and has about 4.9 million inhabitants

Table with basic data on : Population, Occupation, Level of education, Immigrants . Venice Padua Verona Veneto region Resident population. 2001 271.073 204.870 253.208 4.527.694 Resident population 1991 298.532 215.137 255.824 4.380.797 Delta 1991-2010 av -27.459 -10.267 -2.616 146.897 Delta 1991-2010 % -9,20% -4,77% -1,02% 3,35% Pop 2008 270.098 211.936 265.368 4.885.548 Pop 2000 275.368 209.641 257.477 4.540.853 Delta 2000-2008 av -5.270 2.295 7.891 344.695 Delta 2000-2008 % -1,91% 1,09% 3,06% 7,59% % less 14 years old (2001) 10,46% 11,06% 12,48% 13,47% % more 65 years old (2001) 23,84% 22,40% 21,26% 18,27% Immigrants (2001) 5.828 8.076 13.385 153.074 Immigrants (2008) % of immigrants on population (2001) 2,15% 3,94% 5,29% 3,38% % of immigrants on population (2008) Total employment (Census 2001) 107.261 86.049 105.588 1.972.932 % in agriculture 1,46% 0,96% 2,08% 4,24% % in industry 20,18% 22,00% 26,77% 41,89% % in services 78,36% 77,03% 71,15% 53,87% Unemployment rate (Census 2001) 5,15 5,26 4,93 4,11 Housing n. dwellings 114.873 85.976 106.345 1.699.521 rented 28.720 21.517 32.899 290.502 In ownership 79.914 59.081 67.016 1.286.254 other 6.239 5.378 6.430 122.765 % of public dwellings (rent housing - 2001) 36,12% 24,49% 15,58% 19,38%

Forms of territorialisation of poverty and decay in urban areas. Veneto cities are not characterised by large spatial concentrations of urban decay and social deprivation problems. There are problems of former industrial areas that require to be re-used and renewed, less frequent are situations of large deprived neighbourhoods. Usually there is a strong connection between deprived neighbourhoods and social housing estates: the way public housing policies were developed in Italy and in Veneto in particular did not favour the creation of such situations. At the core of public housing policies in Italy was not he aim of providing a reasonably important social rental sector but to grant large support to families to extend home ownership. An institutional system to produce and manage the social rented stock has been set up and developed since the first decades of the twentieth century and public resources were allocate at this end, but most of the stock has been privatised and sold (at very low price) to sitting tenants in the course of

28 In general immigrants from East European countries, either communitarian or not, and from Asia are growing faster than immigrants coming from Africa or the Balkans which were the protagonists of the first immigration waves. In the last years has been very high in comparative terms the growth of immigrants from Rumania (new accessions), China as well as Bangladesh and Ukraine. In 2007 immigrants reached 9% of total employment; 12% considering employees between 25-35 years.

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years. In Veneto Region a number of social housing estates were produced at the periphery of major cities, the quality of building was quite good and the density relatively low, most of this estates are now in ownership and it id difficult to detect these estates from other private developments of the same age. Still there are some problems which concern a limited number of post war estates and older social estates built before the 2 nd word war which, in some cases have been privatised and gentrified, in other present problems of deprivation and decay. A new emerging problem is that of immigrants;. Veneto small industries occupy a large amount of immigrant workers, but the local institutional and political context have neglected the problem of how and where these persons live. There are no housing provisions for these workers, obliged to address themselves to the informal speculative private housing market or to informal and illegal forms of housing.

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1.1 Venice city

1.1.1 Context elements a. Population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions To understand Venice situation one must consider the peculiarities of this urban system which is composed by three different parts: the historic centre (59.942 inhabitants in 2009, 22%), an island that at the beginning of the last century included the whole city; the lagoon with its other islands which historically has meant not just water but a space to live in and with (30.197 inhabitants, 11%) and the mainland largely developed in the post second-world-war period, which at present drain the larger part of Venice population (180.662 inhabitants, 67%) .

A declining population . The total population of the Venice Commune is declining, In the twenty years from 1981 to 2001 (last census available) Venice lost 21,6% of its population that by enlarge re-settled in the communes around the city, with a much higher and impressive decrease in the historic centre (- 29,8%). This decline went on along the 2000s, but at a lower path, with an average loss of 660 inhabitants per year against the 2.700 of the 90s. The loss of population in the historic centre goes on with an annual loss between 6-700 inhabitants per year. It is an ageing population in a city that meets difficulties in attracting new more dynamic and innovative profiles of population.

A slow process of change . The city of Venice suffered the impact of deindustrialisation, with a particularly heavy effect in the mainland Municipality of Marghera, the harbour with the surrounding large industrial (chemical) area. All the area, with enormous problems of pollution is still looking for a sustainable future. But a more general problem is the (economic, cultural, political) position and role of the city in the Veneto Region. The “diffused city” model as well as the “industrial districts” models do not seem to need a “city” in the same way that in other European or Italian regions do. In this context the exceptional unique heritage profile of Venice historic centre tends to act in a perverse way, expulsing residents and pushing the centre toward forms of museification (the paradox of a cultural heritage transformed in a “fake Disneyland”).

A left wing city in a centre-right region . Venice commune has been governed by a centre-left coalition for a long time (new election will be held in the spring) in a Region like Veneto with a tradition of Democrazia Cristiana (Christian democrat party) governments all along the past after-war decades and more recently by a centre-right government. b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay As described for the region, the Venice commune does not present large areas of social distress and urban decay. Still there are some problematic situations. - In the historic island situations of distress due to the combined effect of de-

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industrialisation and bad maintenance of social housing estates existed in the Giudecca island: a traditional working class area where were located many of the Venice industries and many public housing estates. This area has been the target of special rehabilitation programmes during the 90s - early 2000s. It still hosts parts of its previous inhabitants, its environmental quality and services have improved, it can be considered a nice place to live in. Rehabilitation had been followed by forms of gentrification and Giudecca island is now a more mixed area. The aim of the Venice Council that promoted this programme of urban regeneration was to create in the area opportunities of settlement for young new couples or young singles expulsed from the historic centre housing prices; the goal was to rejuvenate Venice population and drain young person with high education profile. This goal was only partially fulfilled since rehabilitation pushed up housing prices. The process of rehabilitation of historic centre building has a long tradition in Venice, many resources (ordinary and special funds) have been allocate to this aim, and tool of control and safeguard have been enacted. Housing prices are very high, competition between housing expenditure capacity by tourism, students evict resident from the historic centre. - Venice mainland presented different problems. Up to the second half of the 90s when it was decided to produce a new plan for the city, the mainland suffered of a situation of generalised low urban quality. Unable to compete with the extraordinary level of the cultural heritage of Venice island, this part of the city, that has interesting historic settlements (a medieval Borgo; fortresses; palaces and villas, squares and gardens, a canal and a river, a garden city) suffered during the period of urban growth from the 50s to the 80s uncontrolled processes of growth. In these years important parts of the city were added in a total lack of an urban design. So when the new plan was designed and adopted the major goals were to valorise existing centralities, to give new urban quality to the peripheral areas, and to promote special rehabilitation programme for situation of deprivation affecting some of the public estate 29 (see below for a list of these situation and the action that have been promoted and implemented). c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tool and or programmes used The new Venice city council elected in 1994 decided to design a new Urban Plan for the city. The existing one was very old (adopted in 19…) and changes that have occurred since its approval had been addressed by a sequence of Variants to the General Plan. The process of designing and adopting a new plan was long but strategically structured to explore the possible new roles of the city in a changing economy and society. and define the more appropriate actions to undertaken and was followed by a sequence of sub-plans targeting different parts of the city. A major goal of the new Plan 30 was to

29 Among these situations we can mention: some public estates like the one called Circus or the neighbourhood of Villabona; the Rom village. And in particular the residential area of Marghera Municipality, where at south of the garden city built in the 30s when Porto Marghera was launched, have been located many social housing estates, giustapposti in the course of time in the lack of any design of this part of the city, to face difficult social situations (ranging from poor people and antifascist expulsed from Venice island during the 30s, to Julian refugees in the post war, to low income people). 30 The Veneto Region in 200? adopted a new regional urban planning law innovating the format and meaning of Local Masterplans, thus at present the design of a new Urban plan is underway.

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contain new urban developments and promote plans and policies to re-use vacant land or abandoned built areas, revalorise and renovate problematic areas or situation of low urban quality. Urban regeneration is at the core of Venice City urban policy. This orientation is documented by the intense participation of the city to the different programmes of sustainable urban regeneration that were promoted along the 90s and 2000s by the EU (URBAN, EQUAL) by the Italian government of by the Region. Thus Venice participated in URBAN I program with a large project of revitalization of the Marghera Municipality (one of the Municipalities in which Venice city has been organised) which is a problematic part of Venice Commune: it was conceived and built in the first decades of the last century, to host the new Venice harbour and what became the enormous Porto Marghera industrial area. The industrial area at present experiences serious problems of de-industrialisation. The residential part of Marghera municipality (35.000 inhabitants) presents a heterogeneous situation. It is composed by a variety of residential settlements, a very interesting garden city built in the thirties and at its periphery, a mix of private condominium apartments and many social housing estates, each addressing specific difficult social situations , which were added in the course of time, without any design or plan of this part of the city.. Along some urban roads there are problems of prostitution and drugs. The media have often referred to some estate of the area as the Bronx of Venice. In this same area were implemented two Urban regeneration programmes promoted by central government and at present is underway a project “Programma di riqualificazione Marghera Sud Vaschette”. Venice took part also in the Neighbourhood contract Programmes I and II promoted by the central government and the Region to address two problematic situations: a Sinti settlement and an old social housing neighbourhood not far from the centre of Mestre. The interesting practices emerging from these two programmes concern the working programme set up to deal with problems of social cohesion and the creation of a new systems of public spaces, service and new activities facing these public spaces. Other urban regeneration projects were promoted participating in the Urban Italia programme “Open the walls of the city”: the implementation of an integrated approach to address a variety of problematic or unsatisfactory situations of public spaces and services mainly in Santa Marta Area and Giudecca. Finally there are the practices set up by Etam, a special service set up within the Social Service Department of Venice Municipality with a tradition of street community action on conflict issues concerning either difficult problems (marginality, situation of illegality, prostitution, drugs) or deprived area of the city. The outcome of this first inquiry is a range of case studies considered interesting for the potential insights they can offer to the Sha:Ke activities. They are proposed in the following table which constitutes the outcome of a first set of meetings and interviews with the members of the LSG identified at the present phase of development of the WG.

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d. List of the integrated urban regeneration programmes, projects activated in the city and considered interesting for the Sha.ke project Two main typologies: a. Area based special programmes b. Bottom up programmes promoted by local actors. (ETAM, associations etc. ) case promotion Type of aims description Public spaces and services Actors involved programme In 000 Euro institutions associations Pic Urban UE + co- Area-based - reduce The programme aims at S. Giuliano park : - URBAN Office - economic Venezia financing Nat. integrated environmental improving the quality of life - a project strongly supported by - Park and activities Gov approach decay and in the Municipality of the administration; green areas - canottieri Club promote economic Marghera (about 30.000 - local networks and associations Authority - Musical development; inhabitants). Programme (economic activities, sport, - Economic events - environmental measures: events etc) activities - Citizens reconversion; 1. economic activities (città - citizens use it. - Sport associations - new economic musica) 6.758 Euro - Education activities; 2. social services (for - new services for women, FSE) 0.316 Euro City of the music Not disadvantaged 3. infrastructure and implemented groups environment (Parco s giuliano) 17.546 Euro House of women: very 3. urban maintenance successful, but no space (FSE) 0.927 Euro relations with the target area Total 25.547 Euro “Apriamo I Urban Italia Area-based To improve living Programme axes/measures: A variety of actions to improve muri” Programme integrated conditions in the 1. Urban regeneration the quality of public spaces. Open approach target area in terms environment and jobs Venice areas more involved: walls in of relationships, support elderly young - Giudecca the city of employment, 2. Cohesion ???? Venice culture and accessibilty to harbour - S. Marta - City of Venice Local (island) environment. inclusion Opening the walls between S A. DelMercato associations 3. management Marta neighbourhood and the - Municipality Funding: University - Universities Participated projects ca’Foscari, Total 13.426 Euro Iuav - Harbour

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Agency; CdQ1 Neighbourhoo Area base A new village for an Consultation and Conflict promoted by political City of Venice Rom Rom d contract 1 integrated informal Rom participative process, to opposition. social services association approach settlement build a new housing A top down conflict of the use of complex city’s spaces Contratto Neighbourhoo Area base Improve, housing, Public Housing New green areas City of Venice Association di d contract 2 integrated public spaces and rehabilitation, New activities at the border of responsible of Quartiere approach services in a New pedestrian path, green public spaces the CdQ Mestre deprived area, commerce and art New green path from the city to Neigbb. Altobello neighbourhood in a craft the canal. Committee relatively central Participated project Green area maintenance paid by location residential condominium Programm A mix of an Locally built Improve living Two different ideas as far as New commercial activities, City of Venice Associations a di Urban area based conditions in a the future of the area: new housing private and Marghera ‘ riqualificaz regeneration integrated periphery secluded - to improve existing social to enrich local social life Municipality ione programme approach area, with problems situation Neighb Marghera and of illegal activities, - demolish the public estate committtee Sud Participative of a public estate in and create new forms of Vaschette action bad condition and social mixing. in part illegally occupied.. A conflictual situation (on the use of a deprived housing estate) Viale Bottom up Integrated Interactive A green area with conflict of Conflict and sense of safety ETAM Piave Local action participative valorisation of use between Italian Mestre approach public spaces residents and immigrants General Top down Urban plan A part of Venice Production of quality public Quality public spaces and Schools plan integrated designed with problems of spaces to attract new services as a lever to economic TAM Variante approach within the traditional jobs activities development associates Pellestrina frame of decline, isolation Ombrello integrated and (island) lack of laboratoty participated services approach

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1.1.2 Potentially interesting policies and practices detected and proposed as case studies - San Giuliano Park, Venezia main-land (URBAN 1 1994-99 Marghera). The design and implementation of The San Giuliano Park, which today represents the largest urban park of the Veneto Region and is successfully used by Venice inhabitants, was long and difficult, it lasted fourteen years. a. promotion of the initiative. The initial idea of transforming in a park an area along the lagoon which had been used for long time as dumping ground was launched at the end of the 80s by the Urban Planning Department town councillor, (city council coalition 1988-91) . The area, quite large (700ha of earth, canals and barene) placed in a strategic position between Mestre and Venice in proximity of an important heritage structure: Forte Marghera, laid in a situation of desperate decay and pollution. In 1989 it was decided to promote an international competition for the project of a park. In 1991 the group which won the competition (Antonio Di Mambro and Associates) was assigned the charge of producing a Guide plan (image 1) for the development of the park, which was approved by the local Council in 1996. b. Structure of the project. The plan organised in phases, has as major goals: to open the access to the lagoon to Mestre, to create a visual continuity between Mestre and Venice, to contribute to the environmental regeneration of the lagoon, to reverse the negative image produced on the surrounding urban neighbourhoods and to create a new large green resort for Venice inhabitants and guests The URBAN CI Marghera offered the operational context and the financing support to activate the implementation of the project of the park. A large amount of resources was allocated to the necessary remediation of polluted land and waist disposals. Once completed the first part of the park: there was a phase of events to promote was ready c. Actors Istituzione “Bosco e grandi parchi” (Institution “Wood and parks”), President arch. Mariolina Toniolo [email protected] Amici del parco San Giuliano di Mestre (Association Friends of the San Giuliano Park) Vesta Association economic activities d. expected outcomes A new large public park offering a new leisure resorce to the city, connacting mainland to Venice island and revitalising an urban area of poor quality.

- The Neighbourhood Contract of Altobello mainland Mestre: Public spaces and services See table

- The ‘Variante Pellestrina’ - town plan for the Pellestrina Island (adopted 2005.02.16, Consiglio Comunale, approved 2009.12.15, DGR n. 3886). The Pellestrina island was the latest part of the City of Venice to be planned by the municipality’s offices. The plan has been seen as an opportunity to think about the Island’s future both from local institutions and inhabitants viewpoints.

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a. promotion of the initiative. The 1999 City Plan (Prg “Benevolo”) included the whole city but this sort of suburb of around 4000 inhabitants situated in the Venice’s lagoon. In 2002, the former Consiglio di Quartiere (Neighborhood Council) asked the City of Venice’s Major and Urban Planning Office the working-out of a plan with the citizens participation, in order to deal with economic and social conditions of the Island.

b. Actors Involved. Beside the actors mentioned above, the Urban Plan Office charged the Ombrello Lab (University of Venice IUAV Planning Dept) to proceed with an overall analysis about the public policies acting for the Island development. In this way, the Directors of ‘territorial’ public sectors had been interviewed. In the process second phase several citizens had been involved in meetings, neighborhoods walks, focus groups, scenario workshops, conferences with experts and technicians, etc. A local actor particularly interested was the Pellestrina primary school and its headmaster.

c. Structure of the project The one-year participatory process aimed at the citizens involvement in thinking the Island’s next future. The debated issue were on several matters: population, production, natural environment, tourism development, housing, social and health services, ecc. One of the first theme was the Island attractiveness as “the land qualities offered to hypothetic visitors”. Than residents identified desired and feared scenarios for the future, but they also focused on the public spaces, such as squares, parks and playgrounds viewed, whose re-design and reconstruction were seen as the priority. Among the main topic was the beach’s public use, being the new shore created in that period. In this way, the plan construction process gives the cue to different analysis between public spaces, land uses, socio-economic issues, local community and its development sustainability. d. expected outcomes The Pellestrina Public Spaces Implementation Plan followed the “Variante” around four years later. In this plan, the main Island’s squares, a natural area, and the new bus stops has been designed. Also in this phase the participatory approach (mainly through collaborative design sets) has been used. The issues emerged in this process range from the private mobility, to the type of green has to be created for different uses, from the relation between private and public spaces, to the meanings of ‘typical landascape’. The recent formal approval of the “Variante” by the Veneto Regional administration started a new interesting debate about the beach and the tourism potential. f. First draft of potential actors to involve in the LSG . Comune di Venezia, dirigente responsabile per la Variante al prg di Pellestrina, arch. Giorgio Pilla Presidente della Municipalità, Gianni Gusso ex presidente della Municipalità, Ballarin Presidente della Delegazione di Zona, Alessandro “Marta” Scarpa School teachers progettisti (studio TAMassociati) consulenti (lab. l’Ombrello) referenti per il Comune di Venezia e Centro città d’acqua, Mara Vittori e socia

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- A bottom up initiative by ETAM Public spaces near Via Piave , Mestre mainland See table

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Parco San Giuliano Mestre, Comune di Venezia

Piano guida parco S. giuliano 1995

Contratto di quartiere Altobello area pedonale del centro v ia mi area di concorso ran es di piazza barche e – via co sta

area interessata dal contratto

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2. Vienna University of Technology Austrian Case-Studies: Vienna and Graz by Alexander Hamedinger, Vienna University of Technology

Sources: www.mag.wien.gv.at

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What are the general results expected from the Vienna and Graz case studies? - To figure out innovative policy approaches in urban regeneration of deprived urban neighbourhoods, whereby innovation mainly means following an area-based, integrated and participatory approach in urban regeneration. - To grasp what was learnt by whom up to now in area-based and integrated urban regeneration. - To strengthen area-based and integrated policy approaches in urban regeneration through identifying and overcoming obstacles to implement such approaches and through identifying and supporting relevant actors in their efforts towards the establishment of innovative policy approaches. - To identify innovative, mainly participatory practices in renovating and revitalizing public space within urban regeneration in deprived urban neighbourhoods. - To jointly develop guidelines for renovating and revitalizing public spaces in these areas, particularly with the aim to give public space back to residents and to enhance the quality of life in deprived urban neighbourhoods - To develop a local action plan together with the local support group in Vienna, which will be based on the identification and development of a pilot project concerning the renovation of public spaces.

The local support group is constituted around a selected area in Vienna (s. below). Some policy actors in Graz (mainly from the municipal department of planning) will be invited to take part in the local support group and to bring in their knowledge and experiences with regard to area-based and integrated approaches in urban regeneration. Graz is considered as a case study mainly for analytical reasons, as it was involved in URBAN I and URBAN II and developed a widely recognized and positively evaluated approach in urban regeneration (‘best practice’), especially with a focus on renovating public spaces.

In order to understand the Austrian case studies, it is necessary to provide information concerning some peculiarities of Austria. Structural peculiarities of the Austrian urban system include the vicinity of all larger cities to the external borders, while Alpine areas occupy the central area of the country. The fall of the Iron Curtain and EU enlargement re-established the traditional social geography of Central Europe, with a number of larger cities immediately across Austria’s north-eastern and south-eastern borders (e.g. Bratislava near Vienna and Maribor near Graz). Vienna and Graz are located in bordering areas in different parts of Austria and have been affected by these larger developments. Graz (254.282 inhabitants in 2008; 245.055 in 1993) is the capital city of Styria, which is one of the nine federal provinces of Austria. Styria is located in the South-East of Austria (bordering on Slovenia). Vienna (1.687.271 inhabitants in 2008; 1.539.848 inhabitants in 1991) is situated in the East of Austria adjacent to Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Both cities are growing as city regions and are getting more important as gateways to the East and South of Europe. They have been selected as case studies because: - they are the only two cities of Austria, which took part in EU Structural Funds programmes, therefore, showing some experiences with implementing area-based and integrated policy approaches, - these cities have to cope with the problem of spatial concentration of socially disadvantaged persons in certain neighbourhoods - both cities show some innovative practices in renovating public spaces in deprived urban neighbourhoods and in urban regeneration policies. 138

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Table 1: Vienna and Graz - population Vienna Graz In total 1991 1.539.848 245.055 (1993) In total 2001 1.550.261 226.244 In total 2008 1.687.271 254.828 % of less 14 years old 14,3 9,2 in 2008 % of 15-59 years old 63,4 64,1 in 2008 % of > 60 years old in 14,6 22,4 2008 Foreigners in total in 330.586 38.341 2008 % of foreigners in 19,7 14,9 2008 Sources: www.magwien.gv.at ; www.graz.at

Table 2: Vienna – Economy and housing Table 3: Graz – Economy and housing GDP per capita in 41.500 Average income in Euro in 2.168 2006 2007 % of agriculture in 0,2 Employed persons in 2007 183.393 GDP 2006 Unemployed persons in 9.109 % of industry in GDP 16,8 2007 2006 Employed persons in the 22.100 % of services in GDP 83 goods producing sector in 2006 2007 Employed persons in 789.251 Employed persons in 55.100 2008 public administration in Unemployment rate in 11,7 2007 2008 Employed persons in 24.000 Housing business services in 2007 Stock of flats in total 910.745 Housing in 2001 Stock of flats in 2001 128.442 Communal flats in 220.000 2001 Stock of buildings 2001 36.061 Source. www.magwien.gv.at % of privately owned 85,7

% of communal owned 3,6%

Source: Statistik Austria

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2.1 The city of Vienna

2.1.1 Context elements a. Information on historical development, population and economic dynamics, political traditions

‘Red Vienna’ is still shaping the political culture and the structure of the political-administrative system. In order to understand Vienna’s approach to urban regeneration it is necessary to look back and to reconstruct the historical development of the local political-administrative system. To start with, the process of industrialization began in the late 19 th century with a strong concentration on manufacturing sectors like metal-working, machinery, clothing and electric engineering, whereby parts of it showed characteristics of petty commodity production. Vienna, the former capital city of the Habsburg Empire, was also dominant in the financial field in that time providing capital goods for the whole Empire. After World War I, Vienna embarked upon an accentuated social policy, which became famous under the heading “Red Vienna”. In the 1920s the Social Democratic Workers party started an ambitious housing programme as well as social reforms most of all to stimulate the local industry, which was hit by the economic crisis after World War I. Red Vienna was based on a local form of Austro- Keynesianism and on the establishment of tight links between the Social Democratic Workers Party, the civil society and the city administration. After World War II, Austria and Vienna developed well in terms of economic prosperity and social cohesion. But Vienna’s economic basis changed dramatically in this period of Fordism, as processes of de-industrialisation started in the 1960s. Vienna lost parts of its status as a centre for finance and commerce. However, due to the implementation of Austro-Keynesian policies Vienna was able to maintain economic growth and to deliver services of general interest to the public. This strategy strengthened the already existing clientelism (Dangschat & Hamedinger 2009). Finally, Vienna’s political and economic position has changed dramatically after 1989. The fall of the Iron curtain and the new geopolitical position, together with the accession of Austria to the European Union provided a development boost.

Politically, the Social Democrats are the still dominating political party as they won the absolute majority in votes and seats in local parliament in the last elections of 2006 31 .

Accelerated structural change. As mentioned above, structural change of the Viennese economy has been accelerating since the 1960s, moving away from industrial production (parts of it were re-located to the Vienna hinterland in Lower Austria) toward a service- and knowledge-based economy. These developments are mirrored in employment development by economic sector. Between 1981 and 1991 the secondary sector lost nearly 23% of its jobs, whereby the tertiary sector won 20%.

31 Vienna maintains both the status of a federal province and a municipality. It is divided into 23 districts; the political systems consists of the Mayor, the City Senate and the City Council. 163

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The share of persons employed in the service sector increased to 81 percent until 2001. Since 1995, the Viennese economy has shown a more or less modest economic development, which is mainly based on an increase in the service sectors. Compared to other cities, Vienna shows a relatively high GDP per capita (26.500 Euro in 1998; 41.400 in 2005; Dangschat & Hamedinger 2009). Today, the city and its economic development agency especially try to develop and give incentives in the information and bio-technology sectors, the automotive industry and creative industries.

A growing population. After decades of decrease population increased by 120.000 between 1987 and 1994 (also due to an extraordinary influx of immigrants), and has remained on a slow but steady rise since then. The number of inhabitants increased between 2001 and 2008 more strongly again. This growth occurred because of international migration leading to an increase of the share of foreigners from 16.1 % in 2001 to 19.4% in 2007. Foreigners are spatially concentrated in some parts of Vienna, particularly along the circular road ‘Gürtel’ (or ‘Belt’). Non-EU households concentrate in the less attractive, privately rented old housing stock in deprived areas (with a substantial share of sub-standard flats). Furthermore, it is expected that Vienna’s population will grow tremendously until 2030, probably reaching the number of 2 million inhabitants. Map 1: Spatial Concentration of non-Austrians, Vienna 2008

Role as East-West turntable. Vienna has established itself as a service centre for Austria’s eastern region. Furthermore the city plays an important role as an East-West turntable for multinational companies. On a recent count, the city hosts about 300 branch offices of MNCs, which often serve as the regional headquarters for Central and Eastern Europe (Mayerhofer 2004, City of Vienna 2005).

b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay

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Information concerning intra-regional disparities, social exclusion, poverty or segregation on the local level is only reluctantly and partially gathered by local political-administrative systems in Austria. In the case of Vienna, studies carried out by universities point to the existence of certain spatial concentrations of poverty in the 2nd , 10 th , 20 th districts and along parts of the belt (‘Gürtel’) in the 14 th , 15 th and 16 th district. In these areas mainly migrants occupy sub-standard, highly overcrowded flats (in 2001: 27% Ex-Jugoslavian, 18.4% Turkish households), often paying higher rental prices than Austrians. They concentrate in these areas – besides other factors - as the communal social housing sector was not accessible for them up to 2006. So, despite bad housing conditions, migrants are spending more money for housing than Austrians or social groups possessing higher incomes (Breitfuss et al. 2004). Further evidence for socio-spatial polarization in Vienna was provided by an analysis of the dynamics of the unequal distribution of social classes (classified through using the level of education and housing conditions) between 1971 and 2001. The analysis points to the existence of quarters of a rising high income class (mainly in the 1 st , 13 th , 18 th and 19 th districts) and low income classes situated along the West and South belt of the city (Dangschat 2009). Most of these deprived urban neighbourhoods have been selected by the city administration to take part in the URBAN and Objective 2 programmes.

Generally speaking, socially disadvantaged persons concentrate in - areas with a high share of privately rented old housing stock in some western and southern districts of the outer-belt area; residential areas in these districts are less attractive and exhibit a low quality of life, e.g. because of a lack of free usable public space. In these areas public spaces are exerted to considerable using pressures by different social groups (Austrians – non-Austrians, young-old people). Some recent research highlights that in these areas the potentiality of the emergence of social conflicts is very high (s. map below) - areas with a high share of older communal housing stock in more peripheral areas of the city (e.g. 10 th and 22 nd district), as new communal housing is not affordable for poorer households because of increasing rents (MA 18 2000). The larger communal housing blocks are currently sites of increasing social conflicts between different socially disadvantaged groups and the well-off strata of population also living in these buildings.

Map 2: Overlapping of potential using pressure and potential conflicts, 2001

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c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach

In 2005 the City of Vienna developed the Urban Development Plan 2005 (MA18 2005), which aims at strengthening Vienna’s position in international city marketing, developing cooperation in the expanding Vienna region and maintaining as well as advancing quality of life. In contrasts to its forerunners, the new Urban Development Plan exhibits a certain spatial development strategy, in which the concentration on development axis is supplemented by the identification of “Key Areas of Action” (s. below), which will be hot spots of urban development in the next years. Another innovation concerns the process of elaborating the plan: for the first time citizens, representatives of the private business sector and experts were involved in a participation process. So, the plan mainly sets the political framework for urban development and provides an idea about the future spatial development of the city. Furthermore, it also builds the basis for urban regeneration policies, upon which the City of Vienna embarked in the 1970s.

One of the central overall initiatives to renovate public spaces, which are not directly connected to urban regeneration policy in Vienna, has been started in 2001 by the city councillor for urban planning. Within the so-called ’50 places-programme’ public spaces are renovated mainly in order to improve the quality of public space as a living space, as a place for re-creation activities and for public meetings. Together with the residents measures are developed to achieve these aims and, broadly speaking, to enhance the identification of residents with their neighbourhoods. c.1 ‘Soft Urban Regeneration’ – urban regeneration offices The 1970s marked the beginning of slight changes in planning concerning urban development goals and in efforts to intervene into deprived urban neighbourhoods in Vienna; respective changes mainly concerned the organisation and implementation of projects and the relationship between the public and municipal planning (implementing elements of participation). Particularly, the city embarked upon the Viennese way of ‘soft’ urban regeneration. Basically, it focuses on subsidizing the modernisation of the housing stock, while simultaneously trying to avoid the displacement of socially disadvantaged persons. At the core of this policy approach is the establishment of urban regeneration offices in deprived urban areas, which offer consultancy for all people living in the neighbourhood (e.g. regarding rental, legal issues), involve inhabitants in neighbourhood development processes (e.g. through information and setting participation measures) and try to manage social conflicts occurring in the neighbourhood (Dangschat & Hamedinger 2009: 105-106).

Since 2000, Vienna has experimented with new approaches to urban regeneration, which should be more area-based, participatory and integrative. As a result of an evaluation on the work of the urban regeneration offices, which was carried out in the course of the 25 th birthday of urban regeneration offices in Vienna, a serious reorientation process started concerning the organisation, tasks and competences of these offices. As a first step towards enforcing new public management measures in urban regeneration a small project of local area management was established in the district of Ottakring. Furthermore, the internal discussion process to re-configure

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Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e urban regeneration offices was continued. In 2001, new urban regeneration offices were founded, which are especially in charge of accompanying and supporting council-owned residential houses. In 2002, these debates were strongly influenced by EU Regional Policies, as for the first time two relatively deprived urban areas in the second and 20 th district of Vienna were eligible for funding within the EU-Objective 2 programme (Dangschat & Hamedinger 2009: 105-106).

Recently, within the soft urban regeneration approach, the concept ‘VIEW-West Belt’ has been established targeting at the improvement of urban quarters along the West Belt. Basically, VIEW is conceptualized as a platform for urban regeneration, which tries to bring together all relevant actors interested in urban regeneration and sets initiatives for renovating residential areas, particularly through simulating projects for revitalizing public spaces. c. 2 Objective 2, URBAN I and URBAN II 32 With regard to the participation in area-based regeneration programmes, the socio- economic indicators of certain parts of the city rendered Vienna eligible for funding under URBAN I and II (since 1996) and, starting with the programme period beginning in 2000, the inclusion in Austria’s Objective 2 funding grid. As city which is faced with structural adaptation pressures in the industrial sector and which must deal with the consequences of demographic changes, Vienna was able to participate in these programmes which aim for the area-based improvement of employment, human resources, local economic activities and participation.

The URBAN I project was implemented from 1996 to 1999 and dedicated to kick- start urban regeneration in the neighbourhoods around the Gürtel, the above mentioned inner-city circular road which links traditional working-class neighbourhoods dating back to the late 19th century. The area is marked by high unemployment, the presence of immigrant communities and an inadequate housing substance. The URBAN programme in the long-stretched area of 63 square km (which is home to 130.000 people) focused on labour market measures, support for small enterprises as well as targeted investments in the urban infrastructure to increase the attractiveness of the public space. URBAN I had long-term effects insofar, as it provided the basis for a follow-up programme called ‘Target Area (Zielgebiet) Gürtel’ which started in 2002. The positive experiences regarding citizen involvement made in the URBAN I programme, particularly around the renovation of a public space called ‘Yppenplatz’ (s. below) played an important role with regard to the establishment of the so called ‘Gürtel Advisory Committee (Gürtelbeirat)’ which was one of the central elements of the ‘Target Area Gürtel’ programme. It was composed of, one half each, of representatives of public authorities and representatives of the local inhabitants. The Advisory Committee not only acted as an information exchange platform between the administration and the citizens but also decided upon all major projects which have been developed in different working groups.

The URBAN II project showed a somewhat different profile, as the new programme area had a more peripheral location and was dominated by a former slaughterhouse area and abandoned industrial sites. Brownfield development measures and their

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Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e associated large investment projects thus dominated the URBAN II programme, although residential areas with 22.800 inhabitants (with characteristics similar to the URBAN I area) were part of the 16 square km site as well.

Finally, the Objective 2- programme was being implemented in disadvantaged parts of two districts home to 60.000 people, with a focus on strengthening small and medium-sized businesses as well as the qualification base. In both Objective 2 areas (Volkert- and Alliiertenviertel, 2 nd district; Wallensteinplatz neighbourhood, 20 th district) specific working groups mainly consisting of citizens concerned with developing and setting measures to improve the quality of public spaces were built. They were actively involved in re-designing public space and in starting campaigns, which informed about actions to improve the attractiveness of public spaces.

Taken together, the three programmes have benefited close to 14% of Vienna’s total population, and has resulted in an inflow of 32.9 Mio.€ in EU funds over a decade. Together with the national co-financing contribution, 96 Mio.€ of public spending was associated with URBAN I/II and objective 2 between 1996 and 2006. However, these figures must be seen in context. In comparison to overall spending for urban development, business support or qualification measures, they are close to miniscule. For example, while in 2002 Vienna spent 289.2 Mio. € on business support, only 2.3 Mio.€ stemmed from EU programmes. In the same year, not fewer than 773.4 Mio.€ were spent on public works, of which 1.9 Mio.€ were EU funds dedicated to urban infrastructures.

A success has been the maintenance of achievements made under URBAN I and their transfer to a follow-up project centred on the same part of the city. This success can be linked to the primarily responsibility of the planning departments which seem to have incorporated important features of the URBAN I programme in their planning activities. This assumption is underlined by the designation of 13 key areas of action in the urban development plan 2005. These areas (which are not strictly fixed geographically) should receive special treatment in the form of holistic programmes aiming at exploring and utilising existing development potentials while including relevant stakeholders in the area.

c. 3 Key Areas of Action These areas have been delineated in the current Urban Development Plan (STEP 05; City of Vienna 2005). The approach is part of a newly fostered area-based urban policy aiming at solving problems in areas, which show specific problems (e.g. deprivation) or exhibit some development potentials. It is an ambitious programme- based, and hence, cross-departmental approach, which serves as a basis for coordinating all relevant development measures set within different policy fields (City of Vienna 2005: 202). Integrated planning steps, participatory planning procedures are used for developing action programmes for each area for a period of 5 to 10 years. These plans should be developed along the basic principles of urban development in Vienna, which are sustainability, diversity policy and gender mainstreaming. The development processes is accompanied by a ‘support group’ consisting of official district and city representatives and of actors from the civil society. Basically, the support groups are responsible for monitoring the implementation of the area

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The West Belt is one of the 13 key areas of action defined within the Urban Development Plan. It covers parts of the 15 th , 5 th , 6 th , 7 th , 16 th , 17 th , 18 th and 19 th district. One of the main tasks regarding this area is setting measures for urban regeneration, stabilizing the local economy, improving its image, organizing traffic and improving the quality of life. As mentioned above the belt (‘Gürtel’) is one of the most used larger streets in Vienna separating the inner and outer districts. Main characteristics of the West Belt area (630 hectares) are its bad image, old and bad housing structures (mainly ‘Gründerzeitliche Bauten’, houses built at the end of the 19 th century), traffic congestion, obliteration of living space, high level of unemployment, low level of education, high level of migrants, economic problems (due to re-location of parts of the local economy), and segregation tendencies. 132.000 persons are living in the area; the share of foreigners amounts to 24% in the inner-belt parts and 32.5% in the outer-belt parts, which are both above the Viennese average. As shown above, the spatial concentration of socially disadvantaged persons (Austrians and non-Austrians) as well as the potential pressure on using public spaces by different social groups and potential social conflicts is remarkable in the whole area.This area was formerly part of the URBAN I programme, so some experiences have been already made concerning integrated, area-based and participatory development. d. List of integrated urban regeneration programmes, projects activated and considered interesting for the Sha.Ke project case promotion Type of aims description Public spaces and services Main program actors me Object EU, local Area- Improving - parts of the 2 nd - permanent breakfast at the Differ- ive 2 co- based quality of and 20 th Volkertplatz ent financing inte- life, district - walking space Volkertplatz munici- grated- supporting - old housing - Arts in public space pal approach the local stock - Leasure and re-creation areas depart- economy, within the Alliiertenviertel ments, - high share of improving - Areas for depositing bicycles Vienna foreigners the - Traffic census in the Volkert- and Bus- educational - bad Alliiertenviertel iness level of infrastructure Pro- inhabitants, - high motion upgrading unemployment Fund, the image - participatory citizens of the area, bottom-up busin- improving approach ess housing - Establishment repre- conditions of local area senta- management tives

UR- EU, local Area- Reha- - along the belt Renovation of the Yppenplatz: Munici- BAN I co- based bilitation - old housing - new functional pattern of the pal financing inte- and stock market place depart- grated creation of - lack of public - joint marketing by the ments, approach jobs spaces representatives of the local citizens through - high share of economy repre-

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qualify- socially - new design of the free usable senta- cation, disadvantaged space for citizens tives of organi- persons - new organisation of economy- the sation and - bottom-up, related traffic local investment, participatory - erection of space for bicycles econo- building process my new social and cultural publicity, improving local environ- ment and infra- structure, cultural and social facilities Key Locally Area- setting - Different Maria vom Siege – Munici- Areas financed based measures districts along - Platz/neighbourhood: pal of inte- for urban the belt - upgrading the image of public depart- Action, grated regener- - Old and bad space through arts ments, ‘West approach ation, housing stock performances VIEW- Belt’ stabilizing - High share of - provision of new parks for the coor- the local socially residents in a participatory dination economy, disadvantaged approach urban improving persons - public space as collective rege- its image, - Lack of memory: setting projects ner- organizing provision of remembering the Jewish ation traffic and pubic spaces history of the neighbourhood office, improving - High potential - enhancing the identification of citizens the quality pressure on citizens with their of life using public neighbourhood through re- space designing public spaces - Participatory - establishment of a processes neighbourhood management - initiating social dialogues between generations

Urban Locally Area- Modern- - Districts along Renovation of the Yppenplatz: VIEW- Regen financed based ising the belt See above coor- eration approach housing - Old and bad dination – stock, housing stock Hippspace: munici- ‘West avoiding - High share of - upgrading the disadvantaged pal Belt’ - the socially neighbourhood ‘HIppviertel’ depart- VIEW displace- disadvantaged through the establishment of a ments, ment of persons governance structure citizens socially - Lack of (participation) urban disadvant- provision of - strengthening social and inter- rege- aged pubic spaces cultural dialogue ner- persons, - High potential - promoting social mix in the ation activating pressure on neighbourhood office citizens in using public - Empowerment measures urban space - Improving the identification of regener- - Renovating citizens with their ation public spaces neighbourhood through - supporting private investments participation (settlement of companies, etc.) processes

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50 Locally Partici- Improving - Deprived Brunnenviertel/Brunnenmarkt: Citi- places financed; patory the urban - improving the image of zens, progra formerly approach attractive- neighbourhood the market repre- mme part of ness of - Old and bad - supporting the local, sent- to URBAN public housing stock ethnic economy atives increa spaces - providing more public of se the Involve- space with leisure differ- attracti ment of facilities ent venes residents - upgrading the munici- s of Improving neighbourhood pal public the quality depart- space of life ments s Enhancing the identify- cation with the neighbour- hood

2.1.2 Potentially interesting policies and practices detected as case studies

- Yppenplatz (URBAN I, soft urban regeneration) First regeneration efforts were developed within the URBAN I programme, in which a participatory process was carried out in order to involve citizens in the development of measures to upgrade this public space. Although the participation process was relatively successful (good practice in urban regeneration in Vienna), official planning and regeneration efforts have been criticized by the population up to now as some of them are perceived as being contrary to what people suggested and as the residents have claimed a lack of information, particularly in the implementation phase.

a. promotion: different municipal departments of planning and the urban regeneration office of the 16 th Viennese district were the main actors, which strived for the renovation of the Yppenplatz mainly via the use of money coming from the EU. The Yppenplatz is located in the heart of a densely populated, deprived urban neighbourhood. The eastern side is mainly occupied by a central market, which plays an important role for providing residents with different foods. The western part of it provides space for free use for children, young and elderly people. Because of its high intensity of use by different social groups social conflicts have regularly arisen. Additionally, residents have complained of the low quality of facilities in the free usable space. Before URBAN started, a lot of projects proposals were made in order to solve these urgent problems (also brought in by residents or local business actors), but most of them have never been realized. So, for most of the relevant actors URBAN served as a new starting point and also as a sign of hope for improving the quality of the Yppenplatz. In the mean time, a lot of renovation measures have been set; particularly, the Yppenplatz plays an important role in the urban regeneration initiative “SOHO in Ottakring”. Basically, “SOHO in Ottakring” focuses on aspects of neighbourhood development, arts performances in public space and participation. b. actors involved: in the design a larger number of state and non-state actors were involved in a complex organisational structure consisting of a project

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steering group (citizens, municipal department for land use planning, planers), a working circle (experts, citizens, municipal departments, district representatives) and different thematic working groups (mainly citizens). The organisational structure of the project changed completely in the implementation phase, because the whole project was split in different single smaller projects and the involvement of citizens was less intensive leading to residents’ protests. Citizens claimed that they were not informed about the concrete implementation measures set to improve the Yppenplatz. c. structure of the project: the following approaches were set in order to renovate the Yppenplatz: development of new functional concept for the central market (e.g. shifting the farmer’s market), establishment of a ‘Piazza’ in the north- eastern part, constructional measures (e.g. improving the quality of the market stands), establishment of ‘park care’ (particularly for taking care of young people using the public space), new organisation of economy-related traffic. d. outcomes/expected outcomes: increasing the attractiveness of the area, strengthening the identification of local residents with the neighbourhood, improving the quality of public space, improving the quality of life in the neighbourhood, improving social cohesion in the neighbourhood. e. local support group: see below

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- Maria vom Siege – neighbourhood (Key Area of Action ‘West Belt’, soft urban regeneration) The neighbourhood surrounding the church Maria vom Siege has been part of urban regeneration approaches since a couple of years. This deprived urban neighbourhood, which borders to the areas of the western railway stations, mainly shows a lack of public spaces. a. promotion: different urban regeneration projects have been initiated to improve the image and quality of life of the neighbourhood. Main actors were the municipal departments for planning, the urban regeneration offices, but also citizens. Some initiatives have been developed in participation processes, particularly the project ‘Mariahilferplatzl’, which was one of the results of the participation processes carried out in the procedure ‘Target Area Gürtel’ (2002-2007). The procedure ‘Target Area Gürtel’ was a forerunner of the urban development programme ‘Key Area of Action West Belt’. What was remarkable for this forerunner programme, was the procedures’ well developed and structured participation process. Besides the project ‘Mariahilferplatzl’, the projects ‘generations in the neighbourhood’, park dream and renovating the housing stock of the Maria vom Siege neighbourhood have to be mentioned, as all of them have been based on participation processes. The project ‘park dream’ concentrated on solving social conflicts between residents and users of public space and on improving the relationship between generations through stimulating dialogues. b. actors involved: differing by project, but predominantly, in the development phase local residents, urban regeneration offices and different municipal departments have been involved. c. structure of the project: the following measures have been set to renovate public spaces: improvement of the quality of public space for recreation, new organisation of traffic in the neighbourhood, increase in the quantity of green public space, identification of the potentials and resources of the neighbourhood, improvement of the image of free public space through arts projects, solutions for social conflicts emerging in public spaces through the establishment of regular dialogues between residents. d. outcomes/expected outcomes: improving the quality of life in the neighbourhood, improving social cohesion, increasing the attractiveness of public spaces, upgrading the image of the neighbourhood e. local support group: see below

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- Brunnenviertel/Brunnenmarkt (50-places-programme) The Brunnenviertel is located in the 16 th district of Vienna and has become famous as a good practice in urban regeneration. Institutional and social practices are intertwined in the development of the neighbourhood and the public space called Brunnenmarket, which is a lively street market place providing foods and goods form different countries. This pictures the high share of migrants, who have moved from a variety of foreign countries to Vienna. Since the realization of the URBAN I programme and the annual implementation of the SOHO in Ottakring initiative the neighbourhood has shown significant changes in its image, from a migrant, red light to an arts neighbourhood. In the meantime, this development has also been critically discussed as the regeneration process is said to lead to gentrification. The regeneration processes, which started within URBAN I, was continued in the procedure ‘Target Area Gürtel’, and has finally been further developed in the programme ’50-places’. a. promotion and actors involved: the project was mainly initiated by municipal departments (especially the municipal department for architecture), the district and the urban regeneration office. It was divided into two phases: a preparation and planning and participation phase. In the preparation phase mainly a cross-departmental strategy paper was developed, which defined the structure of the project, its phases, policy goals and financing. On this basis two planning offices were assigned to realize the planning and participation process. In this phase an informal and indirect participation processes served as the basis for the development of further goals and recommendations. Beyond this framework, the establishment of a market management was discussed on the political level and short-terms measures were set through the provision of a participatory budget. The organisational structure was based on a project group, steering group and planning groups (mainly citizens). After the implementation of the more informal participation process, the ‘network Brunnenviertel’ was established. It was not only possible to active residents to take part in the formal participation process, but also to involve the ‘hard-to-reach-group’ of the local economy, who own market stands in the Brunnemarket. b. structure of the project: the following measures are set for renovating public spaces: re-designing the Brunnengasse (street), increasing the attractiveness of existing public spaces, changing traffic organisation, improving the quality of the street market Brunnengasse, development of a joint market management c. outcomes/expected outcomes: development of a design concept for the Brunnenmarket, development of a neighbourhood development concept, activation of residents, enhancing the identification with the neighbourhood, improving the quality of life d. Local support group: see below

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- Hippspace (Key Area of action, soft urban regeneration) The ‘Hipp’ neighbourhood, which is located in the 16 th district of Vienna, is densely populated and densely built, exhibits a high share of privately owned old housing stock, a still high share of sub-standard flats and a lack of infrastructure and public spaces. It is considered as an urban regeneration area within the key area of action West Belt. a. promotion: the project ‘Hippspace’ (12.2888 inhabitants; 44% of them are non-Austrians) will be initiated by the urban regeneration office and the VIEW-coordinator. The area of the project ‘Hippspace’ covers 25 hectares and shows the features of a deprived urban neighbourhood. Particularly, its rich diversity in terms of social groups is remarkable. Average households incomes are below the Viennese average, while the percentage of young and elderly people with migration background is above average. Population growth will be considerable in the next years – it is expected that growth will amount to 20,1% between 2005 and 2020 b. actors involved: the Hipp neighbourhood should be developed in a participation process together with residents, representatives of the local economy, official representatives of the district and different municipal departments. Organisationally the project will rely on the establishment of an advisory council (representatives of residents and the political-administrative system with a 50%-50% balance, which will decide upon the eligibility of projects), projects (mainly developed with residents, especially targeting socially disadvantaged persons), and the ‘hippspace’ office (interdisciplinary team providing information and consultancy for residents). c. structure of the project: measures to renovate public spaces in the whole neighbourhood will be jointly developed with the residents; these measures will aim at creating new green public space, improving the attractiveness of existing public space, strengthening the identification with the neighbourhood by the residents. d. expected outcomes: strengthening the dialogue between the public and representatives of the political-administrative system, identifying and fostering the endogenous resources of the neighbourhood, supporting social mix, improving the access to social resources (e.g. education, labour market) for socially disadvantaged persons, improving the identification with the neighbourhood, building social capital, inducing influx of private investments e. local support group: the local support in the Vienna case studies is built around the ‘Key Area of Action West Belt’ as all case studies are located in this area though some of them combined with different urban regeneration initiatives. The core local support group consists of the following members. Members of the City of Graz (urban planning department) will be regularly invited to bring in their experiences and knowledge concerning area-based, integrated and participatory approaches in urban regeneration.

Name Institution Knowledge, experiences role related to the topic DI Andrea Mann, GB16, VIEW- Urban planning, urban Coordinator, DI Florian Brand coordination offices, regeneration, developing promoter of urban regeneration and implementing projects, office participation processes, implementation

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activating citizens, of projects, coordination between supporting the municipal departments analysis; Ing. Wolfgang Municipal Department Developing and Promoting Vevera, Mag. Birgit 27 – EU strategy and implementing EU regional projects Nikles economic development policy programmes eligible for the supporting and developing current funding projects within EU period programmes DI Dr. Wolfgang Municipal Department Urban planning, Supporting the Sengelin 21A – District planning coordination between analyses, and land use Central municipal departments promoting West – area projects, coordination coordinating activities in the areas DI Elisabeth Irschik Municipal Department Architectural design of Supporting the 19 - Architecture and public spaces analyses, Urban Design giving consultancy Dr. DI Katharina Urban regeneration District planning, Supporting the Kirsch-Soriano da offices of the 14th and participation processes, analysis, Silva 15th district activating residents, promoting and providing information on developing urban regeneration; projects, information about social dissemination groups and their interests of knowledge DI Gehmayr Urban regeneration District planning, Supporting the office of the 17th and participation processes, analysis, 18th district activating residents, promoting and providing information on developing urban regeneration; projects, information about social dissemination groups and their interests of knowledge Mag. Tina Verein Gürtel Wien; Quality of life in the district, Promoting and Gerstenmayer private citizens problems of residents developing assication projects DI Birgit Binder Municipal Department Urban planning, URBACT II Promoting and 18 – Urban knowledge, strategic developing Development and planning projects, Planning building links between URBACT programmes Reinhold Eckhard Verein Zeit!Raum; Social work, children and Implementation NGO youth care of projects, consultancy Michaela Judy VHS Ottakring, adult Problems of the districts Implementation education centre of the from the point of view of an of projects, 15th district. educational institution, developing setting labour market ideas measures Nazim Erdem Municipal Department Diversity management, Promoting and 17 – Integration and integration policies, solving developing Diversity social conflicts projects

Main goals of the Local Support Group will be: - giving inputs to the base line study

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- identifying case studies - developing pilot projects with regard to the renovation and revitalization of public spaces in deprived urban neighbourhoods - developing guidelines for renovating public spaces - strengthening an area-based and integrated approach in urban regeneration - developing a local action plan

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Images of the Vienna case studies

Key Areas of Action – ‘West Belt’ (sources: http://www.wien.gv.at/stadtentwicklung/projekte/zielgebiete/westguertel/ ; City of Vienna, MA18 2005: Urban Development Plan 2005. Short Report. Vienna)

4 Images (s. attachement)

Yppenplatz (sources: VIEW-Westgürtel)

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Maria vom Siege (source: VIEW-Westgürtel)

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Hippspace (sources: VIEW-Westgürtel; Stadt Wien)

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Brunnenviertel (source: City of Vienna, MA18 (ed.): Aufwertung des Brunnenviertels Werkstattberichte, Nr. 67. Wien).

2 Images (s. atachement)

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Images (s. attachement)

Sources: City of Graz 2002: STEK 3.0, Graz; http://cms.graztourismus.at/cms/ziel/1196915/DE/)

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2.2 The City of Graz

2.2.1 Context elemens a. Information on historical development, population and economic dynamics Graz is the capital city of the federal province of Austria located in the southern part of Austria 33 . It is the second largest city in Austria in terms of population. Since the Habsburg Empire, Graz has ever played an important role as an industrial and service centre in Austria. Politically, Graz is governed by the Conservatives (ÖVP), who won the last election to local parliament in 2008. Between 1988 and 2003 the Social Democrats (SPÖ) were in the lead. However, what is characteristic of the political system of Graz, is its fragmentation in different political parties, particularly with a relatively strong Green Party, which is currently involved in a coalition with the ÖVP, and a surprisingly strong Communist Party (KPÖ).

A dynamic economic development . In 2001, measured by per-capita regional GDP, Graz holds the third position among all Austrian regions behind Vienna and Linz- Wels. Similar to the situation in Vienna the entry of Austria to the European Union and the opening of eastern Europe brought long-term advantages for the city and the surrounding region. Thanks to this development Graz was able to establish itself as a banking and insurance centre with an increasing engagement in south-eastern Europe. Between 1995 and 2001 the economy in the conurbation of Graz grew by an average of 3.9% (well above the Austrian average), representing a remarkable upswing from the eighties, when Styria was hard hit by structural change. As a centre of the formerly nationalised heavy industry, in particular the problems of the steel industry marked a deep crisis that led to below-average growth and incomes, not only in most parts of the province, but also in Graz itself. However, after painful adaptations Styria managed to turn its industrial heritage into a locational asset, with strong new automotive and engineering industries emerging (Wolffhardt & Bartik 2005; Hamedinger et al. 2008: 2676 ff). Its recent economic and spatial development policies are orientated to promote different economic clusters like an automotive cluster or creative industries. Remarkably, the degree of innovation of Graz in terms of industrial and service-related inventions is relatively high (high number of patents).

Slightly increasing population. From 1850 to the end of the 1970s population growth was remarkable due to migration. Between the end of the 1970s and 2001 the number of habitants declined mainly as the sub-urbanisation processes has started; this is a spatial process, which is still detrimental for the core city in terms of number of inhabitants. Concerning demographic trends especially the communities in the south of the city benefited from the positive economic development, whereas the city as a whole is confronted with a slight decrease of the population figures in this period.

33 The city is divided into 17 district. The city’s political-administrative system consists of the Mayor, the City Councillors and the city parliament (with 52 seats). 181

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Since 2001 population growth has set in again, leading to a population amounting to 257.898 inhabitants in 2010. b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay The number of persons, which are at-risk-of poverty, has grown in the last years in Graz due to an increase of unemployment and to a downswing of real wages. In Graz, persons, who are affected by social exclusion and poverty are women, migrants and single mothers. Currently, 13% of the population are running the risk of slipping into poverty, while 7% of the population are living in manifested poverty (Stenner 2010). The number of persons receiving social assistance has increased between 2004 and 2007 considerably (+390 persons). In 2008 5615 persons received social transfers to make a living, which is a plus of 783 persons compared to 2004. Particularly and more seriously, the number of persons, which permanently are supported by social transfers has grown between 2007 and 2008 by 554. This development is clearly visible in the socio-spatial structures of the city, as social segregation has intensified in the last years. While on the left side of the river Mur (dividing the inner, s district from outer districts) only 1% to 4% of the population received social assistance, on the right side of the river this figures amounts up to 24%. Particularly, the district Gries, which was included in URBAN I, shows a relatively high concentration of socially disadvantaged persons.

In 2009 Graz embarked upon an accentuated policy to fight poverty and social exclusion, which is summarized in the ‘Action Programme Against Poverty. This policy approach mainly relies on improving the housing conditions and the provision of cheap housing for poor and socially disadvantaged households as well as on labour market measures and the provision of social infrastructure for single mothers. c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach The urban development plan of 2002 is the main planning instrument in Graz, which sets the framework for spatial, economic and demographic development. Its main function is to define the future functional spatial pattern of the city. This development plan is currently revised. The draft revised version concentrates on the following issues: • positioning Graz as a prosperous region • improving cooperation between the surrounding municipalities and the City of Graz as well with neighbouring cities like Maribor in Slovenia • further integration of migrants • strengthening an integrated approach to urban development through cross-departmental work and participation of citizens • enhancing the living quality in all urban neighbourhoods and • enabling qualitative growth (predominantly through a concentration on inner-city development, urban regeneration and on increasing the density of the built area as well as developing conversion areas (http://www.graz.at/cms/beitrag/10122262/2431671 ). Urban regeneration is planned to be carried out through setting investments and securing areas in disadvantaged and densely built areas.

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The implementation of the two programmes URBAN I and URBAN II as well as of one Urban Pilot Project (UPP) has had a considerable impact on urban regeneration in Graz as for the first time area-based and integrated approaches have been carried out. After all, the implementation of the programmes has been a great success concerning what was learnt by the relevant actors, which took part in the programmes. UPP, URBAN I and URBAN II are conceived as interesting case studies for Sha:ke because of their effects on the approach to urban regeneration in Graz and because of the existence of innovative institutional practices with regard to renovating and revitalizing public spaces in the programme areas.

The eligibility for funding through these programmes resulted from the existence of city quarters with structural weaknesses in terms of unemployment, qualification deficits, weak economic potential and lack of social cohesion. With ‘URBAN I- Gries’, ‘e.l.m.a.s’ (co-funded by DG Regio as Urban Pilot Programme) and ‘URBAN II-Graz West’, parts of the city which are home to about 18% of the population subsequently became the objectives of urban regeneration programmes. Following the comprehensive area-based model, they were organised around the principles of programme planning and partnership. The amount of available EU funds resulted – in the context of the smaller size of the city – in a much higher impact of the programme on urban development as compared to Vienna. An overall programme volume of 42.7 Mio.€ (including national co-financing) for the period 1996 to 2006 in Graz and of 96 Mio.€ in Vienna means that (on a per-capita basis in purely financial terms) the EU programmes have been about three times as important to Graz than to Vienna (Wolffhardt & Bartik 2005).

The relative size of the programmes in this medium-sized city was very high, and practically all sustained efforts to support disadvantaged neighbourhoods have been channelled through the EU programmes. The programmes have had significant effects on the intra-administrative balance and patterns of improved cross-departmental cooperation. Until URBAN, officials from the various departments engaged in district management (like the social assistance office or the youth welfare office) hardly cooperated with the urban planning departments. In this setting, the area-based programmes tend to have lasting effects beyond the end of the programming periods. To summarize, the principles of these EU programmes created the incentive to start thinking in the much more widespread terms of a programme and to build political consensus around development visions for disadvantaged quarters of the city. An acknowledgment of further being in tune with integrated urban development is also clearly visible in the latest conception of the Urban Development Plan (s. above), which should be decided by local parliament this year. In the draft version of this plan urban development is conceived as a matter not only addressing planning but also affecting different policy fields (www.Graz.gv.at, 21.1.2010).

2.2.2 Potentially interesting policies and practices detected as case studies – URBAN I and URBAN II areas 34

URBAN I – Gries – promoters, involved actors, structure and outcomes

34 all areas and their demarcation is pictured in the annex; as well as images of URBAN II Graz-West 183

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Although in URBAN I more administration departments and less external partners were involved than in URBAN II (particularly in the initiating phase), URBAN I gave strong incentives for network building between private actors and the administration as well as between non-governmental actors outside the administration. In the years after URBAN I ‘IG Gries’, a platform established by local enterprises, partly developed into a platform for district management. Although the project could not be maintained in the longer term, it has nevertheless provided a foundation for future network-building in the Gries. Similar or even more successful experiences were made in the social sector, where a lasting network centred around the so-called ‘Café Palaver’ (a URBAN I project) could be initiated.

In the URBAN I programme important know-how in relation to network-building was gained. Especially in the social sector, networks between NGOs (as well as between the administration and NGOs) were established, and have proved stable to this day. Besides the efforts of the administration in the field of communication and public relations, which facilitated the establishment of networks, the requirements regarding project evaluations were also seen as opportunities for developing communication processes in the framework of evaluation workshops. The networks created in the URBAN I area proved stable and sustainable after the end of the programme and related projects are still operating successfully to this day.

Projects, which aimed at renovating public spaces within URBAN I: - realization of the Oeverseepark: this project enhanced the provision of green and leisure space in the area for different social groups (e.g. children); the masterplan was developed through carrying out an intensive participation process (based on the work of neighbourhood committees and on the realization of public events) - improvement of traffic space for the requirements of specific social groups (youth, elderly persons, etc.): main goal was the improvement of the access from and to the inner-city districts. - establishment of a ‘Parkbetreuung’ (park care) in the whole area: this project concentrated on the establishment of a long term conflict management in parks and on the stimulation of social dialogues between Austrians and non- Austrians as well as young and elderly persons. - erection of housing facilities for homeless people (called the “forgotten village”): this project particularly concentrated on improving the quality of life of homeless people through the provision of buildings for their free use; the project was initiated by a group of artists working in the URBAN area.

URBAN II – Graz-West – (carried out until 2007) promoters, involved actors, structures and outcomes The project area covered 750 hectares and comprised nearly 32.000 inhabitants. In the 18 th and 19 th century the area was transformed into a commercial and industry zone. The industrial heritage is still shaping the economic and social structures of the area. Hence, the programme aimed at solving the problem emerging from the existence of large scale industrial areas and, simultaneously, of residential areas comprising a high share of socially disadvantaged persons. Furthermore, the area Graz-West is bordering the main railway station and shows the characteristics of an old, mono-functional

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Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e industrial zone. The main goals of the programme were development of opportunities offered by the information society, sustainable urban district development, concomitant process communications and technical assistance.

Under URBAN II network-centred decision-making was extended to both the programme planning and the project implementation stages. The Operational Programme was based on a wide-ranging consultation process which preceded the programme start, in which the administration reached out to prospective project developers, external expertise, NGOs and citizen platforms well beyond the traditional interest organisations involved in Vienna and thus secured widespread commitment. Furthermore, the municipality commissioned a privately-run, dedicated programme office for the whole programme period which took over key tasks in the operational implementation. Strategic as well as specific project-related decisions were reached in joint efforts by the EU/planning department and the programme office, with consultation of the stakeholder community which was consciously activated at the outset of the programme. While the municipality maintained strategic control, tasks and duties were constantly re-defined, negotiated and adapted between the managing authority, the programme office and project carriers. The close involvement and commitment of business actors was a remarkable achievement. Besides the existence of a close cooperation with the Styrian Business Agency it was possible to develop a joint business strategy for the target area in co-operation with the ‘Fachhochschule Johaneum’ (a polytechnic), the ‘Bau- und Grünlandsicherungsgesellschaft’ (the municipal real estate development agency) and ‘Brau-Union’ (both the largest brewery in Austria and the biggest landowner in the target area). Meanwhile an association ‘Human Technology Styria’ was established, which includes private and public actors. It seems that the interaction between the different spheres was functioning smoothly, which was also mirrored in the fact that in the field of economic policy an informal network was established (including private enterprises), which operated without the direct assistance of the administration. Nevertheless the actors involved the ‘European Programmes and International Cooperation Unit’ on a voluntary basis. This positive environment facilitated the mobilisation of capital from private actors, making possible a public funding quota that turned out be 10% below the anticipated figure.

Finally, the considerable involvement of civil society actors was facilitated by a markedly high budget for communication activities and a small project fund which was geared towards the needs and expectations of the voluntary sector. Above- average financial resources were dedicated to the participation and communication programme strand. The ‘Small Project Fund’ framework gave local citizens (and the districts) real decision-making power in relation to local infrastructure or social projects for the first time. The organisation of the fund was made up of one political representative for each district in the target area, four representatives of the local inhabitants (nominated by the district council) and one member from the EU/planning department. Although this involvement was quite limited in scale, it nevertheless represented an innovation for urban development efforts in Graz and might generate more permanent forms of citizen participation in the near future (Wolffhardt & Bartik 2005).

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Projects aiming at renovating public space, which have been partially realized within the URBAN II programme area, are: - development of a concept for relieving traffic on a main road in the course of a participation process - improvement of the pedestrian and bicycle lane net: this measure had some positive effects on life quality and on solving traffic problems in the area. - erection of a public event hall (Helmut-List-Halle): the project aimed at improving the cultural and economic infrastructures in the area as well as at enhancing the image of the area. It is a flagship project of architectural, sustainable design and construction in the area. - re-designing public spaces in order to provide the residents with more green and free accessible public spaces. These measures contributed to upgrade the quality of life in the whole area.

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URBAN I and URBAN II

3 Images (s. attachement)

Sources: City of Graz, the Executive Office for Urban Planning, Development and Construction; European Programmes and International Cooperation Unit.

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3. Hafen City University of Hamburg Case study Hamburg. Public Space in different Planning Concepts” Prof. Dr. Ingrid Breckner, Dr. Massimo Bricocoli, HafenCity Universität Hamburg

Hafencity summer 2009, foto Massimo Bricocoli

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3.1 Context elements a. Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions A wealthy city state. In the Federal State of Germany, the so called “Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg” has the status of City State (as Bremen and Berlin) and therefore the city administration equals the administration of a State, in terms of competences and powers 35 . This is a central element to be considered in profiling the city, as the status of City State, allows a consistent autonomy in the governance of urban planning and policies. The seven districts (“Bezirke”) in which the city administration is organized display of significant power on many local planning issues. Hamburg (1700 inhabitants) is the second largest city in Germany (after Berlin) and definitely plays a central role in the national economy and as major hub in the north western region of the Country. Historically, the city economy is strongly based on the harbour and on related industrial and trading activities. Significant change and restructuring has been affecting the harbour economical system. While a consistent tertiary development is allowing Hamburg to play a leading role in many sectors of the national economy, such as publishing, finance, trade, the development of new high tech industries provided that the city didn´t therefore suffer dramatically from the severe effects of structural industrial change. Hamburg is currently ruled by a coalition led by the Christian Democratic Party and the Green Party. Economic restructuring and social polarisation. While the city has been successfully meeting the challenges of economic restructuring in the post-fordist economy, economic development and city growth in Hamburg feature consistent social and economic polarization processes. A new urban polarization occurs as an outcome of the features of contemporary economic development which is providing selective job opportunities that are systematically excluding the less qualified and blue-collar labour force, a trend which has been constantly monitored is the spatial concentration of disadvantage and its combination with other forms of deprivation. b. Spatial distribution of poverty and decay. The city is divided into seven districts (Bezirke) (with a population each between 119.000 and 410.000 inhabitants) which have significant autonomy in concrete local planning and decisions. The organisation into city districts is though not only an administrative issue: while several of the districts previously used to be autonomous cities, furthermore it is a set of different features which distinguish strong identity profiles rooted in historical, social, cultural, spatial and economic factors 36 .

35 Hamburg was part of the “Hansa League” founded in the late middle ages as a network of cities. The Hansa cities always maintained independency from the “Reich/Empire” and these explains the overall strong sense of autonomy that the city expresses with reference to the Federal state. 36 The districts of Altona, Barmbek, Bergedorf and Harburg were annexed to the city of Hamburg only in 1937 when Hitler promoted the so called Greater Hamburg law. 191

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Within the spatial differentiation and distribution of wealth, social and economic disadvantage tends to be concentrated in three different spaces: - inner city historic neighbourhoods, with a dense urban structure, old housing units mainly privately owned and let for rent, (es. St. Pauli, Altona Altstadt, St. Georg), - large social housing estates built by the city or by housing cooperatives at the beginning of the 900’s, - large social housing projects developed in the post-war years (60’s and 70’s) in the form of autonomous settlements. In the first situation, the transformation and valorisation of this dense traditional urban neighbourhoods is occurring in a context of consistent conflicts raised by the risks of rapid gentrification. It is to be stressed that the population of foreign origin, which in the booming decades of the post world war two provided labour-force for the developing industry, is nowadays definitely a part of the city population which is mostly vulnerable and deprived. New trends and problems in a growing city. In the last decade, the policy agenda of the city Hamburg was dominated by an overwhelming reference to growth. “Metropole Hamburg. Wachsende stadt” (“Metropolis Hamburg, a growing city”) has been a leitmotiv introduced in 2002 and since then mainstreamed by the city administration as an overwhelming goal. With the objective of promoting and supporting re-urbanisation processes, the city developed concepts and policies for urban development with the aim of acquiring more population, possibly wealthy new inhabitants providing qualifications as well as a consistent fiscal income. While the increase of population is within the average trend in a time of re-urbanisation in most of large German cities, the tension in the city housing market is very high given the permanent lack of affordable housing for the population with low or middle income. In the last year, urban development is more and more a contested issue and several urban conflicts in those areas were new projects are putting at risk the social sustainability of the living population. Most conflicts raise in those inner areas with older housing buildings which tend to be either renewed and sold or demolished for the development of more intensive building projects. Under the motto “the right to the city” (recalling the renown contribution of Henri Lefebvre), several local groups are organizing residents and local actors against the real estate developers and investors promoting renewal projects. c. The involvement of the local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tools and/or programmes The development of integrated policies targeting different dimensions of deprivation and aiming at the regeneration of disadvantaged neighbourhoods is an issue in the City of Hamburg’s policy agenda since the 1990’s. The first programmes which were developed in Hamburg had a pioneering character and were afterwards mainstreamed at the national level. In the following notes, some of the major steps in the development of policies and practices in neighbourhood regeneration in Hamburg (Como, 2008) are outlined. It is interesting to record how through different terms and names, the issue has been subsequently framed and reframed: time after time, the “social” dimension and the reference to “problems” become weaker while an orientation to activation and development takes the lead. The critical issue is though

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Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e that, beside the policy rhetoric, along the time the social and economic nature of deprivation have become significantly more “structural” in the new economy arrangements. a. in 1994 , The “ Armutsbekämpfungsprogramm ”, a programme within the EU framework of “Fight against poverty” policies was developed on 8 different neighbourhoods. The main focus was on economic development and job insertion measures, while the involvement of different departments of the city administration and of the inhabitants were key issues in the approach. b. In 1998 , the development of the “ Soziale Stadtteilentwicklung ” was taking advantage of the previous experience and was enforced with some new features: the opening of local area-offices, the development of integrated concepts for neighbourhood development. The concept was aiming at a re-organisation of public action and assumed an area-based approach as a lever to promote the convergence and integration of the actions of different departments. The housing estate of Lurup in Hamburg was selected as one of the 16 pilot areas in the country in which the development of a model-programme would have contributed to the definition of the national regeneration programme, “ Die Soziale Stadt ”. c. In the period 2005-2008 , the programme “ Aktive Stadtteilentwicklung ” extended public action in the direction of neighbourhood regeneration combining the tradition of urban renewal programs 37 with more integrated approaches to multidimensional urban regeneration along what was recalled as a “Hamburger model”. A main feature of the programme is the differentiation of two different actions (Buergerschaft der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg, 2005): - “development neighbourhoods”, where public action should be broad and comprehensive and - “theme oriented neighbourhoods”, where public action should focus on more specific objectives and within defined time horizons (4 years). The finalities of the neighbourhood programme were corresponding to the strategic vision of “Metropolis Hamburg – growing city” and assumed that: - disadvantaged neighbourhoods should be dealt as areas of potential development and not as problem areas, while - public action should be targeted to those neighbourhood at risk of becoming less “attractive” because of their decaying physical environment, deficits in infrastructures and social problems. Areas of intervention were defined as follows: housing improvement, valorisation of public spaces, the stabilization and development of local economic activities, strengthening of local social life context, promoting cultural integration, improving education and health, safety as a source of attractiveness. The available budget consisted of 39 million euro (for the period 2005 to 2009) while 1,7 million euro were to be funded by the Soziale Stadt Federal programme. The overall rule was that funding could be only spent dedicated to expenditures in investments, while staff costs and services were to be covered with other complementary sources of funding to be made available at the district level or by

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other city departments. This orientation was clearly limiting the effectiveness of the programme to physical interventions. d. In 2006 , during a mid-term evaluation, the Major of the City directly experienced the critical situation in several neighbourhoods and promoted a further development of local regeneration policies. While the new programme was initially named “The Bürgermeister programme” (The programme of the Major), the new initiative, was then launched under the title “” Lebenswerte Stadt Hamburg ” with the objective of extending the benefits of the overall development of the city to neighbourhoods which require stabilization, through redistribution measures and development of local potentials. 10 neighbourhoods were selected as target areas for special actions targeting education and families (budget: 80 millions of euro until 2011), 6 neighbourhoods (Wilhelmsburg, Lohbruegge-Ost, Altona-Altstadt, Billstedt, Steilshoop, Barmbek-Sud) were selected for actions aiming at intensifying the previous programme (budget: 10 millions of euro to be spent within a year in 2006). In all the cases it is to be underlined that the budget was mainly available for expenditure with limitation only to physical interventions and infrastructures (so for example, for the construction of children and family centres). In Altona-Altstadt (as in Barmbek-Sud) the construction of Community infrastructures in the form of a “Community Center” was the main objective of the programme, within the framework of the undergoing activities of the “Aktive Stadtteilentwicklung” programme. e. In 2009 , a framework programme has been launched under the title ” RISE ”, Rahmenprogramm Integrierte Stadtteilentwicklung (Framework programme for integrated neighbourhood development). The leitmotiv of the program is promoting the image of the City of Hamburg “Growing - with a long term perspective” and the local government has been investing in development policies centred on creativity and sustainability. With the RISE programme, specific statements have been released to support re-distribution actions aimed at strengthening the living conditions of the most vulnerable population and at improving the living and housing context (Buergergeschaft der Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg, 2009). The Rise programme is mainly assuming very wide objectives, targeting the integration of the different undergoing programs and actions while ensuring the involvement of five different departments of the local administration. Three main objectives are identified: - the improvement of living conditions through social and physical stabilisation of the neighbourhoods, - the improvement of development perspectives of the local population in the domains of education, labour, local economy and integration of the foreign population and the - strengthening of participation and activities led by the inhabitants. The areas of intervention are defined as follows: job insertion, qualification and professional education; local economy; education; family support; housing, Spatial context and public spaces ; culture in the neighbourhood; health promotion; environment and traffic; safety and crime prevention; sport and leisure.

The selection of priority among the above mentioned areas of intervention is depending on the local context and on the availability of local resources and actors.

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 The focus on spatial context and public spaces With reference to actions on the spatial context and public spaces, the programme is highlighting that public spaces play a significant role for social practices in areas were mobility patterns of the population is limited because of economic constraints. Moreover, the need of differentiated public spaces is recalled with references to different social groups according to age, gender, cultural traditions. The potential conflicts that are generated by contested uses of public spaces are also taken into account as inputs for the development of the program. The potentials and relevance of public spaces is underlined also with reference to the way its different qualities can foster identification and belonging as well as fear and insecurities. As central focuses of the action, four objectives are targeted: - strengthening of the physical, functional, social and symbolic value of public spaces and local contexts, - revitalisation of public squares, - care of the conditions for a significant and sustainable use of public spaces, - development of a network of public spaces to support different uses. d. The Selected case studies in Hamburg: Altona Altstadt and HafenCity The two case studies selected are chosen with the objective of highlighting issues and questions at stake in the planning, design and management of public spaces and of mainstreaming good practices. The principle which has been chosen is to identify: a. a context in which the revitalisation of decaying public spaces is a core issue for the regeneration of a socially and economically deprived neighbourhood. The selected case is Altona Altstadt . b. a context in the development of the social quality of new public spaces is assumed as a main objective and area of investment for innovation within a urban redevelopment plan. Moreover, the profile of the area under development, is such that a wider population (beyond its new inhabitants), are attracted and use local public spaces, raising conflicts among different expectations. The selected case is Hafen City .

Interesting practices to explore and possible outcomes . The main point of interest that can be detected with reference to the Sha.ke aims is: how to plan, design and organize regeneration processes (as in the case of Altona) or new urban development (the case of Hafen City) which avoid the production of social, cultural and economic homogeneity. How to develop complex urban spaces? How to build public spaces and mix of functions which promote interactions? These two very different case studies allow to investigate how different initiatives and programmes have been implying the interaction of different institutional actions, social and political practices aimed at innovation, intense and sometimes contested uses of public spaces targeted by the policies enhanced by the local government. In both case studies two main orientations of public action are present: - area based special programmes, aiming at a comprehensive and integrated management of different issues and questions at stake,

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- bottom up initiatives and programmes promoted by inhabitants and local actors.

Table 1 Demography and social profile. The city and the study areas. Hamburg Hamburg Hamburg Altona Altona Altona Altona Hafencity Altona 2000 2008 2000 2008 Altstadt Altstadt 2008 HafenCity 2000 2008 2000 and 2008 Inhabitants 1.704.929 1.735.663 240.102 250.223 28.978 26.595 760 (in 2000: 21) % of population 274.404 15,6 39.558 16,6 15,9 14,1 7,9 under 18 (16,1) (16,5) % of population 290.528 19,1 40.734 18,7 13,1 13,6 8,7 over 65 (17,0) (17,0)

% of foreign 14,1 13,2 30,3 students % of foreigners 16,0 14,1 17,6 14,4 31,9 22,2 12,9

Number of flats 852.919 886.531 116.583 125.346 14.043 13.758 549 % of social 14,9 17,9 15,9 22,4 21,5 housing Average family 1,9 1,9 X size

% of 5,9 6,7 6,4 6,5 9,7 9,6 1,7 unemployed 1) % of welfare 7,1 4,6 6,6 4,4 11,3 7,0 - recipients

Source: Statistische Amt fuer Hamburg und Schleswig-Holstein 1) % of unemployed in the age between 15-65.

3.2 Case studies

A: Altona Altsadt The selected area lies in the eastern part of the older (and previously autonomous city) centre of Altona and it is separated by the railway tracks on its western and northern border. The so called Altstadt is the oldest part of the Altona district, and was heavily destructed by the bombings of world war two. Redevelopment occurred in the sixties and seventies, along the fashion of modernist and functionalist urban planning and architecture, with solutions which rapidly showed severe shortcomings.

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As the data show, the social and economic profile of Altona Alstadt display some typical feature of an area of relative deprivation within a city that is undergoing overall successful development. The concentration of foreign population, the higher rate of unemployed and of welfare recipients are significant. In the context of the several policies that along the years were implemented in the area, the deterioration of open public spaces has been growing as an evident symbol of decay and calling for policies and action. Moreover, the issue of public space in the area is very much related to the local economic structure: the closure of the dominant large-scale retail produced an overall decay of the urban environment. A main area of crisis is the Grosse Bergstrasse, a pedestrian area which since two decades has been targeted by a set of policies and initiatives which mainly seem to be failing.

The Grosse Bergstrasse used to be a retail street already in the early 900’ s. After the destruction of world war two, in 1956 the concept of a “New Altona” was assuming the re-launching of the street as the spine of the neighborhood and aimed at launching the area as the first pedestrian commercial street in Hamburg. The pedestrian area was 35 meters wide. The opening of the new pedestrian area was in 1966. But rapidly, already in 1968 some doubts on the marketability of the intervention started to rise because of the competition of nearby retail. Under the title “City 80”, in 1968 a competition was launched by the Altona Distruct for the development of a large complex, including a shopping center and restaurant (Frappant), a shopping passage with offices (Forum) and a tower (Hochaus Jessenstrasse) as well as an extension of the pedestrian area. The Frappant was designed by the architect Borhan Mohregi (47.000sm, of which 16.700 retail). and was completed in 1973. The building of an under-passage connecting to the central station in 1979 was a first intervention to support the development of the area and is at the moment a major crisis point.

Between the 60’s and the 70’s it was developed into a modern concept of shopping center. The concept was successful but in a short term. Since the 80’s many shops and the largest commercial units started to have difficulties and by the 1990’s many of the units were left empty. In 2004, an area based programme targeting the economic redevelopment of the area launched the Grosse Bergstrasse renaming it as “Einkaufsmeile”, a “Shopping mile”: the “small boulevard” as it was described in the brochures, had new pavement, new lighting, under-passage to connect to the railway station. From 2007, buses and taxis are allowed.

After the closure of the major department store Karstadt and of the general headquarters of the Social Housing Agency (SAGA), the whole area is now considered a new urban renewal area: in the “Sanierungsgebiet” defined for the period 2006-2017, 80 million euro will be invested (by public and private actors), 2.500 inhabitants, 1800 flats, 600 of which require refurbishment. (www.steg-hamburg.de).

Current undergoing neighbourhood regeneration policies:

- From 2003, an association of shop owners has been supporting and funding quartiersmanagement in the area,

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- From 2005: Sanierungsgebiet Altona Altstadt S5”, focus on the Frappant and Forum, the program is funded until 2017, responsible is the Stadterneuerungsgesellschaft (STEG) a city owned agency that has been active in several districts for management of neighbourhood development, mainly with reference to urban maintainance and economic and retail development, - from December 2006, Integrierte Stadtentwicklung Altona Altstadt (funded until 2014) and joining “Aktive Stadtteilentwicklung” and “Sozialraummanagement” processes (social stabilization, valorizing housing, developing the local economy, activating local actors”, - “Masterplan Altona” proposing a concept for the redevelopment of the huge railway compound which is soon going to be dismissed with the relocation of the railway station, - Two projects: The Forum building to be converted into “Urbis Asset Management” and the “Frappant” into the Ikea department store (8.300 cars a day, 20.000 square meters, 35 metres high).

Case B: HafenCity “HafenCity” is the name of a large-scale urban brownfield re-development project that is providing the redevelopment of the former inner harbour of the city of Hamburg on the river Elbe. Because of the requirements of enlargement and innovation of the harbour facilities, the City of Hamburg negotiated with the Harbour authority the acquisition of the area. The costs paid to the Authority would allow the financing of new western developments of the Harbour, while the release of the very central area would allow an inner city development of large proportions (123 Hectares of land, 1,5 millions square meters of gfs) and supporting the city’s strategic vision for urban growth. The project formally started in 1998 when a competition provided a master plan for the development of the area mainly consisting of: housing (5500 units for appr. 12.000 inhabitants), offices (40000 jobs) and cultural infrastructures (the Elbphilarmonie designed by Herzog and de Meuron being the most most outstanding architectural project) (www.hafencity.com). A developing company - the “Hafencity GmbH” - ruled according to private right but fully in the control of the City of Hamburg, was instituted to implement and manage the redevelopment. This management solution is a reason of main interest of the project as it allows full control on the development of the project in terms of public interest but also a certain flexibility and freedom in the negotiation of rules and conditions with the private investors. The company has involved in the staff a person with high level competences on issues of social organisation and development who is in charge of connecting the project and design with the uses and inhabitants that are starting to locate in the area. This person will be a main resource active in the Hamburger Urbact-Sha-ke Local support Group.

Main focuses of the Hafencity project are: - Providing that the new development has urban features and complexity, - Providing that the new development is feasible and sustainable in economic terms and resistant to the risks of the real estate market, - Ensuring attractiveness and high quality of the new built environment and of the open spaces not only for residents but for the overall city population

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The approach and procedures that are adopted in the development are of extreme interest as far as the focus on the quality of design and use of public space is concerned. Assuming as a reference the trends in new large scale urban development projects, some risks were identified and measures to overcome them were identified: - The production of monofunctional urban areas (either offices or housing): the developing company is supervising through a competition system based on qualitative criteria the selection of investors on the basis of their capability in proposing complex projects with a variety of uses, - The privatisation and poverty of resulting open spaces: the quality of public open space is assumed as a key factor and a set of measures are allowing new public spaces to be highly accessible for a variety of uses, recognising and taking care of the many conflicts that may emerge, - The rigidity of the design of a masterplan in the face of changes along the implementation phases: a constant reflective action is undertaken to revise and to redirect the proposals of the masterplan taking into great care the learnings that emerge along the implementation process and from the users - The poverty of social relations and lack of social organisation in new urban developments: beside the effort in producing a complex urban environment, a strong impulse is given to the development of networks of local actors and stakeholders. As a first result and element of interest, we may stress that new public open spaces in the Hafen city are already intensively accessed and used by a vast number of people (local inhabitants, citizens from the rest of the city of Hamburg, tourists) although the area is still largely a building site. The care that is being invested in this ongoing process is assuming design as a sort of constant exploration of hypothesis and outcomes and is definitely a major reason of interest for a comparative investigation of Hafencity and Altona Altstadt.

3.3 The interest of the two case studies

3.3.1 Altona Altstadt, or: the future of a deprived area in a central location. The themes dealt with are those of ghettoisation, poverty, exclusion, devaluation of properties (because of the poor profile of inhabitants, shops, schools etc), in an area quite central with a strong potential for gentrification. It is a case of conflict between the interests (correctly or incorrectly identified) of residents (fear of being expulsed by the rehabilitation of the area), local commerce (hoping the new richer residents and a new large commerce enterprise –IKEA- would enlarge their market), the local administration (in favour of activating a rehabilitation programme for the area). The Ikea proposal activated a variety of forms of opposition to the project, but at the same time a front of supporters.

 Possible outcome: a sort of action research contribution to be developed with and provided to the local actors to support them in better defending local interests and values against over-imposed “upgrading” actions. What is new, what is old in the approach of institutions to development (the old and the new department store)

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3.3.2 HafenCity, or how to build a new ‘normal’ part of a city? Among good practices and relevant ingredients : - Leadership and capacity of the general manager to attract interesting activities and to motivate them to be at the same time innovative and attractive for a larger public then neighbourhood residents and opened to daily life of inhabitants (examples of tea shop, drugstore info-point, etc). Public spaces as support for the new inhabitants to build a friendly, respectful community life. This is perceived as a strategic gaol for the quality of the new area. - How to create liveable public spaces in an area under development (the case of the mobile temporary but very clever in design and conception game park) - In general a practice to concretely interpret and decline the elusive concept of mixité

 Possible outcome: which sort of competences, knowledge and qualifications seem to be relevant for the making of a complex new urban environment.

Outcome What to learn. How to build a new ‘normal’ part of a city, of quality in terms of: environmental issues, quality of public spaces, possibilities to develop a social life, a sense of safety built on consciousness more than on rules and order

3.4 Outcomes of Sha.ke activities

The issues that the two case study bring to evidence are diffused and concern a variety of situations in European cities. A specific outcome of Sha.ke activities could be a work of inquiry and explanation of the processes which produce either negative trends towards marginalisation and ghettoisation, or positive, but expulsive processes of urban regeneration and gentrification. The idea is to provide local actors with a more solid base of knowledge on which build their positions.

What is the result expected from the Hamburg case study? - to identify how the design and management of public space are addressed by area- based policies in the city which is considered a nation-wide pioneer in urban regeneration policies, - to identify critical issues that remain at stake with reference to the planning, design, and management of public spaces through a confrontation of two different areas and programmes, - to identify the governance assets that have been defined in the design and management of public spaces in area based urban regeneration programmes as well as in new urban developments - to understand what has been learnt along the different phases and programmes and with which outcomes, - to identify, if any, practices of mainstreaming of urban policies which have been developed or are at the study and that can be considered related, in weaker or stronger ways, to what has been learnt in the previous phase of experimentation.

3.5 Local Support group

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1. Altona District Administration Mrs. Jonna Schmoock Kommunalebene Beauftragte für soziale Stadtteilentwicklung Freie und Hansestadt Hamburg Bezirksamt Altona, Fachamt Sozialraummanagement Platz der Republik 1 - 22765 Hamburg Telefon: +49 (0)40 42811-3130, Telefax: +49 (0) 40 42811-2579 E-mail: [email protected]

2. STEG- Stadtteilbüro Große Bergstraße (the office delegated by the City of Hamburg to manage neighbourhood development in Altona Altstadt) Mr. Ludger Schmitz (Projectleader Altona-Altstadt) STEG Stadterneuerungs- und Stadtentwicklungsgesellschaft Hamburg mbH Schulterblatt 26-36 - 20357 Hamburg Tel. + 49 (0) 40 4313930, + 49 (0) 40 75257880, Fax. + 49 (0) 40 752578810 E-Mail: [email protected]

3. Konsalt Gesellschaft für Stadt- und Regional- analysen und Projektentwicklung mbH (a professional company that has been engaged since years in the revitalization of the local economy and public space) Mrs. Margit Bonacker Altonaer Poststraße 13 - 22767 Hamburg Telefon + 49 (0) 40 3575270, Telefax + 49 (0) 40 35752716 E-Mail: [email protected]

4. Lebendiges Altona e.V. (Local association of inhabitants) Erich Fülling Schumacherstrasse 3 - 22767 Hamburg Tel. +49 (0) 40 38619190 Homepage : www.lebendigesaltona.de E-mail: [email protected]

5. HafenCity Hamburg GmbH (The City owned company in charge of developing the HafenCity project) Dr. Marcus Menzl (person in charge of the management of processes of social organisation and development) Osakaallee 11 - 20457 Hamburg Tel. + 49 (0) 40 37472612 homepage: http://www.hafencity.com/ E-mail: [email protected]

References

Breckner I., Herrmann H. (2002), “Hamburg-Altona - Lurup”, in Deutsche Institut fuer Urbanistik, ed., (2002), Die Soziale Stadt, Eine erste Bilanz des Bund-Länder- Programms ‘Stadtteile mit besonderem Entwicklungsbedarf – die soziale Stadt’ , im Aufrag des Bundesministerium fuer Verkehr, Bau- und Wohnungswesen, pp. 138- 151.

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Buergerschaft der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg (2005), Aktive Stadtteilentwicklung 2005-2008 , Mitteilung der Senats and die Buergerschaft, Drucksache 18/2127.

Buergergeschaft der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg (2009), Mitteilung des Sentas an die Buergerschaft , Drucksache 19/3652, Hamburg.

Deutsche Institut fuer Urbanistik, ed., (2002), Die Soziale Stadt, Eine erste Bilanz des Bund-Länder-Programms ‘Stadtteile mit besonderem Entwicklungsbedarf – die soziale Stadt’ , im Aufrag des Bundesministerium fuer Verkehr, Bau- und Wohnungswesen.

Como - Consulting fuer Projektmanagement und Organisation GmbH (2008), Evaluation der verwaltungsuebergreifenden Kooperation im Projekt Lebenswerte Stadt Hamburg (LSH) , Endbericht im Auftrag der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg, Hamburg.

Mayer H.N. (2004), Hamburgishes Stadtentwicklungsprogramm. Zwischen- evaluation , Carl von Ossietzky Universität Oldenburg, im Auftrag der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg. Behoerde fuer Bau und Verkehr, Hamburg.

Mayer M. (2009), “Combating social exclusion with “activating” policies: lessons from recent german Policy reforms” in The Urban Reinventors Online Journal , issue 03/09 The Right to the City: the entitled and the excluded.

Statistisches Amt fuer Hamburg und Schleswig-Holstein (2005), Bevoelkerung. Strukturen und Trends. Hamburg 1950 bis 2003 , Statistiksamt Nord, Hamburg. www.hafencity.com

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Images _ Altona Altstadt

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Images-HafenCity

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4. University of the Aegean - Case Study Alexandroupolis – Komotini, Trace Region by Ioannis Chorianopoulos

Mytilene

What are the expected results of the Trace Region Alexandroupolis and Komotini case-study? - Investigation of innovative practices of urban intervention that focus on the rehabilitation and revitalisation of public spaces and services, implemented under national or EU programmes (such as URBAN). - Identification of relevant stakeholders involved in these processes at the local level, also paying attention to the role of regional authorities, responsible for the management of the Structural Funds. - Exploration of local learning processes and practices of innovative urban policies: towards mainstreaming. - Analysis of the potential positive interactions between urban regeneration of public spaces and local development, with particular reference to the new central government ‘Urban Growth Pole’ policy initiative. - Expected outcomes: • The setting up of a Local Support Group, facilitated by the university of the Aegean, involving Alexandroupolis and Komotini case-studies, as well as Mytilene case study – the later developed by the Mytilene Municipality partner. The aim of this Local Support Group is to bring localities together, identify common lines of action, create synergies and produce guidelines and concrete – readily employable - policy proposals on the role of ‘public space’ policies in the ‘Urban Growth Poles’ policy framework. Proposals will be defined in connection with (drawing from and interacting with) the process structuring the Mytilene Municipality Local Action Plan on public spaces and services. Specificities of the Trace Region. The Thrace region of Greece has particular path dependent development constraints. Key amongst them is its borderland location. The significance of this trait has to be approached in relation to turbulent Greek-Turkish relations which - throughout the post-war era – resulted in the presence of strong military forces in the area. Similarly,

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Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e the Greek-Bulgarian border had been strongly guarded throughout the post-war period as a result of cold war pre-occupations. In other words, the functional economic spectrum of the region’s cities had been artificially circumscribed and framed by non- economic considerations. Path dependency, in this respect, resulted in the region’s domination by medium-sized cities, the economic structures of which relied – and still do - strongly on public sector investments and fund transfers. Locally defined governance interventions, aiming at enhancing the development potential of the urban areas concerned, were not articulated and promoted. Such examples, as illustrated in the text that follows, appear as late as the 1990s, under the aegis of EU spatial policies.

A - Komotini City

4.1 Context Elements a. Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions Komotini, a city of 40,000 inhabitants, is situated in the northeastern region of Thrace and is the main urban centre of the Rodopi prefecture. While Rodopi is one of the less developed areas in the country 38 , Komotini benefits from continuous rural-urban migration and exhibits population gains. In order to shed light on the particularity of the local context, however, a look into the area’s turbulent background is required. Komotini is a mosaic of ethnic backgrounds with a strong presence of a Turkish minority that reaches 27 per cent of local the population (URBAN Files, 2004). The Greek (predominantly Christian) and the Turkish (predominantly Muslim) communities occupy distinct urban quarters, a differentiation that reflects the city’s historical background. Until the late 19 th century, the spatial congregation of the city’s ethnic communities was facilitated by the high degree of administrative autonomy that major religious groups enjoyed under the ‘millet’ communitarian system of the Ottoman Empire (Clogg, 2002). As part of the Greek state over the last century, the status and rights of the Turkish minority were guaranteed by a Greek- Turkish peace Treaty (Lausanne - 1923) that exempted Muslim (Turkish, Roma and Pomak) communities in the region from the inter-war wave of mandatory population exchanges between the two countries. This exception was reflected on the Greek Nationality Code, creating a particularistic category of rights under the heading of “Greek citizens of non-Greek descent” (Christopoulos and Tsitselikis, 2003). Particularism regarding rights and distinction between citizens, however, paved the way for discrimination. Turbulent bilateral relations in the post-war period led to significant infringements of the agreed framework of protection. Examples of such violations in Komotini include the state appointment of the local Muslim religious leader (Mufti); Supreme Court rulings on the abolition of ‘Turkish’ - instead of the officially tolerated, ‘Muslim’- denominated community associations; the workings of a clause in the Greek Nationality Code that facilitated the arbitrary deprivation of Greek citizenship for

38 The Prefecture of Rodopi is the 8 th poorest prefecture in the country and reaches only 30 per cent of the per capita income in Greece (Urban files, 2004: 12). 208

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Muslims 39 ; and, the non-recording on the census data of the ethnic and religious background of the local population, rendering impossible to inform policy on socio- economic disparities amongst communities (Human Rights Watch, 1999). Moreover, unofficial practices circumscribed economic transactions involving the minority, preventing systematically the acquisition of property and the reception of loans (see Labrianidis, 2001; Anagnostou, 2005). The traditional space-allocation arrangements of the Ottoman era provided the symbolic and physical community boundaries that backed the construction of ethnic identities and modern exclusionary tactics. b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay Strong inter-communal cleavages perpetuated the ethnic / religious homogeneity of the city’s neighbourhoods, resulting in the ethnically Greek central areas, and the ethnically Turkish northern quarters. The urban social indicators in the northern quarters are alarming. Unemployment has risen steadily in recent years, standing presently at 16 per cent of the local labour force. Also, 25 per cent of the local population has not completed primary schooling, indicating a low qualified labour force (URBAN Files, 2004). Moreover, the attitudes, norms and beliefs that shape the ‘political culture’ of the area indicate low levels of trust between communities, arresting common participatory engagement in local institutional arrangements (Doherty, et.al., 2001). The political mobilisation of the minority during the late 1980s triggered inter-communal tension and violence in the city in a number of occasions (Dragonas and Frangoudaki, 2006).

Source: URBACT-MILE

39 Article 19 of the Greek Nationality Code provided the legal background for the denationalization of citizens of other than Greek descent. It is estimated that one third of the Muslim minority in the region of Thrace (approximately 60,000 people) were deprived of their citizenship between 1955 and 1998 (Sitaropoulos, 2004). 209

Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tools and or programmes used. The last decade, however, a number of central state initiatives aimed at addressing the discriminatory context. Examples of this shift regarding the Turkish minority in Komotini include: a) the abolition (1998) of Article 19 of the Greek Nationality Code which arbitrarily deprived minority citizens of their citizenship; b) the tacit but steady lifting of administrative discriminatory practices in the area during the last decade; c) the lifting of legal restrictions on associations named ‘Turkish’, following a European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) decision (27/03/2008) on the minority’s violated ‘right to freedom of assembly and association’; d) the educational reform project (1997-2004) entailing teacher training, teaching Greek as a second language, and the dispatch from Turkey of new school textbooks; e) the introduction of affirmative action measures (1996), such as the establishment of preferential quotas facilitating Muslim minority students entry to Greek Universities (ECHR, 2008; Tsitselikis, 2004; Mouzelis and Pagoulatos, 2005).

It is amidst this climate of change that a number of local level Initiatives have been initiated, aiming at addressing the problems of the minority urban areas. Key amongst them is the URBAN II Initiative (2000-2006).

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Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e d. List of integrated urban regeneration programmes, projects activated in the city and considered interesting for the Sha.ke project case Promo- Type of aims description Public spaces and services Actors Involved tion programme URBAN II EU Area base Improve: quality The programme aimed - Physical infrastructure - Urban Office (2000-2006) integrated of life; access to at re-integrating into the interventions and opening up of - Regional Authorities approach jobs, quality of urban fabric the socially public spaces in minority - Municipality. services and built excluded minority quarters. - Minority Association. environment. quarters of Komotini. - Construction of new buildings - Local and Regional Chambers Involvement of serving as: a) a ‘municipal of Commerce and Industry. local actors social service’ hub; and, b) - Local environmental group. multicultural kindergarten. URBACT II EU Thematic An integrated The programme Minor: creation of relevant - Municipality (2007-2009) partnership exchange assisted the creation of support structures - Regional Authorities network of programme a local support group - Minority Association. nine cities. focusing on that – following - Local and Regional Chambers managing exchange of experience of Commerce and Industry. Migration and processes - produced a - Local environmental group. Integration. Local Action Plan on the relevant themes. Medpact- EU Thematic An integrated The project aimed at Minor: creation of relevant - Municipality Medaccess partnership exchange strengthening Local support structures - Regional Authorities (2006-2008) network of programme Governance in partner - Local and Regional Chambers five cities. focusing on the cities, facilitating of Commerce and Industry. participatory opportunities for potential of disadvantaged people disadvantaged socio-economic and peoples. political participation. Integrated EU Area base Improve: quality Selected intervention in - Physical infrastructure - Municipality Urban integrated of life; quality of key city locations. interventions and opening up of - Regional Authorities Interventions approach public services; (Focusing on the built public spaces. - University (2007-2013) the built environment). - Building refurbishments. - Local and Regional Chambers environment. - New sports grounds. of Commerce and Industry. - Local environmental group.

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B - Alexandroupolis City

4.2 Context Elements a. Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions. Alexandroupolis is the largest city of the Evros Prefecture, with a population of 50,000. Located at the extreme East of the European Union, the city is relatively isolated albeit strategically positioned as a "gateway" to the East. Greece is currently implementing a strategic territorial development plan focusing on two geographical axes: the North-South axis (Athens-Thessaloniki), and the East-West axis, (Igoumenitsa-Alexandroupolis). The city is well positioned to form international links with both the Black Sea region and Eastern European countries. A number of key transportation and infrastructure development projects reflect this prioritazation:

1) The Egnatia Motorway , upon which the planning and construction of a number of pan-European transport corridors is based.

Alexandroupoli

Alexandroupolis in an Egnatia motorway intermodal and interoperable hub, linking Greece, Turkey and Bulgaria.

2) The creation of a gas transmission pipeline (Figure 2) that links the Greek and Turkish national gas systems. The pipeline bypasses the city and connects to the national natural gas network in Komotini.

3) The Burgas–Alexandroupoli pipeline , an oil pipeline (Figure 3) that will be used to transport Russian and Caspian oil from the Bulgarian Black Sea port of Burgas to the Greek Aegean port of Alexandroupolis. It would be an alternative route for Russian oil for bypassing the Bosporus and the Dardanelles.

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Figure 2 Figure 3

The pipeline would have one of its three oil refilling stations in Alexandroupolis. Moreover, the project includes the reconstruction of terminals, including oil tanks with a capacity of 1,200,000 tons in Alexandroupolis. It is primarily due to the above mentioned infrastructure projects that the city has recently experienced an increase in population numbers (Table 1), a trend that creates strong pressures on its built environment.

Table 1: Population evolution of Alexandroupoli (1991-2001) Population Change (%) year 1981 1991 2001 1981-1991 1991-2001 city Alexandroupolis 35.799 37.904 48.885 5,88 28,97 Evros prefecture 148.486 143.752 149.354 -3,19 3,9 Source (NSSG, 1991 and 2001) b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay The reasons for the noted pressures exercised on the urban fabric as a result of population migration movements relate primarily to urban planning legacies and path dependencies. Alexandroupolis main built up structure is divided into two informally defined zones. The first corresponds to the actual port and leisure zone area, in which built up densities are low. The second zone involves the remaining urban fabric, characterized by high densities, narrow streets, high private car traffic flows and lack of public spaces. In this zone, car traffic flows and parking problems are recognized in key city planning documents as matters that need to be urgently addressed. The eastern part of the city, in particular, suffers from social deprivation as a high proportion of its residents are in a low income bracket; there is a marked concentration of immigrant population from the former Soviet Union (Pontians) and high unemployment rates, while there is also weak social infrastructure provision. c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tools and / or programmes used. Initial research suggests the limited municipal involvement in attempts to tackle the city’s marked socio-spatial problems. The main such attempt is the implementation of the UPP II (1994-1999). The current implementation of integrated urban interventions in Alexandroupolis in the framework of the ROP (2007-2013) is a recent development that has to be looked at in detail. This, in turn, has to be explored in

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Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e parallel with the implementation of policies aiming to enhance the city’s role as a national growth pole, also implemented in the framework of the ROP (2007-2013).

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d. List of integrated urban regeneration programmes, projects activated in the city and considered interesting for the Sha.ke project. case promotion Type of aims description Public spaces and Actors Involved programme services ECOS EU Local Actions in the The project aimed at Minor - Municipality OUVERTUR authority thematic area of enhancing the touristic - Regional Authorities E. AMBER networking tourism product of localities - Local and Regional (1996-1998) though joined Chambers of Commerce development and and Industry. promotion actions. Urban Pilot EU Area base Improve: quality The programme aimed at - Physical infrastructure - Municipality Projects II integrated of life; access to re-integrating into the interventions and - Regional Authorities Alex-polinet approach IT technologies; urban fabric the socially opening up of public - University. (1994-1999) quality of public excluded eastern spaces in the eastern - Local and Regional services; the quarters of the city. part of the city. Chambers of Commerce built - Construction of new and Industry. environment. buildings serving as - Local environmental Involvement of employment and group. local actors education centres. Integrated EU Area base Improve: quality Selected intervention in - Physical infrastructure - Municipality Urban integrated of life; quality of key city locations. interventions and - Regional Authorities Interventions approach public services; (Focusing on the built opening up of public - University (2007-2013) the built environment). spaces. - Local and Regional environment. - Building Chambers of Commerce refurbishments. and Industry. - Construction of new - Local environmental sports grounds. group.

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4.3 Potentially interesting policies and practiced detected as case studies

Urban Growth Poles (2007-2013) The approach to cities presented in the ‘ National Strategic Reference Framework ‘(2007-2013) is challenging and innovative. The relevant document recognizes urban social exclusion and unordered expansion as key socio-spatial problems in the country and portrays, simultaneously, cities as motors of economic activity. Following that, it categorizes and ranks urban areas on the basis of a number of criteria, to propose, in turn, seventeen cities as national growth poles. It is around these cities that sustainable development targets are to be promoted in the current programming period (Ministry of Economy and Finance, 2006). The incorporation of cities in a national spatial development perspective has not been attempted in the past. In this light, Alexandroupolis and Komotini are named a ‘Bipolar Growth Pole’, while the third Greek case study city (Mytilene), an ‘Emerging Growth Pole’.

4.4 The interest of the case studies proposed for inquiring

At the time of writing, no concrete policy measures have been adopted locally. The ‘Urban Growth Poles’ strategy, therefore, will be followed from its initial stages. The following policy processes are of particular interest: • Issues regarding the starting off phase of the projects (which local body initiated the process; the consultation and funding context, etc.). • The structure of the projects, with particular reference to approaches regarding improvement, renovation and revitalisation of public spaces and services. • The extent to which planned intervention is ‘integrated’. • The extent to which local interest groups are involved in this attempt. • Expected outcomes in terms of: i) improvements in the quality of life the inhabitants; ii) improvements in the ‘attractiveness’ of the areas concerned; iii) the attainment of enhanced social cohesion.

4.5 Outcomes of Sha.ke activities

Alexandroupolis and Komotini’s activities on the ‘Urban Growth Pole’ policies will be networked with the third Greek city, Mytilene – developed by the Mytilene Municipality partner. All three cities are located in ‘competitiveness’ regions, share a similar population size and growth trends and have been a key target of Structural Funds during all programming periods. Networking will take the form of a ‘Local Support Group’, facilitated by the University of the Aegean, and involving actors from all cities. Joined workings and consultation processes will result in the production of a readily implementable ‘Local Action Plan’ on the ‘public space’ dimension of the ‘Urban Growth Pole’ strategy. The respective Action Plan will be defined in parallel with the Mytilene Municipality Local Action Plan on ‘public spaces and services’, creating an interactive process of mutual learning.

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4.6 Local support group

Alexandroupolis Evros Development Antonios Media and +30 25510 36229 Agency Vlysidis Communica- http://www.anee.gr tions Officer Local Chamber of Nikos Chairman +30 25510 26223 and +30 Commerce and Dasteridis 25510 26537 Industry Evros Labour Georgios Chairman +30 25510 26274 Organisation Eustathiou Local Christos Member +30 25510 23206 Environmental Lazopoulos (Public Group Relations) Alexandroupoli Georgios Mayor +30 25510 64101 Municipal Authority Alexandris

Development and Konstandinos Chief Officer +30 25510 64101 European Projects Kadoglou Department of Alexandroupoli Municipality Alexandoupoli Christos Chairman +30 25510 88340 Development Foujijis Agency Komotini Rodopi Prefecture Spyros Chairman +30 25310 34071 Development Kazakis http://www.anro.gr Agency Komotini Chamber Nikolaos Chairman +30 25310 22831 of Commerce and Aggelidis +30 25310 36831 Industry Komotini Labour Panteleimon Chairman +30 25310 22595 Organisation Magalios Rodopi Prefecture Sokratis Coordinating 2531032061/ Environmental Grigoro- Committee http://www.oikorodopi.gr Group poulos Municipality of Dimitrios Mayor +30 25310 22671 Komotini Kotsakis http://www.komotini.gr/in dex.php Minority Scientists Mustafa Chairman +30 25310 29705 Association Katrantzi Komotini Municipal Felina Chairman +30 25310 81265-7 Development Kazakou- http://www.deako.gr Agency Vrouzou

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5. Wrocław Municipality Wrocław case study by Małgorzata Golak, Municipality of Wrocław, Economic Development Office

5.1 Context elements a. Population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions Dynamic growth Wrocław, millenium-old city, the seat of Lower Silesian province authorities, is a natural capital city for the greater region of Lower Silesia in Poland. Spatial distribution among provinces shows Wrocław to be in the zone of increased population density.

It is an important centre of economy, as well as culture, science and tourism, and it is a motor force behind the development of the whole region.Wrocław has a rich European heritage. Several times it changed the national allegiance – it kept developing under the rule of Piast dynasty, Bohemian kings, the Habsburgs.

It also used to be a city on Germany’s eastern part. In 1945 it started to build its position as one of the majors Polish agglomerations. Closeness of national border encourages economic exchange with EU countries. Versatility of development facilitates foreign investment, which has promoted strong growth over recent years, making Wrocław the leader on a Polish scale. Wrocław has a very strong position in the computer services market. Recent years have seen a dynamic growth of the motor

193 Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e industry; among businesses located here are motor companies (Volvo, Wabco) and white goods producers (Whirlpool, Fagor, Electrolux), R&D and service centres (Siemens, Capgemini, Hewlett-Packard, Macopharma). Wroclaw’s position as the Polish leader in attracting foreign investment has been further strengthened by Poland’s entry into the European Union and the resulting access to European funds.

Being a strong university centre, Wrocław offers access to qualified specialists, who are the core of local companies. 29 universities, e.g.: University of Technology, University of Wrocław, University of Economics, Medical University or University of Environmental and Life Sciences, educate young people, adjusting their programmes to the local labour market and investors’ needs. Over 140 thousand students are studying in Wrocław.

Table 1. Basic data on Wrocław and Lower Silesian region

Wrocław Lower Silesia Population 632.6 thou. 2 877.2 thou. Number of companies 95 813 316,1 including trading companies (total number) 11 170 22 311 including companies with foreign capital 2 984 6 229 Number of natural persons carrying out 65 811 226 124 businesses Unemployment rate 4,2% 12.3% Minimum monthly remuneration PLN 1 276 PLN 1 126 Average monthly remuneration PLN 3215.75 PLN 3116.52 Source: GUS (Central Statistical Office), first quarter of 2009 b. Territorialisation (spatialisation) of poverty and urban decay The city has to eliminate a number of serious problems, linked in particular with the massive dilapidation of the historic buildings, and to implement integrated measures to promote sustainable urban development. The urban architecture structure as well as the residential and public areas need to be improved. There are urgent social problems to be dealt with. Accordingly, comprehensive measures are urgently needed to prevent further deterioration and to open up prospects for future development.

The area of Wrocław to be given priority as envisaged in the urban regeneration process included the historic old town and the sections developed in the 19 th century.

The following criteria were taken into consideration: - massive traffic problems, - extensive nineteenth century housing with dilapidated buildings, - neglected public spaces, - large vacant sites that need to be assigned to new uses

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- social problems – a high crime rate, the highest rate of unemployment and people on welfare in the city, urban crowding and trouble spots liable to spark social conflict.

The scope of the Local Revitalisation Programme covered the whole city as part of the so-called 12 “thematic regeneration areas” and the priority area, which regeneration activities will be focused on, has been designated. In 2008 a list of project financed from ROP has been indicated.

The areas to be regenerated were broken down into the following categories: 1. Multifunctional centre 2. Public facilities 3. Housing and service area 4. Transportation and traffic 5. City parks and gardens 6. Sites formerly used by industry, the military and the police

The multifunctional centre is located within the boundaries of the old fortifications and the southern extension if the city. Its functional and special development started developing in the Middle Ages and achieved its final form in the 19 th century.

After 1990 the Market Square – the real hearth of the multifunctional centre – was regenerated and made the positive impact: this area became a desirable location for many investors and the favourite meeting place for tourists and residents of Wrocław.

Housing and service area – a large part of the multifunctional centre of the city is occupied by nineteenth-century buildings. These historic sectors are currently in a very critical condition and need immediate and comprehensive renovation. The tenement houses belonging to the municipality were often hardly renovated at all after the world war two. Neglect of public space and buildings makes a negative impact on the urban fabric as well as on social conditions, because of the poor quality of housing. But the area is characterised by high population density and thus by a very high occupancy rate of estates owned by the municipality. The ground floors of these historic buildings are mostly occupied by services providers and retailers. However, these cannot satisfy current demands or meet modern customers’ standards and requirements. It is necessary to stabilize the existing structure of the retail trade, to strengthen supply functions, to introduce an efficient range of uses, to provide more services and more modern and larger commercial promises. Numerous social infrastructure facilities in the area also need thorough renovation. c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies

To fulfil its mission of the regional hub, the city has resolved to pursue an active urban development policy whose priorities will be to raise the standard of living and housing of the local community to modern standards, to strengthen the local and

195 Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e regional economy, to improve the ecological situation and the general technical and social infrastructure.

To do this on the basis of the Integrated Operational Regional Development Programme, the city has drawn up the Local Revitalisation Programme, passed by the City Council in 2005, constituting the basis for the future development process.

The Local Revitalisation Programme included detailed analyses of the city as a whole and specified the sectors that urgently needed regeneration (65 km2, c. 22% of the total urban area). In addition, a list of tasks and projects has been drown up, as well as the budgets for 2005-2006 and 2007-2013 prepared.

After regenerating of the historical old town, the next step was to choose a priority area where the intensification of promotional activities has been envisaged, which one would expect to make a positive impact on adjacent areas without requiring additional municipal funding.

Existing strategies and plans that guide the integrated regeneration of deprived areas Region of Lower Silesia:

 2020 Development Strategy for the Lower Silesian Voivodship adopted by the resolution of the Lower Silesian Voivodship Parliament no. XLVIII/649/2005 of 30 November 2005.  Regional Operational Programme for Lower Silesian voivodship for 2007- 2013 (ROP) - Priority 9 - Renovation of degraded urban areas in Lower Silesia („Towns”) – the main objective of this priority is to prevent marginalization of urban areas in Lower Silesian voivodship, where negative social and economic occurrences aggravate and the physical condition of the space keeps downgrading. Wrocław is the only city mentioned specifically in the Lower Silesian ROP as per priority 9 Towns, from which revitalisation projects in the Lower Silesian voivodship may be co-financed. Wrocław has been allocated 9.45% of EFRR funds for this priority. The Lower Silesian voivodship is at NUTS (Nomenclature of Units for Territorial Statistics ) level .

City of Wrocław:

 „Wrocław in 2020 Plus Perspective Strategy” adopted by the Resolution of Wrocław Municipal Council of 6 July 2006 - Resolution no. LIV/3250/06 d. List of integrated urban regeneration programmes, projects activated in the city and considered interesting for the Sha.ke project - “Pilot Regeneration Programme for the City of Wrocław” – implemented by a consortium consisting of: the City of Wroclaw, Kogeneracja S.A. (heat producer), Fortum S.A. (heat supplier); in the years 2004-2006, 9 tenement houses were upgraded for PLN 16 m. (€ 3.6 m.), from which the share of the City of Wroclaw amounted to PLN 6.5 m. (€ 1.5 m.).

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- The “100 Tenement Houses” Programme – implemented by the Municipal Resources Management, in the years 2006-2012, ca. 500 tenement houses owned solely by the Municipality of Wroclaw (from the total number of 1712 tenements) will be renovated. Only in 2008, the amount of PLN 84 m. (€ 18.7 m.) was allotted to the execution of the programme. - Public initiation of the process of transformation – partner: the Community Council, non-governmental organisations – social consultations, shaping resourceful attitudes among children and youth, organising the European Neighbours’ Day, improving competitiveness of enterprises.

5.2 Potentially interesting practices and policies detected as case studies

Regeneration of former commercial routes Next to the attractive city centre – the Old Town – there is Nadodrze District (former Odra Suburb), a real architectural pearl which is in poor conditions and need to be regenerated. The main goal of the comprehensive regeneration in Wrocław is lasting renovation and prevention of marginalization of degraded neighbourhoods of the former Odra Suburb and transforming them into attractive tourist and economic centres.

To integrate all aspects of regeneration, a comprehensive document specifying the objectives, principles and rules to be applied when taking regeneration activities in the area of Wroclaw – Wrocław Local Regeneration Programme (LRP) for 2005 - 2006 and 2007 – 2013 – has been developed.

The supported area determined in the LRP – former Odra Suburb (Nadodrze District and a part of Ołbin District) – and the list of projects selected for execution were approved by the Resolution No. XXXI/1037/09 of Wroclaw Municipal Council of 19.02.2009. At present, the LRP is being assessed by the Marshall’s Office of Lower Silesia Voivodeship. Furthermore, „The Regeneration process implementation strategy” was developed with the help of external experts.

The Nadodrze District is located opposite to Wrocław’s Old Town on Oder’s right bank in the Central Quarter ( Śródmie ście), with population slightly above 25,000. With respect to part of the established area, the Economic Development Office of the Municipal Office of Wroclaw prepared an initial social and economic regeneration

concept covering restoration of former commercial routes .

We started our activities from restoration of the route linking the Old Town in Wrocław with the Nadodrze station – a part of Nadodrze District:  Władysława Łokietka street;  św. Macieja square;  Bolesława Chrobrego street.

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Actions taken will lead to a complete change of the Łokietka and Chrobrego streets’ image, complete the revitalisation process taken under other projects (including: revitalisation of St Macieja square, renovation of street surface on this route, total reconstruction of Powsta ńców Wlkp. square co-financed by the EU funds).

This will bring a synergy effect – total revitalisation of the entire route connecting the Nadodrze railway station and the multimodal transport node at Powsta ńców Wlkp. square with the city centre, marina and university.

Attractive commercial and service facilities created in the above-mentioned streets will remove the burden from the city centre and positively influence the quality of life of the local community. These places will become a natural extension of the Old Market Square zone, and their attractive offer and well-kept surroundings will be an advantage drawing more customers to these areas.

Establishment and promotion of the commercial district evoking positive associations in Wroclaw from Władysława Łokietka street, Św. Macieja square to Bolesława Chrobrego street, which:•will become the area of concentration of well-functioning trade facilities and other accompanying services, above all, from the artistic and craft sphere, attracting new capital and other enterprises, improving the attractiveness of the commercial district, - will offer new jobs, - will facilitate restoration of buildings along the commercial route, at the same time supporting maintenance and restoration of its cultural values, will strengthen regeneration processes in the area surrounding the commercial district.

At present the specific commercial nature of the area is not accompanied by the presence of prestigious trade facilities (for instance famous trademark, unusual and creative shops).

Concentrations of other non-commercial types of service facilities do not stand out in such a distinct way as trade at the background of Wrocław or the city centre, but it is worth paying attention to the concentration of: - registered offices of service companies and social organisations, whose number is exceeded only by the number of shops, - in the basic area of services of the centre-oriented nature, which apart for trade usually include gastronomy, entertainment, financial services and public administration–existing small shops of arts and crafts to create the route which will provide educational material and became a local product.

One of local NGO implemented the project on traditional craft in the city centre – it has been inspired by the characteristic cultural landscape of the area (pre-war tenement houses, craft workshops and cultural diversity. The objective was building a positive image of craft, presenting the educational path: apprentice, journeyman, master, promoting craft work as the way of life, passion, and not only a profession. The second goal was social integration (children from the youth community centre, partners from 3 sectors: NGOs, business, public administration) and the third – building a common identity.

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5.3 The interest of the case studies proposed for inquiring

The district of Nadodrze needs to have a strong leading organisation or association to improve economic function of the area. The Municipality is analysing the creation of “District Manager” function, but there is no legal regulation in Poland for the development of such activites. The leading organisation will have to involve residents and local businesses to the revitalisation. It is quite new in Poland and closely connected with creation of public spaces and amelioration of physical environment.

Wrocław wants to improve public services and facilities in order to achieve equality of results (not only of opportunities) on the deprived area, but without the cooperation with private investors and small enterprises the revitalisation could be ineffective. Another challenge is to create the adequate and attractive public spaces on the area. In March 2010 the city has opened INFOPUNKT – the information centre and cultural point for local stakeholders. We need good practices how to make it liveable, vital and essential for the area.

Possible outcomes: - actions contributing to attract young artists and entrepreneurs to open workshops and commercial facilities in Nadodrze district; - an action plan for strengthening the economic function of the area and involvement of business in the regeneration process (with social responsibility); - an action plan concerning marketing and an advertising of Nadodrze District .

5.4 Outcomes of Sha.Ke activities

To identify the methods of improving the appearance of public spaces and increasing their multifunctionality, to identify actions aiming at high improvement of the economic function and attractiveness of deprived area in the city centre.

5.5 Local Support Group

The project of economic and social regeneration of former commercial routes is implemented by the Economic Development Office of the Municipality of Wrocław . The interdisciplinary nature of regeneration – the infrastructure, social and economic aspect as well as a large number of tasks in the project resulted in the need to appoint members of the Local Support Groups responsible for individual areas of activity.

The main fields of activities: - managing commercial premises – municipal units - spatial development – urban planners, architects - economic policy – economic self-governments, traders - activities for inhabitants of the area – District Council of Nadodrze housing estate, non-governmental organisations

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The composition of Local Support Group in Wrocław:

Municipal units: Deputy of Wroclaw in charge of regenerationDeputy Director of the Social Affairs Department Director of the Residential Property Division Director of the Economic Development Office Division Manager of the European Funds Management Office Division Manager of the Wroclaw Development Office (urban planning) Division Manager of the Municipal Resources Management

External units: Chairperson of the Community Council of Nadodrze Housing Estate Member of the Board of the Lower Silesia Chamber of Craft Representatives of traders Representatives of non-governmental organisations

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6. Mytilene Municipality - Case Study – Mytilene city by Ioannis Chorianopoulos and Dimitrios Mantzaris

North Aegean Region

What are the expected results of Mytilene case study? - The exploration of innovative practices of sustainable urban regeneration that focus on public spaces, implemented under national or EU programmes. - The identification of local learning processes and practices of innovative urban intervention policies. - The identification of relevant stakeholders involved in these processes, and in actions regarding the implementation of the local ‘Urban Growth Pole’ Strategy, also paying attention to the role of the North Aegean (Voreio Aigeo) regional authorities, responsible for the management of the Structural Funds. - Expected outcomes: • The development of a Local Support Group aiming at producing a tangible Local Action Plan on the issue of public space, to be implemented during the programming period. This, in turn, would work as a pilot scheme for a broader regeneration programme that the municipality intends to implement as part of the Regional Operational Programme (2007-2013) ‘integrated urban interventions’ scheme. • The activation of networking links and exchange of experience platforms and events between Mytilene city and the Thrace region case-studies. The Guidelines on how to implement locally the ‘Urban Growth Pole’ strategy developed by Alexandroupolis and Komotini case study, will be worked upon in Mytilene, triggering tangible policy plans on the local ‘Growth Pole’ programme.

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Specificities of Mytilene, an island city in Lesvos. In approaching the city of Mytilene, a brief overview of the areas historical and socio- political trajectories is required. Mytilene is the major city of the North Aegean cluster of islands and joined Greece in the early 20 th century (1912). Prior to that, as part of the Ottoman empire, it experienced a major development wave due to its strategic placement among key transportation routes. Mytilene port served as a hub in which cargo from Alexandria, Istanbul, and Asia Minor would be unloaded, stored and redirected to new destinations. It is for this reason that the city developed on the eastern part of the island, facing eastwards, towards the Asia Minor coastline. The city’s commercial and industrial heritage is evident in the urban fabric in the form of landmark buildings; also, in the local socio-political fabric in the form of a dynamic labour movement legacies. As part of the Greek territory, however, prior geographical advantages evaporated. Mytilene’s position on the borders of a relatively poor state arrested its prior location advantages regarding trade, while turbulent Greek-Turkish relations further exacerbated peripherality. As a result, the islands economy reverted to agriculture while a strong migration movement of local inhabitants seeking work opportunities in other areas of the country (and abroad) was noted. More recently, however, a number of regional policy decisions of investments in public infrastructures and services enhanced local development prospects. Key amongst them is the upgrading of the local port and airport capacity and, primarily, the location of the University of the Aegean in the city as well as the development of new administrative functions for the city.

6.1 Context Elements a. Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions In the Greek administrative structure, Mytilene is the capital city of Lesvos island, capital of Lesvos Prefecture and of the Northern Aegean region. It is located in the southeastern part of the island, north and east of the Bay of Gera. It has a land area of 107.46 square kilometres and a population of 34,595 inhabitants (2001). With a population density of 336.8/km² it is the most densely populated municipality in Lesvos Prefecture. Two key traits describe the current situation in the city. First, Mytilene has benefited from its role as the island’s capital city and has attracted a number of political, administrative and service sector related functions of supra-local (regional) importance. It is in Mytilene that we find the central offices of Lesvos Prefecture, the University of the Aegean, the region’s Courts of Law, as well as decentralized offices of national Ministries. Moreover, the city holds Lesvos major port and airport, serving as the entry and exit point for all island activities. In this light, Mytilene has recently experienced a wave of population growth (Table 1) as a result of the increased importance of the tertiary sector in the local economic structures (Table 2). This growth partly reflects new internal population movements towards Mytilene (the total population of the island grew during the last decade), as well as a new population migration wave from abroad.

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Table 1: Mytilene Municipality Population indicators (1961-2001) 34,595 34,593 32,157 31,631 35 30,654 Population (thousands) 30

25 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 Key years

Source: (NSSG, 2001)

Table 2: Mytilene Employment Structure (2001) 6% 10% 19% Primary 4% Secondary tertiary 61% Not Declared unemployed

Source: (NSSG, 2001)

The figures suggesting a successfully restructured urban trajectory, however, is only half the story. Other aspects of the local economic and socio-political milieu prove more problematic, questioning the long term prospects of the growth trend. The low local educational attainment levels, for instance, is such a case, with more than half of the population being primary school or compulsory education graduates (Table 3). This indicator, in turn, suggests particular limitations: a) The dominance of an unskilled workforce in the local employment structures arrests the emergence of a competitiveness oriented tertiary sector economy, based on tourism or on IT Technologies and advanced producer services. b) It suggest the presence of strong social divisions, as almost 10 per cent of the local population carry university education qualifications, while more than 50 per cent of the total are primary school graduates (39,6%), dropouts (11,7 %) or illiterate (6,5%). c) Also, low educational levels constitute an obstacle to local authority attempts at engaging well informed citizens in participatory governance structures, while prove, simultaneously, complementarities and interaction between the university and the city a task difficult to perform.

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Table 3 : Educational Attainments

Focusing on the local authority, the range of leverages Mytilene Municipality has in an attempt to influence the growth potential of the city is further circumscribed by the particularities of local finances. As noted in the report on Greece, local authority dependence on national sources of income is a key trait of local finances. In Mytilene, local sources of income correspond to only 20% of municipal revenue. The implementation of development priorities, therefore, is dependent upon the timely transfer of resources by the national level. Table 4 looks at recent financial years and displays the degree of discrepancy between the expected income according to local budget, and the actual income received locally by the national authorities.

Table 4: Local financial dependence and planning difficulties

Expected income according to local Budget Actual income

While key traits therefore, underline the presence of local development prospects, Mytilene local authority faces a number of concrete social and economic difficulties in any attempt to steer and influence local development. b. Territorialization of poverty and decay Municipal policy reports on the city’s spatial qualities and trends identify a number of problems that need to be urgently addressed: a) Limited availability of public spaces in central urban areas. b) High built environment densities. c) Traffic jams as a result of the fact that port facilities (key prefectural passenger and commercial transportation hub) are situated by the city-centre, also neighbouring

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the city’s historical centre. Traffic is directed through a single street creating a deadlock during the summer months of higher population (tourist) and goods flows.

Particular limitations regarding the current capacity of the city to approach and tackle these issues are also noted. These, in turn, relate to: a) limited local authority planning capacity to respond to urbanization pressures (define and control land uses; direct growth; equip potential residential or other areas with appropriate infrastructure, etc.) ; and, b) lack of appropriate resources and staff shortages. The municipal “department of the environment”, for instance, is not functioning due to staff shortages.

Municipal reports also comment on particular difficulties in approaching the issue of poverty and decay territorialization in the city. The first relates to the small scale of the urban nucleus which does not permit overt classifications of neighborhoods in distress vs affluent districts. Differentiations of this type, however – despite the unavailability of data substantiating differences in income levels amongst neighborhoods - do exist. These, in turn, are easily noticeable when the (poor) quality of the built environment is concerned. The neighborhood areas of Sinikismos, Langada and Lazareto fall in the category.

Last, a number of socio-economic particularities are underlined in key policy documents: - Introvert traits of local stakeholders. - Increase in the numbers of immigrant population during the 1990s (from 283 to 1582 individuals), a trend that engenders social exclusion and spatial seggregation. Lack of recent data arrests the emergence of policies aiming at social inclusion. - Inadequate perception of the city’s notable architectural heritage, limiting the prospects for the emergence of a respective development strategy based on the local cultural identity. - Weak cooperation between local authorities and the university. c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tools and or programmes used. During the 1990s Mytilene Municipal authorities have been rather active in term of their involvement in a number of initiatives that aimed at local development. These programmes drew funding from a variety of sources, indicating a dynamic local authority perspective. Key programme examples include: • “Leonardo Da Vinci” (focusing on unemployment and social exclusion) • “Horizon” (promoting re-cycling principles and practices). • National network of cities focusing on ‘culture and development’. • “EQUAL” Local Authority Network on the social inclusion of Roma.

The common thread underlying these efforts, however, is their ‘horizontal’ qualities. All programme addressed one particular theme and applied it, subsequently, to the whole of the city. Initiatives above, in other words, are not focusing on a particular area of the urban fabric; nor do they promote an ‘integrated’ perspective of intervention. The relatively recent arrival of such a policy approach in Greece, partly accounts for this trait. The gradual familiarization of local authorities with the

205 Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e particularities - and the prospects of the approach - is reflected on more recent policy moves. Thus, local authorities applied for participation - albeit unsuccessfully - on URBAN II (2000-2006). Also, as the following table indicates, two attempts of integrated urban interventions were launched locally during the last decade.

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d. List of integrated urban regeneration programmes, projects activated in the city and considered interesting for the Sha.ke project case Promo- Type of aims description Public spaces and services Actors Involved tion programme

Integrated EU Area base Improve: quality The programme - Physical infrastructure - Municipality Urban integrated of life; quality of focused on the city’s interventions; - Regional Authorities Interventions approach public services; historical centre and - Opening up of public spaces. - University. (2000-2006) the built aimed at multifaceted - Buildings refurbishments; - Local and Regional Chambers environment. improvements. - Restoration of archaeological of Commerce and Industry. Involvement of sites. - Local NGOs and civil society local actors groups. Local National Area base Improve: quality The programme is part - Physical infrastructure - Municipality Operational integrated of life; access to of a broader initiative interventions; - Regional Authorities Programme approach IT technologies; that maps local - Opening up of public spaces. - University. (2009-2010) quality of public problems and budgets - Building refurbishments. - Local and Regional Chambers services; the built prospective actions for - Construction of new sports of Commerce and Industry. environment. the 2007-2013 period. grounds. - Local NGOs and civil society Involvement of - Vocational training. groups. local actors

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6.2 Potential case studies selected

‘Local Operational Programme’ (2007-2013) Research along the lines of this project will focus on the main current intervention attempt in the city, framed by the Local Operational Programme (2007-2013). The respective programme financed a four year investigation and consultation period (2005- 2009), which mapped key local problems and prospects. The resulting two volume document outlines an integrated plan of actions for the immediate and the foreseeable future with projected (registered) priorities of € 221.021.400.

‘Urban Growth Poles’ (2007-2013) The approach to cities in the ‘ National Strategic Reference Framework ’ (2007-2013) suggests a break with Greek spatial planning legacies. The NSRF incorporates cities in a national spatial development perspective, a move that has not been attempted in the past. The spheres of activity that make up the emerging national urban policy agenda revolve around the ESDP (European Spatial Development Perspective) concepts of ‘polycentrism’, and ‘urban-rural partnership’, while equal attention is placed to the intra-urban environmental and socio-economic issues. In this light, 15 Greek cities have been selected by the national authorities as ‘Urban Growth Poles’, a list that incorporates the cities of Alexandroupoli and Komotini (Thrace Region) as a bipolar urban centre, as well as the Municipality of Mytilene.

6.3 The interest of the case studies proposed for inquiring

Local Operational Programme (2007-2013) The Local Operational Programme has already moved into implementation, promoting a two-year plan of actions (2009-2010) with a budget of € 39.969.061. Subsequent implementation phases have not been planned out yet. The fact, however, that 75 per cent of the programme’s current and prospective budget focuses on the improvement, renovation and revitalisation of public spaces and services, renders it particularly relevant to Sha.Ke’s interests. The Local Support Group will focus its activities on the respective programme, draw from it and construct a coherent and feasible line of actions in the form of a Local Action Plan.

Urban Growth Poles (2007-2013) The ‘Growth Poles’ strategy, is a policy plan with unknown qualities and directions at the time of writing. The creation of a Local Support Group in the Thrace Region, incorporating the cities of Alexandroupolis and Komotini - and the production of a Local Action Plan on this issue - will be used as a platform for experimentation at the Mytilene level. Mytilene actors will reflect on the guidelines suggested by the Thrace cities, while networking between localities will facilitate the exchange of experience process.

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6.4 Outcomes of Sha.ke activities

a) Local Action Plan at the city level, the outcome of a local support group workings on ‘public space’, involving all relevant actors and stakeholders. The Local Action Plan will focus on a particular part of the city centre. Its implementation will function as a pilot project for a broader urban regeneration programme intended to be implemented by the municipality in the framework of the Regional Operational Programme (2007-2013) ‘integrated urban interventions’ scheme. b) The Local Action Plan guidelines of Alexandroupolis and Komotini on the ‘Urban Growth Pole’ strategy will be reflected, discussed and worked upon in Mytilene, guiding actions into the production of a tangible plan on the local ‘Growth Pole’ programme.

6.5 Local support group

Municipal Dept. of Dimitrios Chief Tel. +30 22513 50574 Development and Mantzaris Officer Email: [email protected] EU Programmes University of the Ioannis Ass. Tel. +30 22510 36462 Aegean Chorianopoulos Professor Fax +30 22510 36409 Email : [email protected]

North Aegean Stratos Officer Tel. +30-2251037737/47370 Regional Authorities Vougioukas Email: [email protected] URL: http://www.northaegean.gr Lesvos Local Anastasios Officer Tel. +30-22510-29400, Development Perimenis Fax +30-22510-29577 Company S.A. URL: www.etal-sa.gr (E.T.A.L.) Local Council of Dimitris Officer Tel. +30 22510-29570 / 43796 Municipalities and Koniarellis Fax +30 22510-41463 Communes (TEDK) URL: www.tedklesv.gr (Prefectural Tier)

Lesvos Chamber of Panagiotis Member Tel. +30 22510 28431 Commerce and Lambropoulos Fax +30 22510 23275 Industry Email: [email protected] Lesvos Labour Eustratios Member Tel. +30 2251022734 Organisation Antonas +30 2251027856

‘Ydatinos’ Vaggelis Member Tel. +30 22510 29306 (Local Environmental Fragioulakis Fax +30 22510 29306 Group) URL: http://www.ydatinos.gr

Heliachtida Vasiliki Member Tel. +30-22510-45577 (Local NGO for people Andreadelli URL: www.iliaktida-amea.gr with disabilities and special needs).

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7. Apulia Region case studies: a) regional programme PIR b) implementation of the programme in three cities by Carla Tedesco Iuav University of Venice and Michele Cera, ORCA, Regione Puglia a) The PIRP regional programme

The PIRP-Programma Integrato di Riqualificazione delle Periferie (Peripheral Neighbourhood Rehabilitation Integrated Programme) has been launched in 2005 when a new regional government willing to break strongly with the past rightwing regional government policy approach, was elected. Social housing problems became the main point of the political programme and new initiatives were promoted. This started new kinds of innovations in the urban policy field.

PIRP is an area-based and integrated programme aiming at grasping the specific problems of urban deprived neighbourhoods including social housing to be rehabilitated or built. The term ‘peripheral’ is not referred to the ‘location’ of neighbourhoods within the urban fabric, but to a variety of situations having social, economic, environmental, and housing problems as major features:peripheral neighbourhoods, historic centres, pockets of deprivation in the central city etc .

Among the main ‘innovations’ the programme has introduced in the local context we can certainly mention the great stress on:

- integration (between housing, infrastructure, social and economic actions),

- sustainable building

- involvement of local people in the regeneration process

The three key words of the programme are: integration, sustainability and participation.

Design of the programme was based on the attempt to avoid simplification and misuse of innovation . Evaluation criteria assigning precise points for each aspects of the programme, stressing on those supposed to be innovative (i.e distinguishing points for information given to inhabitants and points for inhabitants involvement in the programmes setting up were established. Organisation of workshops ( and an on-line forum) aiming at diffusing concepts such as ‘integration’ and ‘inhabitants involvement’ to support municipalities in the setting up of programme documents were organised.

The Pirp was successful. Many municipalities participated in the competitive bidding process: 130 out of 258 municipalities in the Apulia region presented 129 programmes (the Province’s main towns could present 2 programmes ).The funds available were not particularly consistent:

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each local programme could benefit from 4M euros (for cities with a population of at least 50000), or 3M euros (for cities with a population of at least 20000) or 2M euros in the other cases. Thus, other factors urged municipalities to participate but funding. One of these was certainly the possibility of getting the programmes (and the planning permissions) approved (even if not funded) by the Regional administration in quite a short term. But it is also worth mentioning the cultural shift within which the programme has been designed.

Given the effort made at the local level to set up programmes, although only 31 programmes were funded by housing funds,99 programmes were reassessed and partly funded by ERDF.

Outcomes

What are the results expected from Puglia case studies? - To analyse practices of mainstreaming of the ‘URBAN approach’ at the regional level, focusing, in particular, on a specific regional programme (PIRP) but taking also into account the urban policies which have been developed afterwards or are at the study and that can be considered related, in weaker or stronger ways, to what has been learnt in the previous attempt of mainstreaming - To map problems and identify solutions, i.e. innovative practices in sustainable regeneration of deprived neighbourhoods which have been designed under the PIRP regional programme, (focus on actions aiming at the improvement of public spaces and services) - To identify the relevant partners which have been involved in these processes at both regional and local levels - To understand what has been learnt by the partners and with which outcomes

The more general perspective is to build, through the analysis, evaluation and capitalisation of these experiences, regional guidelines and a specific pilot project , as well as to follow the implementation of some PIRP programmes in order to understand the difficulties in maintaining the integrated approach during implementation.

Local Support Group The LSG will be articulated in a 'core LSG' including several departments of the regional government (and the MA) and a larger LSG including representatives of the selected cities. In each of the selected cities a focus group will be also organised. Some of the actors involved in the focus group will take part in the larger regional LSG.

‘Core’ LSG Stakeholders Names Interests related to the Experience/Knowledge in Capacity and project topic the project topic willingness to foster local changes Regional N. Palmieri Responsible for housing Neighbourhood Contracts Capacity to allocate Housing funds management PIRP assessment funds Department commission Manager Regional L. Brizzi Responsible for the PIRP Willingness to Housing programme experiment Department- implementation innovative actions Head of Living

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conditions and local programmes Office Regional F.Pace Responsible for PIRP Planning actions funded by Department structural funds 2007-13 Manager Regional F. Ditrani Part of the PIRP assessment Urban commission planning Department- Regional B. Radicchio Part of the PIRP assessment Environment commission Agency Regional A. Candela Part of the PIRP assessment Social Issues commission Department Manager Regional L. Guerrieri Assessment of PIRP actions consultant to fund by Structural Funds ORCA- M. Cera Monitoring of the PIRP Links academic Regional M. Cuonzo knowledge-policy Observatory making on Housing- consultant Evaluation G. Moro Supporting structural Unit-Head funds programming and implementation Managing D.Daloiso Authority

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b) Implementation of the programme in five cities

Bari city

7.1 Context elements a. Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions. Bari is the main town of the Puglia Region. It is located on the Adriatic sea coast and counts about 320,000 inhabitants (320, 677 in 2008). The rapid growth of population which characterized the Second World War Period stopped during the 1980s when population started declining. In the twenty years from 1981 to 2001 (last census available) Bari lost 10,6% of its population that by enlarge re- settled in the communes around the city. This involved severe problems of traffic congestion The economy of the city is mainly based on medium-small industries, commercial activities and the service sector. The latter is connected to the role of the city as regional main town. In the last decade the Bari harbour increasingly developed its traffics. This was also due to the EU Eastern enlargement. 75,2% was in 2001 (last census available) the average of population employed in the service sector, being 59,3% the regional average. In the same year 22,4% was the average of population employed in the industry sector, being 28,7% the regional average. Unemployment is high, but quite lower than the regional average (18,97%) (IPRES, 2005).

b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay The city presents large areas of social distress and urban decay. This can involve the risk of describing the city as a whole deprived area. On the other hand, urban deprivation problems in Southern Italy bigger cities have been largely neglected due to the general uneven socioeconomic development between Northern and Southern regions. Nothwith standing that, different problems of deprivation can be singled out. These affect the old part of the town, as well as most inner city areas as well as post World War II peripheral neighbourhoods.

c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tool and or programmes used During the 1990s and 2000s the city participated in several area-based urban regeneration programmes promoted by the EU (URBAN) by the Italian government (Neighbourhood Contract) as well as the Region (PIRP). Bari participated in the URBAN I program with a project of revitalization of the old town. The URBAN Programme had a very deep impact on the town and in the entire region. This was mainly due to the high ‘visibility’ of the actions concerning the

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rehabilitation of squares and streets and the opening of new restaurants, pubs, and cafés. In the late 1990s Bari took part also in the first round of Neighbourhood contract Programme to address the problems of a peripheral neighbourhood built up in the 1940s, Mungivacca. However, the project mainly focused on the built environment problems. In 2000, Bari participated to the competitive bidding process of the URBAN second round (URBAN II), but this was not successful. However, the local programme set up for the participation to the URBAN II competitive bidding process was used to set up an area-based programme within the mainstream of structural funds (the so called “Cities priority programme”). This targeted two peripheral areas: the San Paolo-Stanic social housing district and the Carbonara-Ceglie-Loseto administrative district. In the opinion of the actors involved in both experiences (URBAN and the Cities priority) the innovative character of URBAN was lost.

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d. Policies and practices detected as case studies: San Marcello PIRP programme

Target area Municipal government of Bari has identified San Marcello district as a candidate area for PIRP program. San Marcello is affected by environmental, social and housing hardships caused by traffic congestion (also due to the presence of the university campus), deterioration or inadequacy of urban services and public spaces. The area of San Marcello is part of the consolidated city, although it shows all the characteristic of urban peripheries.

Programme objectives • Improving social conditions and public spaces • Studying new forms of sociality and new uses of open spaces • Improving and creating pedestrian paths

Funding details: Requested Regional funding: Euro 4.000.000,00 ( accorded: Euro 2.900.000,00) Other public funding: Euro 6.000.000,00 Private funding for urban services : Euro 5.459.847 Other Private funding: Euro 12.672.908

Total cost of San Marcello PIRP program: Euro 27.032.755,00

Public spaces: general problems and solutions General problems: • Lack of designed public spaces • Lack of spaces for sport and leisure activities • Small number of shops and services • Lack of continuous pedestrian areas and bike paths • Traffic congestion due to university campus users who park their cars on walk sides and other free public spaces. • Presence of "unfinished” public buildings never completed or destroyed (school buildings in via Fanelli) • Perception of insecurity in the use of public spaces because of the presence of traffic • Conflicts in the use of urban space (illegal car parks)

Solutions: • Roads Upgrading: roads can become a big public space that generates functions and connects important urban functions (seat of borough government, university, church). • roads become a safe space of coexistence between different users: pedestrians, cyclists and motorists • Creation of new commercial activities • Creation of a social centre for elderly people and new seat of borough government • Renewal of the San Marcello church square and creation of a new square

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Public participation forms Public information and discussion meetings Setting up of a district laboratory composed by: representatives of the municipality of Bari; representatives of borough government; professors and researchers of Civil Engineering and Architecture Department of the Polytechnic of Bari; students of Urban Sociology course at the Polytechnic of Bari; representatives of San Marcello parish; representatives of neighbourhood inhabitants. Interviews with privileged witnesses Informal interviews with residents of the area covered by the program Walks in the neighbourhood Information activities

Involved actors neighbourhood inhabitants San Marcello parish Government of Carrassi-San Pasquale borough Civil Engineering and Architecture Department of the Polytechnic of Bari students of Urban Sociology course at the Polytechnic of Bari trade unions IACP – Bari (Autonomous Institute for Public Housing) Voluntary organizations

Initial project proposals from private builders who planned to demolish and reconstruct residential buildings were considered district inhabitants not in line with traditional district image. District residents have proposed restoration interventions. Initial project ideas to create an underground car park have been strongly opposed by residents who feared an increment in car traffic flows. Instead of it, the realization of a new public square to be used by districts residents and voluntary organizations

Why is this case important for Sha.Ke Despite the identified emergencies, the district has built over 50 years, a strong sense of community and identity in its inhabitants, making of this part of the city a sort of "urban village" characterized by neighbourhood relationships and spontaneous forms of sociality. A large part of the small gardens of the district was fenced, planted and maintained by the residents themselves. Some of these gardens have been equipped with benches and votive statues. Despite that, a major conflict in the use of urban areas has born between district inhabitants and university campus users who park their cars on walk sides and other free public spaces.

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Fig.1 Aerial view of San Marcello PIRP area

Fig.2 Actions entailed by the program

1 building of the new seat of borough government 2 new public residential building 3 Renewal of the San Marcello church square and creation of a new square 8 new bike path

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Putignano Context elements

a. Population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions .

The last census reported a population of 28,176 units, that decreased down to 27,529 in 2008, after a continuous growth until 2001. Urban development has concentrated between 60's and 70's, a period characterized by population growth and housing development. The economic frame of Putignano is characterized by a 40.8% of workers employed in manufacturing sector, 19.8% in trade, 11, 2% in building sector, and 17.3% in other services. In particular, manufacturing sector is characterized especially by a strong tradition in textile production, in particular wedding gowns. During last years industrial settlements in Putignano grew by more than 30%, a rate higher than the provincial average value. Agribusiness is characterized by cheese and cereals based production carried by medium and small sized farms. Tourism, despite the Carnival of Putignano, a highly attractive event, is not yet fully exploited as an economic development opportunity.

b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay

10,282 households, 36.49% out of 28,176 families residing in Putignano (data from 2005), is in the public housing list (list including families that deserve a public housing dwelling), while 1,11% of them (314 families), benefit from a rent subsidy. The territorialisation of poverty in the case of Putignano is easily recognizable in the satellite neighbourhood of San Pietro Piturno (see PIRP case study). Beside that, the old town (for which Putignano Municipality adopted a renewal plan in 2004), shows some signs of a critical social composition (low income inhabitants and a good percentage of immigrants)

c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tool and or programmes used

Piano di recupero (Renewal plan) In 2006 Putignano City Council adopted the renewal plan for San Pietro Piturno (under Italian law 457/78). The Plan provides a comprehensive and articulated set of measures for existing facilities upgrading and for new facilities construction. The plan aims at stopping physical deterioration and at promoting social and environmental recovery by building new facilities, by exploiting rich natural and cultural resources of the district, enhancing its accessibility.

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Tha plan aims at making San Pietro Piturno a pilot ecologic neighbourhood with particular emphasis on: (i) the water cycle (underground pools to accumulate rain water under the three district squares; permeabilization of road network and parking spaces); (ii) the energy cycle (use of solar energy for street lighting and parking lots covered with photovoltaic panels; use of green biomass); (iii). the cycle of waste metabolism (separate waste).

Contratto di Quartiere II (Neighbourhood contract 2) The Neighbourhood contract II of San Pietro Piturno is intended as a tool for urban redevelopment, as indicated in the Piano di Recupero, and as a tool for economic and social upgrading. The Neighbourhood contract has the following general objectives: − improvement of built environment and environment quality; − the allocation of new public and private facilities; − fostering employment and social integration, − fostering active participation of inhabitants to the decision making process. The proposal was not funded.

PRUACS In 2009 a new area-based programme was set for San Pietro Piturno under the regional programme PRUACS (Urban Renewal Programme for Affordable Rent) launched in 2008. The programme was mainly aimed at procuring new dwellings (both public and private) to be rented at a prearranged rent. In the case of San Pietro Piturno, the proposal stemmed from the desire to complete the regeneration process already undertaken with previous and ongoing actions and programs (in particular with the PIRP). In particular, PRUACS proposal includes some actions that was not possible to include in PIRP proposal and constitutes, therefore, the ideal continuation of PIRP and the completion of the regeneration process began with the Piano di Recupero . The proposal addresses the need to procure new sustainable rent dwellings, an important aim in Putignano where many people, especially poor people and young couples, have difficulties to access housing market, and are forced to move to other towns, such as the nearby Turi, where rents are more affordable. General objectives identified by PRUACS proposal were:

− Providing opportunities to access to housing market for disadvantaged people; − Improving housing and services quality in the neighbourhood; − Facing social exclusion; − Protecting environmental quality of the area.

These goals were pursued by the following actions:

− the completion of two unfinished buildings owned by IACP to realize 48 sustainable rent dwellings; − the realization of a creche at the ground floor of the IACP buildings; − the creation of a public Market at the ground floor of the IACP buildings; − the realization of a cycle path;

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− the completion of a playground for children; − the renewal of a football field; − the construction of a new sewer stretch; the realization of a draining pavement drainage along the roadway; − the creation of a new small square and garden between the two buildings to be completed.

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d. Policies and practices detected as case studies: San Pietro Piturno PIRP programme

Target area San Pietro Piturno PIRP program includes the small neighbourhood of San Pietro Piturno. The district, born as a social housing neighbourhood built under the Italian 167 law, is about 3.5 kilometers far from the city centre and presents serious built environment, environmental and social problems. Poor accessibility, inadequate services and lack of social integration make it the most degraded area in Putignano. In the last census (2001) the resident population amounted to 811 units (217 housholds). San Pietro Piturno is characterized by:

− Isolation from the city centre. Putignano city centre is reachable just by car (which not every family owns) and by a no daily bus; − Almost total absence of facilities (green spaces, schools and leisure facilities). Areas designed as green spaces are degraded, with no maintenance and inaccessible to disabled people. − Housing problems: − 1. Heavy deterioration of buildings and dwellings − 2. Illegal crowdings of dwellings: many families live together without declaring this situation − 3. Coexistence of 54 dwellings owned by IACP, the Province Institute for Social Housing and 99 by the Municipality of Bari, involving social integration problems between different social groups. − Unemployment problems: there are considerable difficulties in finding a job for younger population, particularly for boys and girls who drop off school. On the other hand, economic activities are almost completely lacking, making San Pietro Piturno a monofunctional neighbourhood ( quartiere dormitorio , dormitory neighbourhood) − Social problems. Concentration of severe social problems (poverty, marginalization and delinquency). The district is characterized by a very articulate social structure. Phenomena of drug addiction, alcoholism, youth unemployment, school drop off are signs of a problematic social situation. People living in the tenants owned by municipality of Bari (about 40 Km far from Putignano) feel a double segregation: from their place of origin (Bari) and from the Putignano city centre. The 20.74% of families residing in the district is supported by social services.

Programme objectives PIRP proposal has been built on three following key concepts: sustainability, participation and integration. The proposal provides both material actions and Actions on the social side (assistance to families, children care etc). In particular, general programme objectives are:

− Improve housing dignity and quality − Enrich neighbourhood functions − Improve the connection with Putignano city centre

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Funding details: Requested Regional funding: Euro 3.000.000,00 Other public funding: Euro 1.856.304,27 Private funding for urban services : Euro 5.578.865,01 Other Private funding: /

Total cost of Putignano PIRP program: Euro 10.435.169,28

Public spaces: general problems and solutions General problems: • Lack of real squares and other public spaces • Small number of spaces for sport and leisure activities • Small number of shops and services • Lack of continuous pedestrian areas and bike paths • Main regional road between the neighbourhood and the railway station • Public spaces and services related problems program goals

Solutions: • New green spaces and pedestrian paths • New parking spaces • New commercial facilities • Renewal of Donna Giulia Romanazzi Carducci nursing home for elderly people • Maintanance of the wood. • New bus stop • New roundabout at the entrance of the neighborhood • Realization of a health centre • Project “Social gardens"

Public participation forms

• Public information and discussion meetings • Information activities • Participation laboratory “Children in action” • Thematic focus groups with several actors • Technical aid to private actors • Public announcement for private actors and citizen associations involvement • Information activities

Involved actors

• Municipality of Putignano • Municipality of Bari • IACP • Polytechnic of Bari • San Filippo Neri parish • Associazione Auxesia • Associazione Progresso Idealista • Comitato di Quartiere S. Pietro Piturno

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• Associazione “S.C.D Montelli” • Citizens • ISF (Engineering without borders)

Why is this case significant for Sha.Ke The analysis of San Pietro Piturno case is particularly relevant due to the possibility to analyse public spaces uses by different social groups somehow “forced” to live together by the condition of living in an isolated neighbourhood. The uses of public spaces by different social groups (including illegal behaviours such as drug pushing), by community associations initiatives and the solutions singled out within the PIRP will be analyzed in order to draw lessons on the difficulties of coexistence of different groups.

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Fig.1 Aerial view of PIRP area

Fig.2 Actions entailed by the program

1. Renewal of 44 social housing dwellings 2. New green spaces and pedestrian paths 3. New purking spaces 4. New commercial facilities 5. Renewal of Donna Giulia Romanazzi Carducci nursing home for elderly people 6. Maintanance of the wood. 7. New bus stop 8. New roundabout at the entrance of the neighborhood 9. Realization of a health centre 10. Project “Social gardens"

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Manfredonia

Context elements

a. Population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions.

Census in 2001 shows a quite stable population, although for the first time since 1861 a moderate population decrease occurred. (-1,1% between 1991 and 2001) after that since 1861 population had constantly increased. This trend is still ongoing (-0,9% between 2000 and 2008). Current demographic trends are characterized by: (i) a moderate population decrease; (ii) an increase in lifespan; (iii) ageing population (although population is still relatively young); (iv) decrease in average size of families. Natural demographic balance between births and deaths is still positive, while social balance is negative (this last is responsible for population decrease). Although population more than 65 years old is increasing, percentage of population less than 24 years old is still high (about 30% over the total). Another change is the typology of families: average size of families is decreasing and number of families with 1 or two components is increasing. Population is concentrated in the urban centre, with a very small number of people living in the hamlets. In historical neighbourhoods population is older, while it is younger in recent neighbourhoods (mainly in the outskirts). In 2001 unemployment rate was 26,7%, higher than regional (20,1%) and provincial (21,6%) rates. In more recent years, data show a moderate decreasing in unemployment, although it remains still high. Manfredonia shows some signs of a post-industrial town: Enichem, a state-driven chemical factory of fertilizers and one of the biggest in southern Italy was set up in 1971 in the outskirt of Manfredonia and has marked the history of the town in recent decades owing to social, economic and environmental changes (in 1976 Manfredonia was stroke by a major environmental disaster, caused by an explosion in the factory). Today, Enichem is no more functioning as a chemical factory but in its area a number of smaller enterprises have established. The “Contratto d’Area” signed in 1996 has represented the starting of a new phase in Manfredonia economic life: almost 100 new small and medium sized enterprises, some of them coming from northern Italy, have established in the renewed industrial area. Today economic sectors with the higher number of workers are building sector, fishing, manufacturing factory and commerce. Fishing and commerce are linked to the presence of Manfredonia harbour, one of the most active in southern Adriatic sea.

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b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay Territorialisation of poverty in Manfredonia shows a quite homogenous situation. Urban poverty and degradation is not concentrated in specific areas, except for two public housing neighbourhoods. The first of them is included in PIRP area (see below),.while the second one is a very small settlement in via Hermada, in a semi-peripheral area. However, both of them have changed during the years their social composition and from a situation of mere low income inhabitants have evolved toward a more composite structure.

c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tool and or programmes used URBAN II Program In 2000 Manfredonia Municipality decided to participate to Urban II call with a proposal named “ Manfredonia fra terra e mare ” ( Manfredonia between the land and the sea ). The proposal aimed at improving economic, social and environmental town conditions, enhancing labour market and reducing social deprivation. The program area was extended to all the town and entailed the following actions:

1) Actions on built environment (mainly public spaces and buildings) 2) Support to enterprises and action to sustain employment 3) Reduction of waste, of air and acoustic pollution, and support to alternative energy forms. 4) Actions in the field of technology innovation 5) Institutional capacity building.

Urban II proposal classified at 33 rd place in national list and was not financed neither by EU structure and nor by URBAN ITALIA which funded 17 further programmes included in the URBAN II list.

“Greenway” pilot project The project was financed under the PON (Operative National Programme) 2000-2006. Pilot project Greenway aimed at urban and environmental rehabilitation of the northern periphery of Manfredonia trough the connection between green peripheral areas and mobility infrastructures. Entailed project actions are: 1) Construction of a new road (s-2 road in the urban plan) aimed at alleviating the current single longitudinal distribution axis as well as at connecting the consolidated urban areas with new urban developments; 2) Improvement of the northern border of the city, increasing infrastructure and services provision and creating new urban centralities; 3) Creation of a green areas system to be integrated with mobility infrastructures; 4) Renewal of the urban “gates”: (i) near the intersection with the road to Siponto; (ii) near the intersection with the road to S. Giovanni Rotondo; (iii) near the intersection with the road SS 89.

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Manfredonia Municipality has approved in 2005 the feasibility study to establish a STU (Urban Transformation Company) to upgrade two distinct areas. The project idea is focused on 3 strategic objectives: 1) Improvement of environmental quality, with actions both on natural and built environment, 2) Improvement of integration between different parts of the town (old town and semi-peripheral neighbourhoods) with the creation of new services and urban nodes; 3) Public spaces upgrading.

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d. Policies and practices detected as case studies : Manfredonia@ttiva – PIRP Programme -

Target area "Manfredonia@ttiva - PIRP 2007" includes two distinct areas. The first one is a built area part of the 1st “Piano di Zona” (a peripheral public housing neighbourhood), while the second area, is at now not built, although typed as suitable for building in the current Manfredonia urban plan. This second area is characterized by the presence of a disused quarry and is contiguous to a “lama”, a small canyon which is one of the distinguishing environmental elements of Apulian landscape. PIRP program assigns to the disused quarry an important function in the urban renewal strategy.

Programme objectives Urban upgrading of a peripheral social housing neighbourhood

Funding details: Requested Regional funding: Euro 4.000.000,00 Other public funding: Euro 5.435.000 Private funding for urban services : Euro 2.542.350 Other Private funding: Euro 43.051.355

Total cost of Manfredonia PIRP program: Euro 55.028.705,00

Public spaces: general problems and solutions General problems: • Lack of designed public spaces • Lack of spaces for sport and leisure activities • Small number of shops and services • Lack of continuous pedestrian areas and bike paths • Traffic congestion in via Vittorio Veneto, the road that connects Manfredonia to the roads SS 89 and la SS 159

Solutions: • Transformation of the former slaughterhouse in a “city centre” (a polyfunctional building for leisure activities) • Transformation of the quarry in a new square with an amphitheatre • Realization of a public park in the “lama” • Realization of sewing and paper-pulp laboratories • “Self made property”, an experimental form of maintenance of public spaces: every citizen will be responsible for the public space next to his house • Maintenance of public spaces during dedicated laboratories

Public participation forms

• Questionnaire to choose the program area among seven areas proposed by Manfredonia municipality • Opening public information and discussion meeting • Five thematic workshops with privileged witnesses • Workshop with grammar and secondary school students • Informal interviews with residents of the area covered by the program

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• Public PIRP project presentation • Information activities

Involved actors

• neighbourhood inhabitants • trade unions (tenants) • IACP – Foggia (Autonomous Institute for Public Housing) • Voluntary organizations • Institutions • Schools • ASL (Sanitary Local Authority) • Parishes • Professional associations • Private contractors

Initial project proposal to build a pool has been changed by neighbourhood inhabitants to a sport centre with a bigger number of possible sport activities. All involved actors have signed a “social, economic and environmental sustainability agreement” with which they engage to respect sustainability principles in entailed program actions. A Neighbourhood Social Directorate will be created to watch over program implementation.

Why is this case significant for Sha.ke

The program area is interested for the following reasons:

1) The presence of the abandoned quarry (Cava Gramazio) 2) The proximity to the “lama” 3) The presence of a former slaughterhouse (to be converted to a “city centre”) 4) The active role of citizens in identifying the program area

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Fig.1 Aerial view of Manfredonia with PIRP area

Fig.2 Actions entailed by the program

1. Private services 2. School 3. Social services 4. Commercial activities 5. Sport structures 6, 7 Residential buildings

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Torremaggiore

Context elements a. Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions. According to last Italian census (2001), Torremaggiore had a population of 17021 inhabitants. Population in 2008 was quite stable (17224), after a slight decrease between 1991 and 2001 (-2,2%). Resident population was lower than present population owing to people who migrated elsewhere and kept their old residence. Anyway, an increasing number of immigrants live temporarily in Torremaggiore (mainly workers in the agricultural sector). Average size of families is progressively decreasing (2.9 components in 2001) while number of families with 1 or 2 components is increasing. Percentage of inhabitants less than 14 years old is relatively high (18,9% on total population, higher than Apulian average value). Immigrants in 2001 were 207 (1,2%) , a value than we consider high when confronted to Apulian average (0,75%). In most cases this high presence of immigrants is linked to agricultural production (above all grain and tomatoes) which is even today an important factor of Torremaggiore economy (33,4% of total workers are occupied in the agricultural value, a very high value (average Apulian value is 12%). On the other hand, people working in industrial and services sector are a smaller amount if compared to Apulian average values. Percentage of not occupied people, although high in absolute terms (17,8%) is lower then regional average.

b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay Territorialisation of poverty and decay in Torremaggiore shows some critical areas: the area surrounding the former grammar school in via Sacco e Vanzetti; (ii) the marketplace area ; (iii) the area surrounding the former slaughterhouse in the north- western part of the town; (iv) the old town. The old town, in particular, is characterized by social deprivation, physical degradation and lack of urban services. It presents an ageing population and an increasing presence of immigrants.

c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tool and or programmes used Contratto di Quartiere II (Neighbourhood contract 2) “Terrae Maioris” The proposal focused on urban areas characterized by major physical degradation and social deprivation. The three areas interested by the project are: (i) area surrounding the former grammar school in via Sacco e Vanzetti; (ii) the marketplace; (iii) the area

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surrounding the former slaughterhouse in the north-western part of the town. Terrae Maioris entails the following actions :

− renewal of squares and urban spaces in the north-western part of the town (167 area) − renewal of the municipal park; − renewal of streets in the old town, − renewal of the former library − renewal of the former magistrate's courthouse − renewal of the marketplace − new social housing − actions in favour of occupation and social assistance.

The proposal was not financed.

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d. Policies and practices detected as case studies : “ Il Codacchio” PIRP programme

Target area Torremaggiore PIRP area includes the old town (named “Codacchio”) dating back to XV century. The old town is characterized by social deprivation, built environment degradation and lack of urban services. Torremaggiore old town is a particularly has got an ageing population with a strong component of immigrants, linked mainly to agricultural production (above all grain and tomatoes). For this reason their presence is often on a temporarily basis (following seasonal nature of agricultural production). During the public meeting, citizens have expressed the necessity to extend the PIRP area to the municipal pine-wood and to the contiguous zone.

Programme general objectives • Improving and creation of pedestrian paths connecting the old town to the contiguous area • Improving public and private services • Improving public spaces

Funding details: Requested Regional funding: Euro 2.000.000,00 Other public funding: Euro 12.629.000,00 Private funding for urban services : Euro 136.000,00 Other Private funding: Euro 385.000,00

Total cost of San Marcello PIRP program: Euro 15.150.000,00

Public spaces: general problems and solutions General problems: • Lack of designed public spaces • Lack of spaces for sport and leisure activities • Small number of shops and services • Diffused physical degradation • Lack of social services • Lack of cultural services • Lack of green spaces • Lack of parking spaces

Solutions: • New paving and lighting in the old town; • New paving in Via Sacco e Vanzetti, Largo Fosse, Via Leopardi • Renewal of Palazzo "De Sangro" and transformation in a social centre • Renewal of municipal pine-wood • Completion of judicial offices • Renewal of municipal football field • Renewal of "Castel Ducale" (ducal castle) • Renewal of "Scuola Media Padre Pio" • Renewal of "Scuola Elementare San Giovanni Bosco" • Renewal former Municipal Library and transformation in a cultural centre

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• Realization of a professional school in Via Ugo La Malfa • Renewal of social and cultural spaces in Via Cavour • Renewal of area "Arena Cavata" in Via Ugo La Malfa" Private actions • Realization of a children educational house in the municipal pine-wood

Public participation forms • Questionnaire • Public information and discussion meeting • Public forum with associations, trade unions and entrepreneurs; • Information activities

Involved actors • Torremaggiore inhabitants • trade unions (tenants) • Voluntary organizations • Professional associations • Private contractors • cooperative societies

Voluntary and cooperative societies will maintenance some spaces in the poly-functional centre and will take actions in favour of children, elderly, immigrates and disabled people.

Why is this case significant for Sha.Ke The old part of town presents challenging situations in terms of use of public spaces as traditional uses have to coexist with new uses by new groups (immigrants).

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Fig.1 Aerial view of Torremaggiore with PIRP area

Fig.2 Actions entailed by the program

1.Contribution to private houses renewal 2.Public housing in Via Costituente 3.Public housing in Via Ugo La Malfa 4.New paving and lighting in the old town; 5.New paving in Via Sacco e Vanzetti, Largo Fosse, Via Leopardi 6.Renewal of Palazzo "De Sangro" and transformation in a social centre 7.Renewal of municipal pine-wood 8.Completion of judicial offices 9.Renewal of municipal football field 10.Renewal of "Castel Ducale" (ducal castle) 11.Renewal of "Scuola Media Padre Pio" 12.Renewal of "Scuola Elementare San Giovanni Bosco" 13.Renewal former Municipal Library and transformation in a cultural centre 14.Realization of a professional school in Via Ugo La Malfa 15.Renewal of social and cultural spaces in Via Cavour 16.Renewal of area "Arena Cavata" in Via Ugo La Malfa" Private actions"

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Cisternino

Context elements

a. Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions. Cisternino has a quite stable demographic trend. According to last Italian census (2001), Cisternino had a population of 12078 inhabitants. After a continuous, although moderate, increasing in population (+1,1% between 1991 and 2001), Cisternino shows today a very slight decreasing population (-1,3% between 2000 and 2008). This decrease is due to a negative balance between births (88 in 2008) and deaths (136 in 2008), while migratory balance is positive. Half of Cisternino population live in the central part of the town, while the other half live in the countryside (in the hamlets of Canalini, Figazzano, Marinelli and Sisto). Cisternino territory is thus characterized by the historical diffused settlement model of Valle d’Itria , with the presence of numerous traditional houses in the countryside (the trulli). Percentages of employees show values in line with regional averages: a predominance of service sector (55,4%), almost a third out of the total employees in industrial sector (30,6%), and a smaller percentage in agricultural sector (14%). Unemployment rate was i13,8% in 2001, noticeably lower than regional value (20,1%).

b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay Territorialisation of poverty in Cisternino shows a critical situation in the peripheral social housing neighbourhood built under Italian law 167. The neighbourhood, built 1 km far from the urban centre, is physically separated from Cisternino and is reachable just by a bridge. Social composition of the neighbourhood shows an ageing population with a good percentage of population assisted by social services. c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tool and or programmes used Beside PIRP programme proposal (see below), no other urban regeneration initiatives has been undertaken by Cisternino municipality in the last years.

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d. Policies and practices detected as case studies : “ Il Codacchio” PIRP programme

Target area Program area concerns a peripheral district including “167 zone” a public housing neighbourhood. The area is characterized by major social deprivation, physical degradation and lack of urban services.

Programme objectives The proposal aims at: • increasing social services to reduce social deprivation and to prevent from urban poverty; • connecting the neighbourhood with the urban centre both on the “physical” side, both in terms of functions and services.

Funding details: Requested Regional funding: Euro 2.000.000,00 Other public funding: Euro 9.798.098 Private funding: Euro 17.463.733

Total cost of PIRP program: Euro 27.261.841,00

Public spaces: general problems and solutions General problems: • Lack of designed public spaces • Lack of green spaces • Lack of social services, especially for elderly and disadvantaged people • Degradation of environmental systems

Solutions: • Creation of a green spaces system (“fitness natural park”; “sport and hippotherapy park”; “young sport and skateboard park”) • Creation of new services: nursing home for elderly people; nursing home for disabled people; gathering place for children (“ città dei bambini ”, city of children) • Creation of new commercial activities • Creation of a new square • Creation of a pedestrian and bike path • Building of a new municipal cinema and theatre

Public participation forms • Public information and discussion meetings • Information activities • Workshop with grammar and secondary school students • Meetings with children and their parents to define “city of children” project and maintenance • Local Agenda 21 meeting • Seminars about bio-architecture and environmental sustainability

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• Technical aid to private actors • Public announcement for private actors involvement

Involved actors • neighbourhood inhabitants • trade unions (tenants) • Voluntary organizations • Schools • Professional associations • Private contractors

Workshops with grammar and secondary schools students and their parents have allowed to identify the following priorities for the “city of children”:

• to feel it as a sole children space; • flexibility and adaptability of the space • a joyful and colored space; • a safe, peaceful and tidy place; • an exchange and socialization space; • a place where to free creativity and imagination; • a place with play and sport equipment

During the workshop has thus emerged the willingness not to transfer to “city of children” shapes, symbols and signs typical of the “adults’ city”. Children parents’ involvement has been motivated with the fact that smaller children are not autonomous in their movements and depend upon adults’ life rhythms.

Why is this case interesting for Sha.Ke The program area is characterized by its isolation. In fact, it is physically separated from the rest of the town and connected to it trough a unique road. This separation and the lack of socialization places has prevented the born of a real urban community. On the other hand, Cisternino is a small town with a rich historic and environmental heritage that attracts tourists from all Italy and from several European countries.

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Fig.1 Aerial view of Cisternino

Fig.2 Actions entailed by the program

Public actions

1 nursing home for disabled people 3 gathering place for children (“città dei bambini”, city of children) 5 natural park “The old and the child” 6 fitness natural park 7 sport and hippotherapy park 8 young sport and skateboard park 10 culture and sport square 11 social housing 13 renewal of public residential buildings 14 pedestrian and bike path 16 new municipal cinema and theatre

Private actions

2 nursing home for elderly people 4 parking building with shops, houses and square 12 residential buildings

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8. Generalitat de Catalunya a) the regional programme of urban sustainable regeneration: Lei de Barrio b) implementation of the programme: city of Badalona and Municipality of Manlieu by Pere Picorelli Riutord, REURSA

a) Case Study Programme: Programa de Barris of Catalonia40

8.1 Context elements

Catalonia is one of the seventeen Autonomous Communities that compose Spain. Located on the northeastern corner of the peninsula covers an area of 32,114 km² and has a total population of 7,475,420 inhabitants. With almost 600kms of Mediterranean cost to the east, Catalonia also borders France and Andorra to the north, and the communities of Valencia and Aragon to the south and west. Catalonia population concentrates on the metropolitan region of Barcelona that includes over 5 millions people and extends its influence over 3.236km2 that stretch the coastal areas north and south of Barcelona municipality as well as the direct hinterland that develops around a 50km radius of the metropolitan city. Since 1980 Catalonia enjoys on of the highest degree of selfgovernment in Europe under the Spanish system of regional government, Autonomous Comunities. Local governments have as well a fair amount of self-rule that is recognised by Spanish Constitution.

Institutional context Law 2/2004, 4 June, the improvement of districts, urban areas and towns that require special attention –Catalan District Improvement Act, commonly known as Llei de Barris – benefited in its definition from a specific political context. In 2003 a new coalition government of centre left and separatist parties was formed, and broke the political dominance of Catalan centre-right parties that had been in office for 23 years. This context of change an rupture of tradition made possible the approval a the Llei de Barris by unanimity of the Catalan parliament being the first political law. The unanimity was possible because the clear collaborative approach that the law devised between municipal and regional administrations. Its openness to participation on management and the importance given to local government on addressing urban regeneration made it difficult to any party with municipal responsibilities to oppose such a project.

40 This chapter is mainly composed out of diferent extracts of La Llei de barris una aposta col·lectiva per la cohesió social (2009) published by the catalan ministry of Territorial Policies and Public Works as part of the evaluation effort of the four years of implementation of the Llei de Barris . 243 Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e

The developed programme that followed the approval of the Llei de Barris had to major influences that shaped its previous development. On one hand the obvious input that is the URBAN approach developed through the programmes of area based urban regeneration by means of ERDEF funding since the 1990 that had several experiences in Catalonia.

On the other, it was not the first attempt to promote integral urban regeneration, Barcelona metropolitan area had seen several successful experiences of urban regeneration initiatives, paramount of those the regeneration of Barcelona’s historic centre Ciutat Vella. But not only that one, also intervention on social housing areas such as Verdum, Sant Cosme, el Polvorí, or the community development initiatives link to urban regeneration like the Community plan of Trinitat Nova. That provided with conceptual background and field experience to the objective of mainstreaming area based integral urban regeneration policy. e framework of has as its objective the promotion of the global transformation of these areas, in order to avoid the deterioration of the area and to improve residents’ living conditions, and to favour, in this way, social cohesion. As such the law is

What main problems addressed by the programme? Since the middle of the 1990s the risk of social segregation in Catalan urban areas has tended to increase and, in some places, problems that appeared to have been resolved after the re-emergence of democracy in Spain have re-emerged –such as property overcrowding, degradation of public spaces or the difficulties in the provision of some basic services. This development is, above all, due to two factors. First of all, the development of the property market, that has experienced a cycle of accelerated growth of prices that has been sustained for over a decade and began to show signs of stagnation in late 2007. As a result of this market development the percentage of income that families have had to designate towards housing costs have increased significantly5, to the extent that access to property has been very difficult for significant sectors of the population.

This increase, provoked largely by the development of the financial markets has been accompanied by, moreover, a demographic jump, following a long period of stagnation that begun in the late 1970s, has led to the Catalan population growing from 6.2 to 7.5 million inhabitants in little more than a decade (1996-2007). This growth, as we are aware, has been mainly produced by foreign immigrants that have in turn increased the demand for housing, with the peculiarity that this has produced a population that, in the majority of cases, has hardly been solvent given the existing market conditions.

The combination of these two factors has resulted in, on the one hand, the reappearance of situations of sub-standard housing (especially due to property overcrowding) and, on the other hand, the concentration of social groups with less purchasing power residing where housing is relatively more accessible. This leads to an increase in the risks of social segregation and particularly to the concentration of situations of greater social need in those districts that bring with them serious town planning deficits: old centres, residential housing areas from the sixties and seventies and areas that arose from the processes of marginal town planning.

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Aims and strategies The main objective of the Law of Districts is to deal with the problems that deprived areas of Catalan cities and towns, avoiding the degradation of the living conditions in these districts and acting, as far as possible, on the factors that are found in the origin of the phenomenon of urban segregation. As such, firstly, what is being sought is an objective of equality and social justice, in such a way that all citizens, no matter where they reside, can have a reasonably fair access to basic services and an urban environment of quality. Secondly, what is being perused is the qualification of the city via social justice, given that a city with no social fractures is a space that is more habitable, favourable and attractive to its inhabitants.

Two central strategies characterise the definition and development of the Programa de Barris . Firstly, as it has been previously stated, the Programa is a clear attempt to mainstream at Catalan region level the URBAN approach to urban regeneration of deprived neighbourhoods and towns. Thus, a capital element for the programme is to internalise at all levels the need for the comprehensive treatment of problems in the district. Given that, only by intervening simultaneously in all aspects that significantly affect it is it possible for the application to be successful. This is a proposition that subscribes general adhesion at a theoretical level, but which traditionally has faced great difficulties when being applied by administrative structures, starting from the principle of the division of labour and the sectorialisation of proposals.

Secondly the intergovernmental dimension of the programme is essential. Urban policies on a large scale are not possible, nowadays, with an intense exercise in inter- administrative co-operation. The intervention of the Generalitat in the processes of urban regeneration was absolutely necessary in order to supply resources: once we assume that the renovation policies are policies of social redistribution we would say that these imply that a certain transfer of territorial fiscal resources is necessary, for which it is imperative that we can rely on a superior local institution. But transferring resources should not imply transferring the responsibility on defining local strategy, action definition and implementation. Then, following the subsidiary principle all these aspects fall into responsibility area of those who are close to problem and face it every day: local authorities. The Programa de Barris provides form the regional level resources and policy framework to implement local initiatives of urban regeneration, with the support and guidance that the overall perspective of the programme gives to the regional authorities.

8. 2 Implementation

Description of the programme Law 2/2004, 4 June, the improvement of districts, urban areas and towns that require special attention –Catalan District Improvement Act – has as its objective the promotion of the global transformation of these areas, in order to avoid the deterioration of the area and to improve residents’ living conditions, and to favour, in this way, social cohesion. As such the law is not applied indiscriminately and generally throughout the whole territory, but rather in those areas that are referred to as and fulfil the condition of “urban areas requiring special attention”. Its added value is the capacity to concentrate

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resources and strategies in an action that acts as a shock strategy, which would help to make the necessary change of mentality, attitudes, and focus, until obtaining a vital change in the perspective of the district.

The Programa de Barris , the District Programme which is derived from the application of the law, as such, channels an extraordinary investment by the administration and its ultimate objective of meeting the special needs that may have arisen in some contradictory developments and many kinds of imbalances, which the law intends to correct. It not only concerns, as such a palliative law, but a piece of legislation that is eminently preventative in nature, the objective of which is to find and intervene prior to problems becoming too serious. In order to achieve these objectives, the law establishes the creation of a Fund for the promotion of the Districts Programme, a financial instrument of the Generalitat made available to town councils that present projects of comprehensive integration with the objective of achieving town planning, the social and economic improvement of districts. The contributions by the Generalitat are aimed at the joint financing of these projects.

The Commission for the administration of the fund for the promotion of the district is responsible for analysing the projects that are presented. This parity Commission is made of 30 members, some representing the government of the Generalitat, other members representing local administrations and also professional bodies. It is this commission, presided over by the Secretary for Territorial Planning that, in relation to the existing problem, the generosity of the projects, and the territorial balance, that shall propose which projects shall receive financing and the councillor of PTOP the amount, and which shall adopt the final decision.

Programme scope up to January 2010: • 6 calls for proposal 2004-2009. • 116 districts undergoing transformation • 1150 Million EUR direct investment. • 600 Million EUR contribution from the Fund for the promotion of districts. • Some 860.000 citizens directly benefited, that represents more than 10% of the population of Catalonia.

The comprehensive intervention projects that are being financed cover a diverse and heterogeneous range of actions that are applicable transversally, in accordance with the eight areas of action in which the law proposes intervention. The requirement of citizen participation and co-operation in the formulation of these projects is also another of the characteristic elements. This comprehensive nature consists in the projects including, firstly, action in public areas, accessibility and sustainability, actions aimed at the incorporation of new information technologies in buildings, actions aimed at the promotion of the sustainability of urban development, (in particular those aimed at energy efficiency, the saving of water consumption and recycling of residues), as well as all those actions aimed at the improvement of accessibility and the removal of architectural barriers.

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In relation to the provision of installations and renovation, value is given to all actions related to the renovation and installation of common elements in buildings, the provision of installations for collective use and all of those actions aimed at rehabilitation. From a social point of view all of the intervention plans cover all of the socio-economic programmes and commercial dynamisation that include the social and economic improvement of the district, whether they are integration programmes, commercial dynamisation, or plans accepted etc. These programmes which are aimed at administrating social and cultural diversity, equal opportunities must also include a focus on gender in the whole of the actions of the plan. That is, apply the perspective of gender in the design of cities and towns which means changes in the present focuses of town planning, introducing onto the agenda of priorities matters concerning everyday life, such as safety, proximity, times and organisation of services. Finally an essential element in which the comprehensive project has to intervene is the participation and co-operation of all of the actors of the project, clearly one of the principal actors of these projects are the people that live and co-exist in the District. The relationship with the neighbours and residents of the districts must be a transversal component for the whole of the urban regeneration actions. The leading role of residents and citizen entities in the regeneration operations is clearly a key goal in relation to the effectiveness and impact of the projects. In this way, the strategy of urban regeneration of deprived districts means a new way of understanding the existing relationship between physical spaces, people and institutions based on the interventions in each of these areas. Any action, whether social, economic, town planning or housing, has to clearly fit into this transversal strategy and contribute in a unique manner to achieving the established objectives. From an administrative point of view, this transversality in the administration must be considered as the way of thinking and working together of various organisational units for a common project. This spirit of a Comprehensive Project implies transversal work by different actors, both municipal and the Generalitat itself, which implies a new management model, which materialises via comprehensive actions and is financed by a joint fund created especially by this programme, administered by the PTOP, but transversal in nature. Thus different government Ministries have created and developed complementary aid and resources to the comprehensive integration programmes, thereby adding efficiency and effectiveness to the programme and allows a global vision to be applied as well as transversal co-ordination of the actions developed in the territory by the different public agents.

1 Areas of action The comprehensive intervention projects for the transformation or an urban area requiring special attention, covers a group of diverse and heterogeneous actions, applied transversally, in accordance with the eight areas of action in which the law proposes intervention. The requirement of citizen participation and co-operation in the formulation of these projects is also another of the characteristics.

The eight areas of action proposed by the law adhere to the following guidelines:

1. The improvement of public spaces and the provision of green areas. This concerns the first condition for the transformation of a district, due to its energising effect on

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social life, to facilitate social relationships between and integration of people. The spirit of the Law incorporates this new vision of public space as the framework of social relationships, especially in a country with a Mediterranean climate, the population of which is characterised by the fact that it uses public spaces a great deal. The multiplying effect of the improvement of public space on private investment should be highlighted, in relation to property as well as business and professional activities. The re- urbanisation of streets and squares and the establishing of green areas a long with the purchase and expropriation of land for these ends constitute the most representative examples of this field.

2. The renovation and equipping of common elements of buildings . This concerns interventions that propose working on facades, roofing, structure, access, and paying special attention to the putting in of lifts, the lack of which means that some residents can only leave their homes a few times a year. It also covers actions concerning the general installations of the building: waste water piping and gas, electricity and water installations. In relation to the latter the substitution of the capacity of the metres is relevant.

3. The provision of installations for common use . The existence of public installations is essential to having a socially alive neighbourhood. This area includes new constructions, buildings under repair, renovation and expansion. The most characteristic examples in this field are civic, cultural and social centres, children’s play centres and libraries and sports centres. Also included in a very significant manner is the installation, in the districts included which form a part of the programme, of installations that benefit the whole of the municipal and not only the residents of a particular neighbourhood.

4. The incorporation of information technology in buildings : the objective of these areas is the integration of all of the people into the present information and knowledge society and to, as such, try to combat what is referred to as digital divide which provokes the marginalisation of some groups. The setting up of tele -entres, the installation of wifi networks and the development of educational programmes in new information technologies, constitute the basis of this area.

5. The promotion of sustainability in urban development , especially in relation to energy efficiency, saving in water consumption and recycling of waste: This section includes interesting actions such as: taking advantage of rain and underground water, the installation of green areas and the selective collection of rubbish, the promotion of alternative energies in public spaces, the creation of pedestrian routes, bicycle lanes and establishing allotments in green areas, which not only means a saving in the maintenance of the same but also the entertainment and leisure of the elderly population. The actions described above stand out due to their innovative nature and the significant increase in the quality of life that it generates.

6. Gender equality in urban spaces and installations : Historically the role of the woman has been that of carer – bringing up the children, looking after the ill and the elderly. This has created a specific perception of the city and district. On the other hand, the access of women to installations and the enjoyment of public spaces has often been conditioned and reduced. The objective of the sixth area of the programme is to capitalise this perception and resolve these limitations with the intention of creating

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public spaces and installations that are more appropriate for everyone. The creation or improvement of safe, lively and friendly spaces, the participation programmes and workshops in the design of the cities giving priority to the perception of gender and the incorporation of criteria of proximity in public spaces and installations are examples of actions within this area.

7. The development of programmes that covers social, town planning and economic improvement of the district . These programmes develop essential aspects for co- existence and social integration, the dynamisation of commercial activity, the promotion of employment or information about cultural activities. The programmes for providing information about cultural agendas. The programmes for the promotion of work, the integration of immigrants, the dynamisation of business, setting up property owner groups are good examples of this group of actions.

8. Access and removal of architectural barriers : The removal of architectural barriers has meant an improvement in the quality of life for everyone, especially for those with reduced mobility and or sensorial limitations. This is an essential question, for districts which are frequently situated in the peripheries of cities (, where there are a vast amount of topographic accidents and roads with inclines of more than 10%. The improvement of access to the interior of the neighbourhood or between its interior and the rest of the municipal, thereby stopping its isolation. Roads with the priority being reversed, that is given to pedestrians rather than vehicles, ramps, escalators and lifts, pedestrian bridges and footbridges, are the most significant actions in this field.

2. Urban renewal complementary policy of the District Improvement Programme. The Law of Districts established a clear delimitation of its scope in relation to the area of the policies for the improvement of the housing pool of the districts. Specifically, it states that the actions of the Districts Programme must circumscribe to the renovation of the common elements of the buildings.

Subsequently, the financing of the Districts Programme can be designated to works for the improvement of roofing, facades, exterior walls, stairs, lifts, supply networks and interior patios, but under no circumstance can it be for works related to the renovation of private elements or to obtain land nor the construction of new protected housing units 41 .

In order to fulfil this policy area in the framework of the Programa de Barris , the Ministry of Territorial Plannnig and Infrastructure and the Ministry of Housing and Environment directed the Institut Català del Sòl (Incasol - Catalan Land Institute) to give support to municipalities on de programme regarding urban renewal projects linked to their comprehensive intervention plans.

41 This exclusion is also applied to the financing of teaching and health teams. The idea behind it being that the programme for the improvement of districts can not become an alternative to the sectorial programmes of services which are governed by constitutional rights, for instance housing, education and health, rather its role is to reinforce/ strengthen them to make the complementary programmes possible that are indispensable in those areas facing special difficulties in order for there to be improvement and normalisation. 249 Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e

From the perspective of Incasol it is understood that the actions of urban renewal are complex processes. The most important characteristics of which can be summarised in the following concepts: • The intervention is always of the existing residential fabric which, for diverse circumstances (social, town planning, historical, architectural, economic, etc.) have become obsolete or deprived. • These operations generate a functional, planning and social process of recuperation throughout a district, a housing state or a specific sector of the city, which usually carries with it the total or partial substitution of its housing: expropriation and demolition of the old housing stock and construction of new housing and public space. Such a project may take several years to implement. • It concerns a complex process that affects different professional areas of action that have to intervene in a co-ordinated manner: legal, management, constructive, social and communication. • Social participation, information and dialogue with representatives of the different collectives affected are very useful for the success of the operation, although it may create difficulties and stress in certain moments. Whatsoever the case, the proximity, knowledge of the territory and the implication of the management at the service of the people affected is fundamental to a successful intervention. • It is usual to carry out provisional re-housing that respect the existing social and economic relationships, in order to substitute all of the housing units foreseen in the programme. Bearing this in mind, the programming of works always tries to minimize as much as possible the need for re-housing and its length in time. • The final result of all of the intervention should seek an harmonious integration of the new urban fabric in the environment of the district and the city social, economically and physically. • A general political consensus and the cooperation between the different administrations involved in such large scale interventions are a basic condition for their success.

8.3 Outcomes

Relevant outcomes of Programa de Barris for Sha.ke network: The Programa de Barris offers the opportunity to Sha.ke working group to reflect from a comparative EU level on the mainstreaming of URBAN approach to a regional level. The effort made by Catalan regional government and local authorities in Catalonia finds no parallel at regional level, and it can be argued that currently it has the scope and financial dimension of a national programme at European scale.

The six years of implementation of the programme – there have been six annual calls for proposals and 116 projects are unfolding their work, even two of them have completed their program- allowed the Generalitat to undergo a reflection and evaluation process during year 2008 and 2009.

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Sha.ke will give the opportunity to re-launch those developments paying special attention to the management of projects and governance of the programme. The main objective will be to identify which relevant good practices on the management of the programme can be meaningful enough to inform guidelines and orientations. Attention will be paid to consequences and pitfalls of a mainstreaming process such as Programa de Barris , to the intergovernmental (regional-local) and transversality and integratlity (local-local and regional-regional).

Starting from the 2008 evaluation point and the interaction with relevant regional and local level stakeholders, several key elements have been identified as relevant outcomes of the implementation of Programa de Barris . The following five aspects will be focal points for the work at regional/local level in Catalonia both at regional support group / case study:

1) Given the favourable political context of the new government and the degree of social and political approval that the Programa de Barris received since its approval and first two call for proposals, in 2006 induced parallel programmes by other departments of the regional government were set up. Several regional ministries - Employment, Housing, Education, Civic Engagement - decided to mobilise part of their resources towards the districts and municipalities engaged in the programme. This institutional reaction outcome exceeded the prevision made by the Llei de Barris which stated that cooperation or support from departments would take place within each project, at implementation at local level.

The programmes set by other ministries and offices from the regional government has evolved differently as the programme was implemented, some of them took the form of full programmes developed specifically for districts in the programme while some others merely performed studies, or included the areas in their ordinary policies. From the perspective of Sha.ke it will be interesting to explore the causes that lead to these differences.

Another issue connected to the evolution of the support from other administration clearly is the degree and forms of coordination of these initiatives at regional level.

2) Since the management of all projects under the umbrella of Programa de Barris is a local administration responsibility, each municipality has arranged its own mechanism of management and internal coordination. The comparative perspective of the 6 years of projects has showed that a key element to the managerial structure at local level is the development of what has been known as the Project Coordinator –although its official position varies from project to project. What is relevant is the central position of this figure on the development and success of the project.

A reflection on its role, capabilities and functions might be of use. Currently this position can be described by its major features and functions: interact with different areas within the local administration in order to mobilise local resources; interact with supra-local administrations (province, county, regional departments and offices, Programme Managers); mobilising social capital at neighbourhood level to connect the project to citizenship, lead the project, coordinate different fields of action at local level from a technical perspective but also from a common knowledge since there is usually no prior experience on the field of integrated approach.

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3) The coordination between the regional government and the local administration of any given project takes the form of a annual board meeting that serves as a point of exchange and monitoring of the implementation. Known as the Comitè d’Avaluació I Seguiment , this mechanism is forseen in the Llei de Barris . These meetings sit together the regional government is duly represented by members of several ministries, the local officers responsible for the project who present the development of the programme for the year, and representatives of local stakeholders and neighbours. This Committee meets once a year and theoretically serves as an arena where the key actors involved can express their views on the project. Currently, this procedure serves the institutional objective of a formal meeting point between regional and local level that the programme requires. But it fulfils in a unsatisfactory manner the need of an operational coordination table between the managing administrations of both programme and projects. The scope of the programme with over 100 projects puts a challenge to regional ministries to perform a more close support on the development of every project and it will be interesting, from the Sha.ke point of view, to reflect on effective forms of coordination between project management teams and the programme office, without put aside residents and their interests.

4) Another interesting issue on the intergovernmental relations between local and regional level that the programme has developed is linked to the information flow between levels. It is especially relevant all how data and meaningful information on the development of each project moves from local to regional level, the information exists and is centralised by the office responsible of the programme at the ministry of territorial policy. But until now the administrative duties have made difficult the analysis and elaboration of this information at regional (or supra local) level. Currently the most effective analysis and follow-up on project development takes the form of financial and budgetary aspects and is based on semester data. It will be purpose of Sha.ke work to reflect on the extension on information development and analysis to effectiveness of project actions.

5) The development of the programme has changed many things at local and regional level. The existence of a programme that demands simultaneous work at local and regional level has introduced new forms of administrative work at local level, and to a certain degree also at regional level. This has had an impact in terms of institutional leaning. The office responsible for the programme but specially the people working at the projects at local level have internalised this news forms of integrated and relational work. What remains unclear until now is to what degree this new ways of dealing with complex projects such as urban regeneration have been “learnt” by the institutions that are implementing them. It will be interesting to see if the new approach to integrated will survive the completion of the project, and for that matter also the citizen participation that has highlighted many projects in Programa de Barris. This issue also affect the regional managing office that has introduced a closer approach to local-regional cooperation programmes but might be a form of work with little transferable to other programmes. Even it might be fair to wonder if once the Programme is completed it will be assumed as a common procedure for regional policy.

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References:

Generalitat de Catalunya (2004) Llei 2/2004, de 4 de juny, de millora de barris, àrees urbanes i viles que requereixen una atenció especial http://www10.gencat.net/ptop/AppJava/cat/arees/ciutat/barris/normativa.jsp

Generalitat de Catalunya (2004) Decret 369/2004, de 7 de setembre, pel qual es desenvolupa la Llei 2/2004, de 4 de juny, de millora de barris, àrees urbanes i viles que requereixen atenció especial http://www10.gencat.net/ptop/AppJava/cat/arees/ciutat/barris/normativa.jsp

Generalitat de Catalunya (2009) La Llei de Barris. Una aposta col·lectiva per la cohesió social. http://www10.gencat.cat/ptop/AppJava/cat/documentacio/publicacions/territori/llei_barr is.jsp

Generalitat de Catalunya (2010) Manual per a l’elaboració dels projectes de intervenció integral en els barris i àrees urbanes d’atenció especial http://www10.gencat.net/ptop/AppJava/cat/arees/ciutat/barris/manuals/index.jsp

Garcia-Ferrando, L. (2008) Retos para un nuevo modelo de intervención en barrios: La Llei de Barris de Cataluña (2004). Cambios en las políticas de regeneración urbana Actas del X Coloquio Internacional de Geocrítica, Universidad de Barcelona, 26-30 de mayo de 2008. (In Spanish) http://www.ub.es/geocrit/-xcol/programa.htm

Goñi, B. (2008) «Identificación, localización y caracterización de las secciones censales desfavorecidas de la región metropolitana de Barcelona», a Script Nova , vol. XII, núm. 272 http://www.ub.es/geocrit/sn/sn-272.htm

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b) Implementation of the programme: case studies of Badalona and Manlieu Municipalities

Badalona

1.1 Context elements a. Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions. Badalona is a medium city of 21.2 square kilometres extension. It is located in the Mediterranean seaside and also has a mountainous area (Serra de Marina) in the north- west of the municipality. Badalona situated at 10 km of the Barcelona’s city centre and despite it does not limit with this city there is a continuous urban weave between both cities. Moreover there is an integrated public transport structure (underground, bus, tram and train) between Badalona, Barcelona and surrounding cities. In this way, Badalona is a medium city located in the influential area of the Barcelona (AMB ). AMB encloses the municipalities around the city of Barcelona and this area has 3,059,016 inhabitants and occupies 492.6 km2. This is one of the most industrialized areas of Catalonia.

Location of Badalona in Spain, Catalonia and AMB

The population of Badalona has increased in 9,912 inhabitants (4.7%) during the last 10 years, counting 219,547 inhabitants in 2009. The evolution has been irregular as it has registered an important increase between 1999-2006 (5.7%), followed of a significant decrease among 2006-2008 (2.8%) and finally an increase between 2008-2009 (1.6%). Populations density is 10,365 inhab./Km2, lower than Barcelona (15,999) but higher than AMB (5,010). The immigrant population of Badalona has been increasing during the last years. Accordingly, in 2009 they represented 15% of the total population, against 1.5% in

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2000, 6.3% in 2003, and 12.3% in 2007. The main nationalities represented are Pakistani (4.5% of total population), Moroccan (2.8%), Chinese (2%) and Ecuadorean (1.4%). Badalona is well communicated to Barcelona and the main communication infrastructures —airport, port, train and motorways— of Catalonia. In this way, the geographic location and communications of the city has allowed to develop an important economic activity. Badalona allocates more than 5,000 enterprises and almost 43,000 workers. The evolution of the number of firms and workers was positive until 2007 and then both initiated a deceasing tendency until nowadays according to the international economic crisis context. Thus, the estimated unemployed rate has increased from 9.26% to 18.43% in Badalona during the last two years (February 2008- February 2010). The same estimated rate for Barcelona’s province was 7.61% in February 2007 and 15.33% in February 2010. Badalona has seven economic areas which allocate 1,119 enterprises and 4,741 workers. Most of the economic activity of these areas is concentrated in the industry sector (40.8% of the enterprises and 51.9% of the workers), while the main activities of its firms are wholesale, machinery manufacture, metal manufacture and textile. Related to local public administration, the City Council has been governed by centre- left party —Catalan Socialist Party (PSC )— for the last 27 years, since 1983 when PSC took office from a coalition of communist parties that had held the mayoral office and council control for the first term of the democratic period (1979-1983).

Regarding infrastructure, the connectivity of Badalona is being improved by the extensions of the underground line 2 and the construction of the new ring metro, line 9, which is going to connect Badalona with many cities of AMB and the north area of Barcelona city. The redevelopment of C-31 highway that bisects Badalona along a parallel line to the shore, the connection with the inner areas of metropolitan Barcelona of Vallès Oriental through a new tunnel, as well as the removal of the railway that runs next to the beach area are the major issues to be addressed in terms of infrastructure in the mid-long run for Badalona. b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay Badalona Sud area is a large urban area of 44 hectares composed by a series of three neighbourhoods which are Sant Roc, Artigas and El Remei they are located at the southern end of Badalona city and the area is bordering Sant Adria de Besós Municipality. The area is formed by two very distinct urban fabrics both linked to industrial development that took place in different moments: On the one hand Artigas and Remei are urban areas developed between the end of the XIX century and the first third of the XX, the two districts were constructed gradually following the old national motor road from Barcelona to France which followed the coast line. Although been properly planned these two districts are characterised by narrow streets that keep proportion with relatively low rise constructions but buildings were erected over relatively small plots in a quite dense pattern, very common in Catalan cities of that period. This urban form has lasted almost unchanged up until nowadays and has a clear connection with the urban fabric of the neighbouring districts of Sant Adrià de Besos Municipality.

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The other area is formed by the aggregation of several social housing developments that conform the district of Sant Roc and includes 75% of the total population of the area. This large housing composed over 4000 dwellings saw its first development in 1962 and construction continued until the late 1970s. The area of Sant Roc was developed in order to accommodate people from quite different origins. On one side migrants from rural areas of southern Spain that arrived directly from the trains to work on the factories of the industrial area across the street from Sant Roc were offered a house in the area, but in the same area large communities residents of slum areas of Barcelona – out of which roma communities were majority –were moved to this new social housing as result of the slum clearance policy of francoist housing policy that immediately generated stigma for the district as a roma ghetto –30% of residents in Sant Roc are roma ethnic. Both origins complied with difficulty with the uses needed for a reasonable coexistence in a housing community and social and civic problems arose from the very beginning in Sant Roc. Despite its central location in Barcelona metropolitan area, physically, Sant Roc is clearly segregated due to the surrounding infrastructure –sant roc is divided by a 6 lane elevated highway constructed in the late 1970s- and the large industrial land that blocks it to the south. Furthermore, its and its default modern design increases the disconnection of the area with the rest of Badalona and shows the default .

Badalona Badalona Sud

Municipality Area Population 217.093 20.738 % non EU 13,5% 27,74% Area (hectares) 2.095 44 Housing units 5.626

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All three districts Sant Roc, Artigas and El Remei show relevant differences in their urban form but nevertheless share similar social problems that have eroded traditional borders between them. The three districts have experienced sudden demographic and socioeconomic changes, mostly linked to the arrival of immigrant population from outside European Union, a population which accounts for more than the 30% of resident. This has had an enormous impact on social coexistence that traditionally suffered from a difficult equilibrium between roma and Spanish communities due to cultural differences that have persisted since the development of the area. The new population that arrived to the three districts –mostly from Pakistan, Morocco, Ecuador and Bolivia- has a difficult situation, many being illegal immigrants with low levels of education have problems accessing quality employment and leading to high rate of population rotation.

Sant Roc aerial view in 2006

Unexpectedly, several aspects affect both roma and some immigrant communities – pakistani and Moroccan- showing high rates of unemployment, overcrowding of housing, conflicts on public space use, high rates of schooling drop out, marginalisation and stigmatisation from the rest of the city.

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On the physical side, the area of Sant Roc combines a poor condition on the housing stock due to low quality and poor maintenance with dysfunctional public spaces whose lacking design and amenities discourage civic, promote conflict among residents and impedes the normal provision of public and private services. c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tool and or programmes used The area of Badalona Sud, especially Sant Roc, has been a major intervention area for policies tackling urban deprivation and several attempts to regenerate the area have been put in place during the last 15 years. The most relevant are: 1. The Remodelling of Sant Roc housing states 2. The creation of the Consorci de Badalona Sud 3. The inclusion of Badalona Sud in the Programa de Barris

1) The Remodelling of Sant Roc housing states. Some of the housing units of Sant Roc social housing was so poorly constructed that after 20 years building structural pathologies became so relevant and hazardous that a remodelling plan was set up in order to demolish and rebuild 1000 flats, almost a 25% of the total of Sant Roc. In 1998, despite being privately owned by the residents, the public administrations – municipality, region and central government – agreed to commit the necessary funding to ensure the reconstruction of the housing an the relocation of residents in the same area. The instrument took the form of a Inner urban special reform plan ( Pla Especial de Reforma Interior PERI ) that was drafted by the municipality and its implementation was agreed with residents by the office responsible of its management REURSA (urban remodelling company of the Regional government of Catalonia). The program of this initiative developed by REURSA has been completed in almost an 80% offered the opportunity to redesign the layout of the entire area allowing a major intervention on the configuration of new public spaces improving their quality.

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Remodelling of Sant Roc Existing and new housing states.

2) The creation of the Consorci de Badalona Sud

In 2006 the Government of the Generalitat de Catalunya and the municipality of Badalona created the Consorci of Badalona Sud, a consortium is a legal body with autonomous entity in order to create and manage services and actions in Badalona’s VI district (Sant Roc, Artigues, and el Remei). A consortium offers the opportunity of mobilising large amount of resources to pursue a single set of objectives and under a specific structure of management.

The aim of the district is to design and implement a new instrument for the regeneration of the area: the Pla Integral d’Innovació social i renovació de l’entorn de Badalona Sud .(Integral Social Innovation and environmental renovation plan for Badalona Sud). Its main aim is to deliver a substantial improvement of quality of living for residents. In order to do so the consortium is invested with competences on the following areas: • Social services, employment, culture, schooling, health and security • Housing, planning and public facilities implementation • Support in planning tools development • Sustainable economic development • Institutional relations with all stake holders, public and private, and with residents.

3) The inclusion of Badalona Sud in the Programa de Barris

By the year 2006, once the consortium was defined and had begun to work on the regeneration of Badalona Sud, the municipality of Badalona decided that the Programa de Barris offered a good opportunity to access to extraordinary amount of resources which was one of the major concerns in order to improve the effectiveness of the consortium. Up to that moment the consortium was funded exclusively by equal annual

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transfers from Generalitat and municipality.

The Project for an Integral Intervention on Badalona Sud was selected on the call for proposals of 2007 and 15 millions of EUROS were committed by Badalona municipality and Generalitat in order to implement an action plan that was defined through the participatory management framework that provided the Consortium.

The strategy for the intervention linked to Programa de Barris in Badalona Sud follows three major axes:

• Improving the general living conditions of buildings and houses • Providing facilities where social and economic development programmes can be realised • Improving mobility and quality of public space and streets

Each of these axes includes the implementation of a series of actions that add up to 28 in total, that are being developed during the period 2007-2011. The implementation of the action programme falls under the responsibility of the Consortium of Badalona Sud.

d. List of the integrated urban regeneration programmes, projects activated in the city and considered interesting for the Sha.ke project The key project activated that will be focus for Sha.ke project in the case study of Badalona Sud is the Consortium itself. All projects that are developed under the umbrella of the Programa de Barris have had to define their own management system,

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since implementation is responsibility of local authorities and the regional government does not impose a form to govern them. The experience of Badalona Sud is probably one of the projects in the programme that faces a more complex environment. The demography, social conditions and built environment combined with its large scale make of Badalona Sud, and specialy Sant Roc, a real challenge to administrations. The solution of a Consortium, meaning a long run institutional commitment to tackle in a single and coordinated maner is clearly a statement. The consortium is a managing tool that had been tested before in a district called la Mina in order to manage the integral renovation of an extremely complex area where major social problems linked to segregated roma population coexisted with a poor built environment in terms of public space, facilities and housing. La Mina implemented a project of URBAN II programme and achieved a reasonable success in regenerating the area and developing a community building plan that still promotes civic coexistence. The approach to intervention in Badalona Sud neighbourhoods has shifted radically since the creation of the Consortium. It has moved from a sectoral top down reactive perspective, where problems once identified and were responded by the specific area of local or regional government towards a new approach. The latter is based on unified criteria following an integral and transversal perspective based on co-responsibility between administrations - local and regional- and the associations and networks of neighbours and private stakeholders, structured through adaptable and ongoing participative processes. The case study will look on the development of the participatory structure of the Consortium. How from a cliental working environment at neighbourhood level gradually the managers of consortium have build trust among residents, associations, municipal workers and a sense of common porpouse has been developed. The Consortium develops two large plans one directed to intervene in the field of people (paying special attention to families and children) and the other affecting communities, public space and coexistence.

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Manlleu

1.1 Context elements a. Information on population and economic dynamics, functional role of the urban centre, political traditions . Manlleu is a municipality located at the central area of Osona County in the north of Barcelona Province some 70 km away from Barcelona city center. The municipality has an area of 17,20 sqkm and in 2009 was home of a population of 20.647 inhabitants. Manlleu is the second largest town in the county of Osona after its capital, Vic. Both Osona County and Manlleu share a strong industrial character. Manlleu in 2003 had almost 60% of its active population was employed by the industrial sector mainly ironworks, chemicals and food processing. This industrial predominance fins its roots in the XIX century when the industrial development of Manlleu took of linked to cotton textile factories located in Manlleu because of its favorable conditions, a flat land and essential natural resource: the Ter River. Since then a third of Manlleu’s workforce has been employed in industrial activities and has formed an industrial town. The beginning of the XX century saw a new industrial development link to iron, equipments and food processing works linked to the electrification. Bu it was not until the 1950s that Manlleu overcome the industrial crises due to Spanish civil war and the decay postwar years that followed. By 1959, with the economic liberalization of the Spanish economy lead to an enormous growth of Manlleu, its population went from 9.410 to 15.054 in form 1960 to 1975. This relevant demographic change lead to a fast process of urbanization and the construction of private social housing to accommodate the new workforce that was arriving from lagging parts of Spain, mainly from Andalucía, attracted by the opportunities offered by industry in Manlleu. Those new housing developments in Manlleu took place in the area known as Barri de l’Erm

After years of economic stagnation that followed the democratic restoration in Spain that lasted until the early 1990s Manlleu experienced an important economic and population growth based not only on industries already present but also to the construction sector that boomed all across Spain. In a similar way to many cities and towns in Catalonia, and as it had happened 50 years before Malleu demographic change in the last decade was linked to a dramatic increase in its population due to the arrival of population from outside Catalonia, but in this case the population came not from

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southern Spain but from northern Africa, mainly from Morocco. The immigrant population arrived to the town attracted by job opportunities in the industrial sector and especially on the construction activities. In 2009 up to 24% of residents in Manlleu are foreigners 70% of those are from North Africa. Since democratic transition the County of Osona is an area were Catalan nationalism has a strong presence and Manlleu is no exception to that. Despite the strength of its industrial sector and workforce political arena in Manlleu had been dominated since 1979 until 2003 by center-right Catalan nationalist parties, except in 1995 that a coalition of left wing held office for that term. Since 2003 the separatist left has held mayoral office and council, firstly through a left wing coalition and since 2007 on its own. b. Territorialisation of poverty and decay In 1950 and 1960 when the housing states of Barri de l’Erm district were constructed for the southern Spain people that arrived to work to Manlleu. At the time being in the outskirts of the town, the district took its name from a nearby farm, la Masia de l’Erm , and its limits were defined by two major roads that border it. The social buildings were promoted by the private sector, link directly to industrial owners, with public subsidies from the Spanish Ministry and sold to workers. The poor quality of both buildings and environment, despite the fact of not lacking public facilities (school and municipal market are inside the area) led to a progressive abandonment of the area by its original population, as soon as their economic situation allowed them to do so.

The first housing blocs are built between 1960 and 1967 and are composed by 278 units in blocs of 4 and 5 stories tall, and are known as Can Mateu , but the most iconic of the buildings are the two 11 stories tall Can Garcia housing 256 units that were built in 1964 1966 and were constructed without any regard on its surroundings. These two blocks are by far the highest buildings in the entire Manlleu and were constructed in a fashion more suitable for Barcelona’s metropolitan area than a 15.000 town out in the countryside.

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Despite its size, the area was poorly developed. It was an area disconnected to the existing urban fabric of the town, it lacking of all its public services and infrastructure such as road paving, sewage system, proper water supply and a poor adaptation to certain topographical aspects that were solved by stairs rather than roads providing poor accessibility and inconvenient and unsafe public spaces. In the late 1990s and early 2000s when a numerous migrant population started pouring into Manlleu attracted by its economic activity was evident that the economic housing available in Manlleu had become the settling point by choice of the new immigrant population. The swiftness of this arrival accelerated the flee of local residents to other parts of the town. In 2004 the Barri de l’Erm is a peripheral district of Manlleu that has become the major residential area of the immigrant population - almost 50% of its residents are born outside EU - and where social and economic problems escalate and fuel a stigmatizing vision from the rest of the town. In this context Can Garcia two blocs suffer the most dramatic condition due to their poor infrastructures, the quality of construction, their relatively small housing units and an endemic bad maintenance. c. Involvement of local government in urban regeneration initiatives, tradition in urban regeneration policies, integrated approach. Planning tool and or programmes used Malleu has been one of the first municipalities in Catalonia to access the Programa de Barris that followed the approval of the District Improvement Act of 2004, and it is managed by the Department of Infrastructure and Planing of the regional government. Thus in 2004, the City Council of Manlleu decided to bid for the first call for proposals drafting a Project for an Integral Intervention proposal targeting Barri de l’Erm area. The project was selected in December 2004 and it action plan defined a total of 50 actions and an overall budget of 17M€ The main objective of the project for Barri de l’Erm is to integrate the district with the rest of the town braking physical barriers as well as invisible barriers in order to make l’Erm a “average” area of the town, maybe not better than other parts but definitely not worse than any. The project defines public space as the catalyzing element for the regeneration of social, economical and environmental dimensions of the neighbourhood- Through rationalizing, improving and optimizing public spaces mutual knowledge of residents, the economic activities and civic life will change dramatically. In order to achieve this objectives the Project defines a series of priorities:

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• The improvement of the municipal market both its facilities and surroundings as a integrating element between the marginalised area that represents the Barri de l’Erm and the rest of Manlleu. • The opening of the school facilities to the district trough the improvement and accessibility of its theatre and playground fields. • The improvement of streets, redeveloping its section, pavements and making them accessible an peaceful to residents. • Redevelopment of squares and urban parks in order to allow a more even and civic use. • The provision of new facilities that encourage and foster social and community liveliness • Social programmes promoting integration of immigrants, new cultural activities and socio economic empowerment of residents at the same time that attract people form outside the district • Professional training programmes that provide basic skills that ensure employability integration and empowerment of residents Strategicaly the PII in Barri de l’Erm defines four areas of action that structure all interventions proposed by the project acoding to the following chart:

AREAS OF ACTION

HOUSING

SOCIAL AND PUBLIC ECONOMIC FACILITIES DEVELOPMENT

PUBLIC SPACE

The actions on the last field of intervention are transversal and develop programmes that have a direct impact on all three other areas. It includes social actions, employment, local business development, promotion of information technologies, sustainability, cultural development. d. List of the integrated urban regeneration programmes, projects activated in the city and considered interesting for the Sha.ke project 1) Project governance One of the key elements of the entire regeneration effort Developer by Manlleu local authorities is the governance structure developed to implement the Project. The implementation is based on the development of two strategic lines of action that are complementary and transversal to the action of local administration services: 1. PLA DE MILLORA URBANA. This “Urban Improvement Plan” is based on the development of a planning tool, as required by law, that was finaly aproved in december 2006. The plan defines all the major physical interventions and provides a legal framework for their implementation: actions on the improvement of public

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space but more importantly actions to remodel part of the building stock of the area, specifically Can Garcia buildings. 2. PLA DE CONVIVÈNCIA . This “coexitence” plan wishes to guarantee the social cohesion among neighbours not only in barri de l’Erm but also in the entire town of Manlleu. From a democratic point of view the plan takes equality of all Manlleu citizens as central point regardless of their origin. The Plan for coexistence comprehends all actions that have a direct impact on the social and economical aspects of the PII, and its been on full operation since 2006. In order to implement Plan for coexistence five “work tables” have been set up under the plan. This tables are composed by a limited number of members some from the relevant areas of government of the local authority (i.e. social services, planning, economic development, youth, education,…) and representatives of the neighbourhood stakeholders in each of the relevant issues. These operational tables have the competence to define how and when actions of the PII are to be implemented, and they oversee the entire process of each project and are an evidence of the impact of the Programa de Barris on the integrality approach can take form at local level. The tables are: o T 1: Education of children and young people in public space o T2: Catalan language learning, adults schooling and autonomy learning o T3: Civic inclusión and participation o T4: Coexistence and Housing. o T5: Comunication strategies. 2) Institut de desevolupament de l’Erm Another relevant practice developed in manlleu linked to the governance of such a project as the Barri de l’Erm is the creation of a local management structure the Institut de desenvolupament de l’Erm (IDE). This institute is the structure created by the city council that has the responsablity of managing all aspects of the project, from implementing the renovation of any given street to overlooking the development of a professional training programme for young resident. The IDE provides technical support for all decisions taken at the five tables and dully implements them. It keeps financial management of the programmes and plays a key role mobilising local resources coming from the municipality as well as getting involved other funds and administrations into the actions of the project. 3) Remodeling of Can Garcia. The implementation of the PII in barri de l’Erm required a direct action on the housing stock of the area: the remodelation of the Can Garcia Buildigs. This large scale action that implied the demolition of the most problematic housing units in the Erm area (where social exclusion was more evident). But demolition implied also the construction, all over Manlleu, of enough new flats (almost 500) to re-house all residents while preserving a social mix that could be managed to prevent new social exclusion. This large scale housing action could not be incorporated to the action plan of the PII because of a legal restriction and because of its enormous cost, estimated in 44M€. This action is now being developed by REURSA, the Generalitat company for housing remodelling that based on a agreement between Manlleu administration and two departments of the regional government agreed a complementary action to ensure

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that the demolition of Can Garcia buildings could be undergone. The work of REURSA is performed hand in hand with IDE, and could not be developed unless a fluid interlocution with residents and stakeholders was not in place. 4) Redevelopment of Sant Antoni Square. The two large blocs of Can Mateu have been separated by Sant Antoni Square since their construction back in 1960s, and from the rest of the city by two narrow flights of stairs of two stories of height. Being a sort of cul-de-sac colonised as a car park, the area became a conflict public space that discuouraged its use and where even illegal activities took place. The PII included among its actions the redevelopment of the square in order to improve its connectivity promote a better and more civic uses and provide the area with public spaces of the same high quality and design that could be found elsewhere in Manlleu. A year of work with residents and stakeholders from the tables and six month process of neighbourhood participation led to the approval in 2008 of a project of redevelopment that has been implemented during 2009. Now days the situation has had major improvements, but use of the public spaces is far from normalised. The IDE is implementing a strategy to manage conflict and use of the area through their involvement of its direct users.

8.X Local support group Local Support Group for Catalonia Region The LSG in Catalonia will reflect on those aspects of the Programa de Barris and urban regeneration in Catalonia relevant to Sha.ke topics from a regional perspective. In order to keep the connection of the work of this LSG to the implementation of the programme at local level key actors of several urban regeneration projects (chiefly those involved in case studies) will take part in the LSG. Furthermore, on every issue relevant to Sha.ke work which requires the local perspective, the participatory structures operating in the cases studies in Badalona, Malleu and Malgrat de Mar will act as local level structure of LSG.

Capacity and Experiences / Name / Needs & interests willingness of Stakeholders knowledge representative on the project topic fostering local of project topic changes GENERALITAT Secretariat for Town Mr. Josep Baguena It is the political body at Interest in following the The Secretariat is the and Country Chief advisor of the the regional government process of reflection on the department within the Planning, Secretary responsible for the PB. governance and transversal Ministry that can Ministry of Territorial Central political position aspects that follow the promote any change in Policies And Public to manage the implementation of the PB and the framework of the works programme direct interest in an eventual programme even action plan propose the revision of the law Deputy General Ms. Maria Jesús Administrative Administrative responsible of Any change or Director Office of Mier Deputy General responsible of PB improvement will have Architechture, Director implementation of the PB any improvement or change to to involve the office Ministry of Territorial has direct knowledge of the PB will be under direct that directs the PB Policies And Public all its processes responsibility of the Office works Office of the Mr. Ramon Botey The office implements the Responsible for the Any change or Programa de Barris Head of the Office PB from a regional implementation of the PB. Any improvement will have perspective and it has improvement or change to the to involve this office direct knowledge of all its PB will be directly that currently processes responsibility of the Office implements the regional dimension of the programme

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Remodelacions Mr. Pere Serra CEO REURSA provides Improvement or changes in PB REURSA has a key Urbanes, S.A. external support on the might open new actions to be role on the (Public company for implementation of actions implemented by REURSA development of urban urban remodelling) of urban renovation in remodelling in several districts that have districts Projects in the PB ADIGSA (Public Mr. Xavier Anzano, ADIGSA provides ADIGSA as representative of ADIGSA can promote company Coordinator for external support to the Ministry of Housing and changes in their responsible for social housing in Projects in the PB Environment could develop relations towards other managing social districts through complementary new tasks ,complement the regional departments housing stock) actions on housing existing services if change in and local authorities rehabilitation and social governance takes place housing Employment Service Pending SOC has developed a SOC as representative of the SOC can promote of Catalonia – Servei complementary Ministry of Employment could changes in their d’Ocupació de programme –Treball als develop new tasks relations towards other Catalunya (SOC) Barris – to provide ,complement the existing regional departments support on employment services if change in and local authorities and local economic governance takes place development in districts inside de PB LOCAL AUTHORITIES Intitut de Ms. Betlem Parés Project Coordinator of the Desenvolupament General Manager Erm District Project in Project Coordinator’ The Project coordinator is key de l’Erm, Manlleu centrality in the player in the implementation at City Council of implementation of PB local level of all actions. They Manlleu at local level so they are responsible for Consorci Badalona Mr. Miquel Dosta Project Coordinator of the have direct information transversality and cooperation Sud General Manager Badalona Sud Project in on practice and have with other institutions and Badalona the possibility to levels of government in the promote change at City Council of Mr. Jordi Vila Project Coordinator of El context of PB Malgrat de Mar Project Coordinator Castell District Project in local level Malgrat de Mar County Council of Mr. Jesús de la The County Council of The County Council has been The County Council of Barcelona Varga Barcelona supports the proactive developing actions Barcelones role is an Coordinator of development of four PB that complement those example of Programa de Barris projects in its territory previewed by the PB and intergovernmental actions. developing providing technical support to practices that are complementary actions municipalities being developed within from another institutional the context of PB level

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Chapter 4. Summary and synthesis

4.1 Findings from kick-off and final meetings, visits to partners and studies carried out during the development phase

The Baseline Study presents here the most relevant elements coming out from the contents of the reports, the discussions developed during the seminars, the site visits and exchanges with the components of the local support groups. These results will constitute a basis for the activities to develop between Sha.ke WG partners during the implementation phase.

For the purpose of this summary chapter, the main elements concerning each of the partners’ case study are summarised along the following six points: • Local situation, problem and challenges regarding the topic at stake • Policies and actions developed in the field of sustainable urban regeneration and improvement of public spaces and services • Willingness to set up an URBACT Local Support Group • Willingness to define and adopt a local action plan or other types of outcomes • Experience of transnational exchange • Expected learning from the working group

1. Iuav University of Venice (lead partner) “Innovative practices in the production of public spaces and services and urban regeneration”. Case studies: Venice, Padua and Verona, Veneto Region

Local situation, problem and challenges A region, economically based on the model of small industry district, characterised by a diffused model of urbanisation, which had spread at low density, occupying large amounts of land. A well off region from an economic point of view, but with growing problems of land consumption, low quality of the built environment, pollution, mobility, and with on the average a low level of education of its inhabitants. Small industry activities in the region have implied growing flows of immigrants which are inducing new housing, cultural and social problems. The “diffused city-industrial districts” model does not seem to need a “city” in the same way that other European or Italian regions. In this context the three major cities considered as case studies: Venice, Padua and Verona, have not been severely hit by the process of economic restructuring . Major problems and challenges are: a) the necessity to improve the quality of the built and natural environment, in particular at the periphery of urban areas; b) the existence of some still problematic neighbourhood (both enclave of social housing estates and private housing rented to immigrants at speculative prices); c) the necessity to create new quality in public

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spaces and services; d) the necessity to promote the coexistence of different social , cultural and ethnic profiles of users in public spaces.

Policies and actions The three cities have applied to and implemented a number of innovative programmes of sustainable urban regeneration (promoted by EU or national government) addressing the problems of deprived neighbourhoods. They have also promoted a variety of actions to improve the quality of urban public spaces and services. The city of Venice in particular for the multeplicity of actions designed and implemented may be considered as a sort of “laboratory” of innovative actions in public spaces, designed and implemented with the involvement of relevant public institutions, local associations and citizens.

Willingness to set up an URBACT Local Support Group Each city has identified a larger local group of referents to involve in the implementation phase, as well as a more restrict Local Support Group (see chapter 3 of the baseline study) working transversally on the case studies proposed and involving representatives of regional programming of structural funds..

Willingness to define and adopt a local action plan or other types of outcomes There are the premises and the willingness to develop two LAPs one in Verona The other in Venice Plan for Pellestrina …

Experience of transnational exchange The three cities, in particular Venice, as well as the Veneto Region have been involved in different transnational programmes: from Urban, to Equal, to Interreg, to URBACTI and II programmes.

Expected learning from the working group There has already been a learning process between the actors (institutions or associations) which have been involved in sustainable interactive urban regeneration programmes. This is documented by some innovative actions to address public spaces and services locally built outside special programmes. This is the case Verona and Pellestrina, Etam street community action. Participating in the implementation phase of Sha.ke would allow to foster these capacities towards mainstreaming innovative action to improve the quality of public spaces and urban regeneration in ‘ordinary’ design and implementation of urban policies.

2. Vienna University of Technology “Fostering social integration through the renovation of public spaces in deprived urban neighbourhoods and through the promotion of area-based, integrated urban regeneration policies”. Case study Vienna City, City of Graz.

Local situation, problem and challenges

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Structural change of the Viennese economy has been accelerating since the 1960s, moving away from industrial production toward a service- and knowledge-based economy. Compared to other cities, Vienna shows a relatively high GDP per capita. Concerning population development, it is expected that Vienna’s population will grow tremendously until 2030, probably reaching the number of 2 million inhabitants. Characteristic for Vienna is the existence of certain spatial concentrations of poverty in the 2 nd , 10 th , 20 th districts and along parts of the belt (‘Gürtel’) in the 14 th , 15 th and 16 th district. In these areas mainly migrants occupy sub-standard, highly overcrowded flats, often paying higher rental prices than Austrians. Deprived urban neighbourhoods in Vienna are areas with a high share of privately rented old housing stock in some western and southern districts of the outer-belt area, but also areas with a high share of older communal housing stock; residential areas in these districts are less attractive and exhibit a low quality of life, e.g. because of a lack of free usable public space. In these areas public spaces are exerted to considerable using pressures by different social groups. In Graz, a slightly increasing and economically positively developing city, the socio-spatial polarisation has been increasing in the last years. Challenges for both cities are 1.) strengthening area-based and integrated approaches in urban regeneration, 2.) handling emerging social conflicts in deprived urban neighbourhoods, 3. ) renovating public spaces in order to improve social integration, 4.) improving the physical quality of public spaces in deprived neighbourhoods.

Policies and actions Taken together, both cities have developed a range of urban regeneration policies (locally funded, and EU co-funded), some of them directly addressing the problems of deprived urban neighbourhoods. Vienna and Graz have also implemented some innovative approaches to renovate and revitalize public spaces in deprived urban neighbourhoods. While Graz has been innovative with regard to participation and integrated urban development compared to other Austrian cities, Vienna has developed innovative approaches to revitalize public spaces in order to strengthen social integration.

Willingness to set up an URBACT Local Support Group The local support group is constituted around a selected “Key Area of Action” of urban development comprising deprived urban neighbourhoods in Vienna. Some policy actors in Graz (mainly from the municipal department of planning) will be invited to take part in the local support group and to bring in their knowledge and experiences with regard to area-based and integrated approaches in urban regeneration. Main goals of the Local Support Group will be giving inputs to the base line study, identifying case studies, developing pilot projects with regard to the renovation and revitalization of public spaces in deprived urban neighbourhoods, developing guidelines for renovating public spaces, strengthening an area-based and integrated approach in urban regeneration, developing a local action plan

Willingness to define and adopt a local action plan or other types of outcomes The members of the Local Support Group have formulated their willingness to develop a Local Action Plan in a first meeting. Particularly, they are interested in figuring out and promoting a pilot project for renovating public space in deprived neighbourhoods.

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Experience of transnational exchange

Vienna and Graz have been involved in transnational networks like URBACT, INTERACT or the Austria-Germany-URBAN network; they implemented URBAN I and URBAN II projects (Vienna also projects within Objective 2 and INTERREG) and have been taking part in other EU funded projects (like CIVITAS in Graz).

Expected learning from the working group Through participating in EU programmes like URBAN Vienna and Graz have already experimented with new ways of addressing problems of deprived urban neighbourhoods and of renovating public spaces in these areas. For both cities, the working group can support efforts for fostering area-based approaches in urban regeneration, strengthening participation of citizens in renovating public spaces, finding ways for integrating migrants and socially disadvantaged persons in participation processes in the course of the revitalization of public spaces and making public spaces in deprived urban areas more robust for social integration.

3. Hafen City University of Hamburg “Public space in different planning concepts”. Case studies: Altona Altstadt and Hafen City, Hamburg

Local situation, problem and challenges Hamburg is a large city (the second largest city in Germany with about 1,7 million inhabitants) that has the status of City State, thus enjoying a considerable autonomy in the governance of urban planning and policies. It is a wealthy city playing a central role in national economy and a major hub in the north western regions of Germany. The city, whose economy had been strongly based on the harbour and on related industrial and trading activities, has been successfully meeting the challenges of economic restructuring in the post-fordist economy. Still economic development and city growth in Hamburg present consistent social and economic processes of polarization where disadvantaged situations tend to be concentrated in three different spaces: a) inner city historic neighbourhoods (high density, old rented housing stock privately owned: Altona Altstadt case study is included in this group); b) large social housing estates built at the beginning of the 900’s; c) large social housing projects developed in the post-war years (60’s and 70’s). As far as public spaces are concerned, the city presents as main challenges, the necessity: - To strengthen the physical, functional, social and symbolic value of public spaces. - To revitalise public squares. - To promote a sustainable use of public spaces. - To develop a network of public spaces to support different uses.

Policies and actions The development of integrated policies targeting different dimensions of deprivation and aiming at the regeneration of disadvantaged neighbourhoods has been an issue in the City of Hamburg’s policy agenda since the 1990’s. The first programmes developed in Hamburg had a pioneering character and were afterwards mainstreamed at the national level (the national regeneration programme, “Die

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Soziale Stadt”, 1998). A sequence of innovative programmes followed: in 2005-08 “Aktive Stadtteilentwicklung”, in 2006 “”Lebenswerte Stadt Hamburg”(The programme of the Major), in 2009 RISE”, Rahmenprogramm Integrierte Stadtteilentwicklung (Framework programme for integrated neighbourhood development). The two case studies have been selected to highlighting two important issues at stake in the planning, design and management of public spaces and mainstreaming good practices: - The first identify a context in which the revitalisation of decaying public spaces is a core issue for the regeneration of a socially and economically deprived neighbourhood ( Altona Altstadt . case study) - In the second the development of the social quality of new public spaces is assumed as a main objective and area of investment for innovation within a urban redevelopment plan. ( Hafen City .case study)

Willingness to set up an URBACT Local Support Group A local support group has been identified and will be part of the activities of the Sha.ke WG

Willingness to define and adopt a local action plan or other types of outcomes The first case study aims at building a frame of knowledge to support local actors to develop their projects, in the second case the aim is to identify innovative practices in building high quality public spaces and services opened to a variety of users.

Experience of transnational exchange The city of Hamburg has a large experience in transnational exchange programme within Europe.

Expected learning from the working group Good practices in the design and management of public spaces and services. Insights on how to deal with the difficult balance between revitalisation of public spaces, promoting the access of new more attractive activities and avoid processes of gentrification,

5. University of the Aegean “The role of public space renovation in the Urban Growth Poles strategy”. Case studies: The cities of Alexandroupolis and Komotini .

Local situation, problem and challenges Alexandroupolis Alexandroupolis is the largest city of the Evros Prefecture, with a population of 50,000. Located at the extreme East of the European Union, the city is relatively isolated albeit strategically positioned as a "gateway" to the East. Noted pressures are exercised on the urban fabric as a result of population migration movements. Alexandroupolis main built up structure is divided into two informally defined zones. The first corresponds to the actual port and leisure zone area, in which built

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up densities are low. The second zone involves the remaining urban fabric, characterized by high densities, narrow streets, high private car traffic flows and lack of public spaces. In this zone, car traffic flows and parking problems are recognized in key city planning documents as matters that need to be urgently addressed. The eastern part of the city, in particular, suffers from social deprivation as a high proportion of its residents are in a low income bracket; there is a marked concentration of immigrant population from the former Soviet Union (Pontians), high unemployment rates, while there is also weak social infrastructure provision Komotini Komotini, a city of 40,000 inhabitants, is situated in the northeastern region of Thrace and is the main urban centre of the Rodopi prefecture. While Rodopi is one of the less developed areas in the country, Komotini benefits from continuous rural- urban migration and exhibits population gains. Komotini is a mosaic of ethnic backgrounds with a strong presence of a Turkish minority that reaches 27 per cent of local the population. The Greek (predominantly Christian) and the Turkish (predominantly Muslim) communities occupy distinct urban quarters, a differentiation that reflects the city’s historical background. Strong inter-communal cleavages perpetuated the ethnic / religious homogeneity of the city’s neighbourhoods, resulting in the ethnically Greek central areas, and the ethnically Turkish northern quarters. Moreover, the attitudes, norms and beliefs that shape the ‘political culture’ of the area indicate low levels of trust between communities, arresting common participatory engagement in local institutional arrangements.

Policies and actions Initial research suggests the limited involvement of Alexandroupolis municipality in attempts to tackle the city’s marked socio-spatial problems. The main such attempt is the implementation of the Urban Pilot Projects II (1994-1999). The current implementation of integrated urban interventions in Alexandroupolis in the framework of the ROP (2007-2013) is a recent development that has to be looked at in detail. This, in turn, has to be explored in parallel with the implementation of policies aiming to enhance the city’s role as a national growth pole, also implemented in the framework of the ROP (2007-2013). Komotini, on the other hand, has a fair share of attempts aiming at spatially focused interventions. The municipality has participated in URBAN II (2000-2006), in URBACT II (2007-2009), while a integrated urban inervention scheme in the framework of the ROP (2007-2013) is a recent development that also has to be looked at in detail. Komotini is also participating jointly with Alexandroupolis (bipolar centre) in the national ‘Urban Growth Poles’ programme.

Willingness to set up an URBACT Local Support Group A local support group has been identified and is willing to take part the activities of the Sha.ke WG

Willingness to define and adopt a local action plan or other types of outcomes Alexandroupolis and Komotini’s activities on the ‘Urban Growth Pole’ policies will be networked with the third Greek case-study city, Mytilene – developed by the Mytilene Municipality partner. Networking will take the form of a ‘Local Support Group’, facilitated by the University of the Aegean, involving actors from all cities.

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Experience of working in related fields through transnational exchange

Dissimilar record of involvement, with Komotini exhibiting a more extrovert networking behaviour.

Expected learning from the working group Joined workings and consultation processes will result in the production of a readily implementable ‘Local Action Plan’ on the ‘public space’ dimension of the ‘Urban Growth Pole’ strategy. The respective Action Plan will be defined in parallel with the Mytilene Municipality Local Action Plan on ‘public spaces and services’, creating an interactive process of mutual learning.

5. Wroclaw Municipality Case study: a Regeneration programme for Nadodrze District focussed on restoration of traditional commercial routes .

Local situation, problem and challenges Wroclaw is a large city (more than 600.000 inhabitants), an important centre of production, as well as culture, science (an important university centre) and tourism, with a propulsive role in the development of the surrounding region. Still the city has problems of traffic congestion, urban decay, low quality public spaces, vacant plots and social problems. And, more relevant for the WG activities, a generalised disinterest for the important historic heritage existing in the city.

Policies and actions The region has promoted programmes to renovate degraded urban areas and prevent processes of social and spatial marginalisation. Whithin this frame the municipality has promoted different programmes of urban sustainable regeneration. Among the most interesting practices the regeneration of former commercial routes and the programme of social and economic regeneration for Nadodrze District (the first action was the restoration of the route linking the Old Town in Wrocław with the Nadodrze station). And this is the area selected as case study.

Willingness to set up an URBACT Local Support Group The city had set up a Local Support group involving public institutions as well as representatives of commercial and services facilities (see chapter 3 of the baseline study)

Willingness to define and adopt a local action plan or other types of outcomes An expected outcome, which probably will not have the form of a local action plan, is the development of a new form of organisation capable to involve residents and local business in the revitalisation of deprived areas: a sort of new District manage function.

Experience of working in related fields through transnational exchange Participation in transnational programmes

Expected learning from the working group

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Learning how to create positive synergies and orientations towards an integrate approach to urban issues among the partners involved in the project

6. Mytilene Municipality “Integrated urban intervention in an island city”. Case study: Mytilene City

Local situation, problem and challenges Mytilene is the capital city of Lesvos island, capital of Lesvos Prefecture and of the Northern Aegean region. It has a land area of 107.46 square kilometres and a population of 34,595 inhabitants (2001). Mytilene has benefited from its role as the island’s capital city and has attracted a number of political, administrative and service sector related functions of supra-local (regional) importance. In this light, Mytilene has recently experienced a wave of population growth. Municipal policy reports on the city’s spatial qualities and trends identify a number of problems that need to be urgently addressed: d) Limited availability of public spaces in central urban areas. e) High built environment densities. f) Traffic jams as a result of the fact that port facilities are situated by the city- centre, also neighbouring the city’s historical centre. d) Limited local authority planning capacity to respond to urbanization pressures. e) Inadequate perception of the city’s notable architectural heritage, limiting the prospects for the emergence of a respective development strategy based on the local cultural identity. f) Increase in the numbers of immigrant population during the 1990s, a trend that engenders social exclusion and spatial seggregation. g) Weak cooperation between the local authorities and the university.

Policies and actions During the 1990s Mytilene Municipal authorities have been rather active in term of their involvement in a number of initiatives that aimed at local development. These programmes drew funding from a variety of sources, indicating a dynamic local authority perspective. Key programme examples include: • “Horizon” (promoting re-cycling principles and practices). • National network of cities focusing on ‘culture and development’. • “EQUAL” Local Authority Network on the social inclusion of Roma. The common thread underlying these efforts, however, is their ‘horizontal’ qualities. All programme addressed one particular theme and applied it, subsequently, to the whole of the city. The gradual familiarization of local authorities with the particularities and prospects of the spatially focused integrated urban intervention approach is reflected on more recent policy moves. Thus, local authorities applied for participation - albeit unsuccessfully - on URBAN II (2000-2006).

Willingness to set up an URBACT Local Support Group A local support group has been identified, inaugural meetings have been held, and a strong willingness to take part the activities of Sha.ke has been registered.

Willingness to define and adopt a local action plan or other types of outcomes

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c) The Municipality’s ‘Local Operational Programme’ (2007-2013) has already moved into implementation, promoting a two-year plan of actions (2009-2010). The fact that 75 per cent of the programme’s current and prospective budget focuses on the improvement, renovation and revitalisation of public spaces and services, renders it particularly relevant to Sha.Ke’s interests. The Local Support Group will focus its activities on the respective programme, draw from it and construct a coherent and feasible line of actions in the form of a Local Action Plan. The Local Action Plan will focus on a particular part of the city centre. Its implementation will function as a pilot project for a broader urban regeneration programme intended to be implemented by the municipality in the framework of the Regional Operational Programme (2007-2013) ‘integrated urban interventions’ scheme. d) The ‘Growth Poles’ strategy (2007-2013), is a national policy plan with unknown qualities and directions at the time of writing. The setting up of a Local Support Group involving actors and stakeholders form the cities of Mytilene, Alexandroupolis and Komotini, focusing on the ‘public space’ dimension of the ‘Urban Growth Pole’ strategy has been welcomed as a necessary move. The Local Action Plan that will result from this working group will suggest broad guidelines and propose tangible lines of actions on the issue.

Experience of working in related fields through transnational exchange Reasonable record of experience.

Expected learning from the working group The development of a Local Support Group aiming at producing a solid Local Action Plan on the issue of ‘public space’ is a process that has not been attempted locally, in this depth and detail, in the past. Also,the activation of networking links and exchange of experience platforms between Mytilene city and the Thrace region case-studies - aiming at producing a readily employable Local Action Plan on the ‘public space’ dimension of the ‘Urban Growth Pole’ programme - will create an interactive and dynamic participatory and implementation process.

7. Puglia Case studies: a) regional programme of urban sustainable regeneration PIR

The PIRP-Programma Integrato di Riqualificazione delle Periferie (Peripheral Neighbourhood Rehabilitation Integrated Programme) is an area-based and integrated programme aiming at grasping the specific problems of urban deprived neighbourhoods including social housing to be rehabilitated or built which has been launched in 2005. The term ‘peripheral’ is not referred to the ‘location’ of neighbourhoods within the urban fabric, but to a variety of situations having social, economic, environmental, and housing problems as major features:peripheral neighbourhoods, historic centres, pockets of deprivation in the central city etc .

Among the main ‘innovations’ the programme has introduced in the local context we can certainly mention the great stress on: integration (between housing, infrastructure, social and economic actions), sustainable building, involvement of local people in the regeneration process

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The Pirp was successful. Many municipalities participated in the competitive bidding process: 130 out of 258 municipalities in the Apulia region presented 129 programmes (the Province’s main towns could present 2 programmes). Given the effort made at the local level to set up programmes, although only 31 programmes were funded by housing funds,99 programmes were reassessed and partly funded by ERDF.

b) implementation of the programme in five cities: Bari, Manfredonia, Putignano, Cisternino, Torremaggiore

Local situation, problem and challenges In Bari the PIRP target area (San Marcello) is a pocket of deprivation in a quite central part of the city affected by built environment social and housing problems as well as by environmental problems (in particular, traffic congestion due to the presence of the university campus). Conflicts in the use of public spaces between inhabitants and students are a major problem of the area. In Putignano the PIRP target area is an isolated social housing peripheral neighbourhood where severe social problems are concentrated. The uses of public spaces by different social groups (including illegal behaviours such as drug pushing), by community associations initiatives and the solutions singled out within the PIRP will be analyzed in order to draw lessons on the difficulties of coexistence of different groups. In Manfredoni PIRP targets two distinct areas. The first one is a peripheral public housing neighbourhood, while the second area, is an un are at present not built, although typed as suitable for building in the current Manfredonia urban plan. In Torremaggiore the PIRP target area is an historic centre characterized by social deprivation, built environment degradation and lack of urban services. There is an ageing population with a strong component of immigrants, linked mainly to agricultural production. In Cisternino the PIRP target area is a social housing peripheral district including characterized by severe social deprivation, physical degradation and inadequate urban services. This is in conflict with the general toristic development of this small town more and more attracting, due to its rich historic and environmental heritage tourists from Italy and European countries.

Policies and actions During the 1990s and 2000s the city of Bari participated in several area-based urban regeneration programmes promoted by the EU (URBAN) by the Italian government (Neighbourhood Contract) as well as the Region (PIRP). In 2006 Putignano City Council adopted the renewal plan for San Pietro Piturno (under Italian law 457/78). In the following years the Neighbourhood contract II of San Pietro Piturno was intended to be both as a tool for urban redevelopment, as indicated in the Piano di Recupero, and as a tool for economic and social upgrading. In Manfredonia an Urban II programme, but this was not funded. In Torre Maggiore a Neighbourhood contract II was set up, but this was not funded. In Cisternino no urban regeneration initiatives has been undertaken by in last years but PIRP.

Willingness to set up an URBACT Local Support Group A local support group has been identified and will be part of the activities of the Sha.ke WG. This will be based on a ‘core’ LSG group involving several regional Departments and a larger LSG involving representatives of the cities.

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Willingness to define and adopt a local action plan or other types of outcomes The more general perspective is to build, through the analysis, evaluation and capitalisation of the PIRP experience, regional guidelines and a specific pilot project , as well as to follow the implementation of some PIRP programmes in order to understand the difficulties in maintaining the integrated approach during implementation.

Expected learning from the working group What are the results expected from the five Puglia case studies? - To analyse practices of mainstreaming of the ‘URBAN approach’ at the regional level, focusing, in particular, on a specific regional programme (PIRP) but taking also into account the urban policies which have been developed afterwards or are at the study and that can be considered related, in weaker or stronger ways, to what has been learnt in the previous attempt of mainstreaming - To map problems and identify solutions, i.e. innovative practices in sustainable regeneration of deprived neighbourhoods which have been designed under the PIRP regional programme, (focus on actions aiming at the improvement of public spaces and services) - To identify the relevant partners which have been involved in these processes at both regional and local levels - To understand what has been learnt by the partners and with which outcomes

8. Generalitat de Catalunya Case studies: a) regional programme of urban sustainable regeneration Lei de Barrio In 2004 the Catalan Parlament approved the Llei de Barris aiming at the improvement of districts, urban areas and towns that require special attention because of problem of deprivation. The basic idea was to act, as far as possible, on the factors that are at the origin of the phenomenon of urban segregation. Objectives of equality and social justice had to be pursued in such a way that all citizens, no matter where they reside, can have a reasonably fair access to basic services and an urban environment of quality. The Programa de Barris is a clear attempt to mainstream at Catalan region level the URBAN approach to urban regeneration of deprived neighbourhoods and towns. Thus, a capital element for the programme is to internalise at all levels the need for an integrated approach to the problems of the district. Up to now, 6 calls for proposal have been launched, 116 districts are under transformation, involving some 860.000 citizens that represents more than 10% of the population of Catalonia.

b) implementation of the programme in two cities, Badalona and Manlleu, Barri de l’Erm

Local situation, problem and challenges Manlleuis is a Municapality of 20.000 inhabitants, some 70 km far from Barcellona, with a tradition of industrial development that attracted in the 50s and 60s internal immigrants from the poorer region of Spain and more recently immigrants from abroad, mainly from Africa. The neighbourhood Barri de l’Elm (case study) built to host the first wave of national immigrants has been progressively occupied by new immigrants (at present 50% of its inhabitants are born outside EU).and presents problem of urban decay, social deprivation a negative stigma. Badalona is a city at 279 Sha.ke - Sha ring Urban knowledg e

the border of Barcelona metropolitan region, an industrialized centre, with a sharp increase in the 2000s of the incidence of immigrant population (from 1,55 in 2000 to12,3% in 2007). The case study neighbourhood, Sant Roc housing estate, present similarities with the previous one built to host internal migration in the phase of industrialization presents now a high percentage of non EU population (near 30%). This badly impacted on the social coexistence already suffering form a traditional difficult equilibrium between Roma and Spanish communities.

Policies and actions Both cities activated programmes tackling both the issues of urban deprivation and poor housing conditions. In 2004, the City Council of Manlleu decided to bid for the first call for proposals drafting a Project for an Integral Intervention proposal targeting Barri de l’Erm area. The main objective of the project is to integrate the district with the rest of the town and do this through public spaces which in this project are seen as the catalyzing element for the regeneration of social, economical and environmental dimensions of the neighbourhood. In 2006 the Government of the Generalitat de Catalunya and the municipality of Badalona created the Consorci of Badalona Sud, a legal body with autonomous entity in order to create and manage services and actions in Badalona’s VI district (Sant Roc, Artigues, and el Remei). The aim is to design and implement a new instrument for the regeneration of the area: the Pla Integral d’Innovació social i renovació de l’entorn de Badalona Sud .(Integral Social Innovation and environmental renovation plan for Badalona Sud) capable to activate positive sinergies between different areas of action (social services, employment, culture, schooling, health and security, housing and public facilities) to deliver a substantial improvement of quality of living for residents. In 2006, once the consortium was defined and had begun to work on the regeneration of Badalona Sud, Badalona was also included in the Programa de Barris

Willingness to set up an URBACT Local Support Group A local support group has been identified and will be part of the activities of the Sha.ke WG

Willingness to define and adopt a local action plan or other types of outcomes Three main outcomes will be considered by the sha.ke activities: - At the level of the innovative Programma de Barris to identify practice able to increase the capacity of public institution to work together in an integrated approach: how to increase institutional learning; - At the level of area based neighbourhood actions, to develop as interesting practices: a) Manlleu programme to create public spaces opened to a plurality of social, ethnic profiles of users in a deprived neighbourhood; b) the institution of the Consortium of Badalona sud.

Expected learning from the working group See previous point.

4.2 Conclusions and implication for the future work

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The development phase, the visits to partners and the discussions within the finalised partnership of 8 members during the two meetings at the end of January and at the beginning of March (in this second case also representatives of some managing authorities took part in the discussion) has contributed to a substantial advancement in the definition of the programme of work and potential outcomes. In particular the development phase has contributed: - to a more detailed definition of the issues t o be addressed and be transformed in a programme of work. The overall topic set up in the initial stage has not been substantially modified, still this phase of work has produced mutual adjustments, new enrichment and openings - a more defined knowledge of the resources available to the partners of the Sha.ke WG in terms of methodological frame, experiences, case studies and practices, - a growing common frame of shared intents, methods and expectations.

More elements will come out from a closer analysis of the contents of the reports produced by partners in the development phase. These reports have been organised in two chapters: a. chapter 2 contains national overviews of the six countries involved in the project, analysing similarities and differences on some strategic aspects of which it is very important to be aware when comparing case studies, validating interesting practices, and working towards their transferability in other contexts, b. chapter 3 composed by eight reports on the case studies proposed by the partners as potential basis for further inquiries. The list of the case studies considered of interest for Sha.ke activities have been submitted to a first analysis by components of the Local Support groups either trough interviews or meetings promoted during the visits of the lead expert and the lead partner or during the process of setting up the Local Support Group.

These information allows to derive some insights on the points of strength of the partnerships in terms of expertise, programmes, policies and innovative actions developed to address the issues at stake, as well as in identifying areas of convergence on a set of shared problems and issues These will become the focus of the transversal activities and learning processes that can be activated in the implementation phase.

Expected outcomes The theme and the main goal of the WG can be broadly summarised as it follows: How to define, build and implement, more effective policies to improve urban quality and the quality of life in deprived neighbourhoods. The focus is on policies and actions which aim at enhancing the quality of public spaces and services. In other terms: Which the role, potentialities, traps of actions addressing the problem of the quality of public spaces and services in upraising deprived neighbourhoods?

The experiences at the base of the Sha.ke activities range from: - area based integrated programmes of regeneration of deprived neighbourhoods where action to revitalise and improve public spaces and services have a strategic role. These programmes are connected to special EU or national government programmes, but in some cases represent interesting practices of mainstreaming what learnt through these programmes;.

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- the creation of new public space and services where large space is given to the involvement of local actors and users in developing cohesive and interactive opportunities to live public spaces - specific action addressing the problems of coexistence in public spaces of different social. ethnic, cultural profile of users. A further resource is constituted by the two Regions (Apulia and Catalonia) which have designed and implemented two programmes of sustainable urban regeneration of deprived neighbourhoods.

Starting from these resources and the willingness expressed by the local actors which have been involved in LSGs, it is possible to identify the types of possible outcomes: a) a first group of outcomes will take the form of a LAP addressing the problem of revitalising or producing quality urban public spaces and services along the lines of the integrated area based approach and the involvement of all the relevant local actors. To give some examples: the Municipality of Mytilene, had declared itself interested in supporting such a project as a ‘pilot action’ within a more general plan of revitalisation and improvement of public spaces and services in the central urban area. A plan already approved, with possibilities to accede to some forms of financing. Similar interests have been expressed in other contexts. b) a second group seems wiling to work on some interesting programmes which have been designed and implemented locally and that it is worthwhile to elaborate in interesting practices meaningful for a larger set of users. Some examples: practices to create cohesion in public spaces (Padua municipality experience Faciliators and proximity services, Proximity; or Manlleu Pla de Convivencia ) or practices to manage the production of public spaces opened to a multiplicity of users (the case of Hafen City in Hamburg) c) exploration on tools and ways to increase the capacity of public institutions to work together, along the logic of an integrated approach, in implementing effective urban policies. Promoting institutional capacity (this is one of the topic proposed by the managers of the Programa de barris, for instance). Of course, there are other possible outcomes to be proposed and developed.

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