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Masques Dogons in a Changing World Author(s): Polly Richards Source: African Arts, Vol. 38, No. 4 (Winter, 2005), pp. 46-53, 93 Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20447734 . Accessed: 23/02/2011 15:08

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Masques Dogons

POLLY RICHARDS

t a lecture I gave (Fig. 1), thecontemporary kanagaperform ple have gained worldwide attention in 1998, the image erwore trainers,and writing now covered for their spectacular masking traditions.

of contemporary theonce-stark, monochromatic headpiece. Seventy years on, with the annual exo Dogon masquer This (one particularly vocal member of dus and return of young men to cities ade (Fig. 2) incited my audience proclaimed) was a defama seeking work, with the influx of tour shock amongst my tion of a once-great masking tradition: ism, increasing desertification, and most audience. In place How could I stand up and talk about it significantly with the penetration of of the timeless im with such enthusiasm? and and develop age captured by Huet in the 1970s of a Ever since the studies in the 1930s of ments in national politics, theDogon re line ofmask dancers suspended in space Marcel Griaule and his team,Dogon peo gion is somewhat altered. So how has

46 afrtcanarts *winter 2005 themasquerade tradition responded to surviving traditionof masked performance such change? in connection with ancient fertilityrites The history of Dogon masquerade (Jolly 1995:593); to the north, miniature has been one of constant adaptation. In wooden headpieces are worn by young Griaule's now-classic account, Masques boys to rid their village of outbreaks of Dogons (1938), mask performances were disease (Richards 2004:108); and at the described in connection with post-burial heart of theBandiagara escarpment, an rites for important elders, rites for the elaborate cycle of leafmasquerades-de protection of fruit crops, and at correc scribed by Griaule in passing as a mere tive rites, referred to as puro, curbing game (Griaule 1938a:269-74)-still has to the behavior ofwomen. Recent research be performed before the farming season by Jolly (1995) and myself (2004) reveals can begin (Richards 2004:100-106; Fig. 3). that the range of events atwhich masks With the establishment of colonial rule danced was likely tohave been even more and, subsequently,Malian independence, diverse. Today, to the south of the region the scope ofmasked performances ex in an area "undiscovered" by Griaule, is a panded shortlyafter colonialization in 1920 to cater for Europeans visiting the re gion. By the late twentiethcentury, masks welcomed visiting dignitaries on the oc casion of official openings (of schools, clinics, roads, and even churches) and Opposite page: were increasingly performed for an en 1. Kanaga dancers, Sangha Region. From Michael tirely foreign audience overseas, in the Huet, The Dance, Art and Ritual of Africa (Lon atres as far afield as Hong Kong, Egypt, don: Collins,1978). and London (Fig. 4). Over the past century, Dogon tradi This page: tions of masquerade have been recog Top: 2. Kanaga dancer, Idieli (Dogon region), May nized by scholars as providing an open 17,1994. Photo: P. Richards. system of accumulation and change es Bottom: 3. Sanuguroy leaf mask dance, Idieli sential for themasks' survival. Yet para (Dogon region), June 1999. Photo: P. Richards. doxically the very aspects of themasks

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WlatuP2005 - tPlCanats 47 evolution that have proved the strength and thusmisleading labeling ofwhat "the Griaule's response to the evolution of of the tradition and its ability to survive Dogon" do, it is necessary to establish themasking traditionfor "visitors of note" into the twenty-firstcentury have been how Dogon people themselves referto the was wholly derogatory. He wrote: taken by outsiders as proof of themasks' range ofmasquerade performances that This secular activity ... is not with decline. In the course of this paper, I am occur today and to clarify justwhat dif out gravely compromising the [mask] going to examine the evolution of the ferences are remarked upon locally. institution's character.... From the mask tradition in the face of some of the The area identified as Dogon country truly religious affair that itwas, major social, religious, political, and envi spans roughly 50,000 square kilometers useful and meaningful in every de ronmental changes of the last century and (19,305 square miles) of southeast Mali, tail, themask tends to become an the often contrasting response ofDogon with a population of approximately accessory of a spectacle without people and outsiders. 400,000.Griaule's research focused on vil greatness (Griaule 1938b:818). Before I commence, some clarification lages at the heart of the region, an area of categorieswould perhaps be helpful: In dominated by theBandiagara escarpment, Imperato later cited this quote, but thepast century, the literaturehas persist where today those practicing the indige nonethelesswas the firstto note that in fact ed in dividing Dogon mask practice into nous religion are still identified as being thepresence or absence of a local audience two clearly defined categories: first,that in themajority. Today in the village of in any performance context contributed to which fulfillswhat is seen by scholars as Sangha, where themajority ofGriaule's thequality of the event (Imperato 1971:71). the "original" purpose (i.e., forpost-burial research was based, masked dances are In villages off Griaule's beaten track, rituals),and second, that inwhich masked still thehighlight of elaborate post-burial where dances for tourists are less com performances have been adapted to cater rites. In thepeak holiday season, masked monplace, and even in Sangha when im for foreign audiences. Terms such as "tra performances forvisiting touristsalso take portant VIPs arrive, such performances ditional"1 and "adapted,"2"ethnic"3 and place up to three times daily in return for are still a novelty: A large crowd gathers, "theatrical,"4"sacred"5 and "profane,"6"rit a fee.While the same masks may be worn a vociferous audience engages critically ual"7 and "tourist"8have been frequently in all contexts of performance, there are with the ongoing performance, and the applied to dances that occur. However it three main factors noted by locals as masked dance, as locals note, takes on is important to recognize that the (some distinguishing dances for tourists (Fig. 5) thecharacter of rites for local consumption what old-fashioned) structuralist para from those performed at the yimu yaana where performances last several hours. digm thatemerges here has served to trap and dama post-burial rites (Figs. 6, 8). The introduction of an annual mask scholars intowriting about Dogon mas First, the location is different:Dances re festival by theCultural Mission in Ban querade in a manner thatmakes no sense quested by tourists take place on the diagara in 2000 has had theunanticipated toDogon people and, furthermore, fails edge of the village, since to dance in the effectof attractingmore local people than to take account of themore complex na public place for anything other than a tourists. Initially conceived as an after ture of both historical and current real funerary rite is perceived as provoking noon "Festival des danses et de masques" ities. In "reality," tradition is itself open bad luck. Second, the length and content thattourists would pay to attend, theevent to adaptation, a quality that in factguar of performance is altered: The lack of au now attractshundreds ofmasked partici antees its survival; all mask performers dience participation means that dances pants fromall of the surrounding villages are "ethnic" (i.e., indigenous); dances com are short in duration and themore per and as such has become highly competi manded by touristsoften attract an "eth formativemasks such as thehunter, which tive,with local audiences flocking to at nic" audience; and "ritual" (i.e., formalized require audience understanding and in tend and give their views on the best patterns of behavior)9 inevitablypervades teraction, are replaced by themore spec performance. Clearly, in these contexts for all masquerade performance, given the tacular masks such as the sirige (Fig. 7) performance, themask provides (to again rules towhich the dancers must adhere. and kanaga. Finally, locals distinguish be quote Griaulel938b:818) a "useful and Most importantly,however, all such per tween the aesthetic appearance of the meaningful" opportunity to acquire social formances are referred to by Dogon peo masks: Masks danced for touristsare often prestige and affirmone's Dogon identity. ple as iminago and occur within the remit in a state of disrepair in contrast to the There is a perpetuation by someWest of themask association. Clearly, therefore, bright and shiny aesthetic thatpervades ern texts that theDogon area remained in order to move beyond a simplistic at the dama. a stronghold of indigenous beliefs until "comparatively recent times" (De Mott 1979:15). In reality,by the late nineteenth century Islam had already been adopted by inhabitants to thewest of the plateau (Brasseur 1968:376). By the late 1940s, in addition to a mosque, a Protestant mis sion had also been installed in Sangha. In villages today where themajority of the inhabitants are either Christian orMus lim, the adoption of what are still re ferred to locally as "nouveau religions"has been held responsible fora perceived de

Thispage: 4. Dogon dancers at theRoyal Festival Hall, Lon don, 2002. Photo:S. Richards.

Opposite page: Top:5. Mask dance requestedby touristsin San gha (DogonRegion), 1996. Photo: P.Richards. Bottom:6. Dama performancein Ireli (Dogon re gion),1999. Photo:P. Richards.

48 aipican arts *winter 2005 17,

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Left: 7. Sirige mask performing at dance request ed by tourists in Sangha (Dogon Region), 1996. Photo:P. Richards.

Right: 8. Dama performance in Idieli (Dogon re gion), May 1994. Photo: P. Richards.

Opposite page: 9. Dancing on roof at post-burial rite, Idieli (Dogon Region), May 17, 1994. Photo: P. Richards.

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mise of the mask association and the masks and to have masks dance at their masked dance executed on the terrace of post-burial rites at which masks appear. post-burial rites. Nowadays entrance the deceased's house" (Bilot 2001:43). In As one Muslim said, "The attachment among masks is leftto individuals. None the course ofmy research, while masks ofmasks, that is for thepeople who don't theless,among thosewho have converted were acknowledged as harboring a pow pray. "lOA Catholic man toldme, "Mus toChristianity and Islam,many continue erful energy referred to as nyama, itwas lims and masks don't get on ... to participate as a sign of entry toman denied that themask mediated in the and Christians can't get mixed up with hood not readily discarded and as a mark manner ofmask altars. Only one infor masks, not ever."11 Scholars have em of respect for the elders, thereby indicat mant (amask dancer and tourist guide), phasized thisview. Imperato stated in 1971 ing theircommitment to village life. acknowledged that the dancing ofmasks that "In the view ofMuslims and Chris In the face ofChristianity and Islam, it on the roof of the deceased "put the soul tians, these dances have neithermeaning is important tounderstand the reality that to rest."12Now, it is entirely possible that nor purpose and are logically discard Dogon masks in factrepresent. The signif I spent nine months in the field asking ed along with the communal activities icance of themasks dancing on the roof the wrong questions, but the popular once associated with theirperformance" of thedeceased at post-burial rites (Fig. 9) justification for themasks' appearance (Imperato 1971:28). has been greatly emphasized in the litera was straightforward: Masks provide a Yet in reality such views represent an ture,beginning with Griaule (1938b:342). display ofDogon tradition and, by danc ideal that contrasts with a perhaps sur Subsequent works appear to have taken ing on the roofs of the deceased and in prising degree of flexibility in practice. forgranted the essential function of the the public place, honor those who have Formerly all men (with the exception of masks as amaterial support for the "soul" died. The rites to ensure the departure of smiths, leatherworkers, and griots) were released upon death (Marti 1957:75).Most the soul were undertaken at the dead of obliged tomake a payment of grain to the recently,Bilot echoed Griaule (1938b:344), night, by a handful of elders, with no elders at the head of the village in order noting: "From the ritual point of view, masks present. Clearly the public perfor to gain the right to approach and dance the departure of the soul is assured by a mance ofmasks in this context provides

50 a8rIcan arIS *winr 2005 the ceremonial framing formore signifi yet reinventmasks in termsof urban nov As Schapiro made clear (1953:296), style cant ritual events. elty. In this context, themask itselfnow is too unpredictable to be usefully par Some Muslims and Christians (par provides an opportunity for individual alleled with cultural progress or decline. ticularly Protestants) follow the "fun prestige display and new materials ac Moreover my own fieldwork (1994-2000)13 damentalist" line established by early quired in localmarkets and urban centers revealed that the development of styles missionaries and marabouts. Contact with furtherafield are imaginatively incorpo was occurringwith marvellous complexi imina,described (in French) as afetische rated into themasks' attire.Examples such ty,aspects ofwhich were commented on equal in status to other indigenous altars, as the puloyaana headpiece in Figure 10 locally. In some cases, changes were in is to be avoided. While Christianity and were bedecked with pill packets and recy cremental, thedetails of existing forms,as Islam each provide a judgement ofwhat is cled monosodium glutamate wrappers, observed by Griaule, having altered grad acceptable, individuals may vary in their its tresses sparkling with cut-up strips of ually over time, as the same formwas understanding of this. (The point here is sardine cans in a manner imitative of the copied again and again. For example, the that themore "fundamentalist" position is ornate hairstyles of Fulani women today. mouthpiece of the kanagamask of Sangha not necessarily themost orthodox.) In any Dancers with financialmeans adorn them (formerlyconical) now curves upward, its case, the extent of participation is a matter selveswith jewelryand metal wrist watch tip touching the nasal section. For other for individual consciences, some ofwhich es;multicolored fibersdyed with artificial wooden and fibermask forms,more clear seem to be more elastic than others. inks are accessorized with studded leather lyperceptible inventions of detail could Many Muslims and Christians contin belts, beneath which (alongside the tradi be identified,such as the addition of fiber ue to participate in both post-burial and tional indigo) are now wom shorts, train crests and fakemagical medicine to the celebrational rites.For others,participation ers, and even freshlypressed t-shirtsand adagaye (robber) masks of Banani. Such in the latteronly is seen tobe acceptable: vests; and writing may be used to draw changes, though barely perceptible to the Individuals consider themselves to be at attention to thename and education of the unaccustomed eye,were remarked upon less risk of exposure to dugu (sorcery) at wearer (Fig. 11). From amask inwhich the by local people when showed photos of these rites and, because of this, the pro wearer's identitywas formerlyeffaced, it pieces inGriaule's collection.'4 tectivemeasures often undertaken by in is now visibly promoted. Griaule's observation of an overall dividuals prior to the post-burial rites, The incorporation of imported mate schematization was questionable tobegin usually involving some form of blood rials and foreign-style attire is a con with. By contrast, an increasing natu sacrifice, are not deemed necessary. Con tinuation of the existing tradition of ralism between Griaule's time and the tinuedmasked participation in post-bur beautification thatprovokes no objection present was recognized by certain local ial rites is facilitated by the fact that the among local consumers. Yet, once again, people. This was an observation that I most problematic elements are the core scholars have persisted in regarding all found to be accurate, in particular with rites,which do not involve masked per observed changes in the formalqualities of mask types such as the satimbe (sister of formance.Given the emphasis on masked themasks as evidence of decline. Griaule themasks; Figs. 12-13). Compared with spectacle in all contexts formasked perfor noticed with dismay the use of artificial headpieces collected by Griaule, contem mance (with key rituals occurring in pri inks and an increasing schematization porary examples such as this displayed vate), themasquerade tradition is able to in sculpted form (Griaule 1938b:816); Im a greater degree of detail and decora fulfilla new role, as a celebration of shared perato similarly drew upon changes in tion and were locally acknowledged and identityamong people of diverse beliefs. style-increased naturalism, the use of preferred for looking "more like the real With increased desertification, young commercial oil paints, and "an overall thing," i.e.,an ideal typeof themask. With Dogon men are often forced to seek work slackening of attention in themaking of regard to wooden headpieces, people in cities furtherafield. These men return costumes" (Imperato 1971:69)-to build up spoke of an overall improvement in carv with enthusiasm for importantmask cere a picture of a mask societywhose "struc ing skills, attributed directly to the eco monies takingplace in theirhome villages ture isweakening" (Imperato 1971:31). nomic incentive tomake masks for sale to tourists.Significantly, the aforementioned Clothed on the bottom in baggy indigo Left: 10. Pul6yaana (young Fulani girl) mask, col masks tend today to be thework of the trousers, theywere forbidden fromwear lected from Idieli (Dogon Region), May 1994. smith or specialist. Thus, within a context ingWestern style t-shirtsand shorts be Photo: P. Richards. where it is in the interest of all men to neath theirfiber mask costumes. InSangha, Right: 11. Kanaga mask headpiece, Idiely leam to carve well, the skills of the smith aspects of the traditionalistapproach man Y6nne, 1993 (village, date, and wearer's name have developed accordingly, and his ser ifested in performances for tourists ap are also written on the headpiece) vices thereforecontinued to be required. pear to have carried over into theirown Wood, fiber, pigment, and "washing blue" Collected by Polly Richards for the Horniman Where performances for touristswere performance domain, and changes identi Museum in 1998 concerned, Imperato noted the constant fiedas having occurred inmore remotevil HornimanMuseum no. 1999.1 adaptation ofmasked performances and lages have here remained in check. Kanaga attire to suit touristrequirements. More re masks are devoid of anywriting, and their cently,however, inSangha, modifications head-coverings continue tobe plaited, in disuse. Most noticeably, where themask have taken on a self-consciously tradition contrast to the newer trend of using im fibersare concerned, while imported inks alist slant that isworth examining. In 1996, ported sack-cloth.The range ofmore than are used, the rigid tricoloredcode of black, elders who accompanied themasks and fiftydifferent mask types recorded as being red, and yellow (as recorded by Griaule) those in theorchestra of drums and singers inuse by Griaule inSangha alone has been has been maintained. would only be paid ifdressed inwhat is reduced to a core of twentyor so different Unlike other sub-Saharan masquerade locally referred to as "traditional" attire: types,of which one of the fewmore recent traditionssuch as Gelede, where the range indigo robes, trousers, and straw hats. inventions-a mask representinga tourist of thingsdepicted now includes airplanes, Youths were required tobe bare-chested. using a camera-has already fallen into sewing machines, and motor cars, it is sur prising perhaps that the range ofDogon masks has not expanded more. Moreover, where it comes to new mask types, the lack of invention in comparison with the past may signal the turningpoint of a tra dition in decline, as Picton pointed out: "Traditions do not survive for theirown sake, least of all by remaining 'traditional"' _. _ (Picton 1992:47). Yet locally,while several informantsnoted the increased disappear ance ofmask types, these developments 81 were not met with regret: "Masks have been abandoned," acknowledged the chief of Sangha; "...the dance is forgottenand

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then themask is no longer used." 15Nor exmlso*anvl nismn dpe was this development felt to be of any consequence regarding the future of the fom rudtewrd hr r n tradition: "We are not going to leave our meou prcdnsfrteotnaino traditions just like that!"16 We cannot be masingtraitonsnowsearaed ro certain, then, thata lack of expansion indi thi eiiu or gin.I h oo ae cates anything at all. As Picton observed, "Justwhy some traditionsseem tobe more maqerd ispato eua rga open to change than others is one of those great conundrums!"17 Scholars have been quick to predict ofevnsta epefo egbrn a futurewhen masquerade is only per vllgsfoktatedpatcptinad formed for visiting tourists. But is it not possible thatDogon masquerade, un hitched from its religious context and with theprogression ofChristianity and Islam, may continue to thrive? Ifwe look to the

Left:12. Satimbemask headpiece and fibre inevitablycomment upon, thus impacting headcovering,1931 itscontinued evolution. And in thelight Wood (Kapok),fiber, and pigment;1 .15m(45?/"). Collected byMarcel Griaule fromSangha (on of theobvious commitment, enjoyment, theDakar- mission). Now held by the andpride in a traditionthat has evolvedto Musee de Quai Branly,no. 71.1931.74.1948. be amarker of Dogon identitywithin and beyondthe Dogon region,one cannot pre Right: 13. Satimbe mask headpiece photo graphed inthe village of Banani, 1996. Photo: P. dictthe extinction of themask justyet. U Richards. Notes,page 93

winter 2005 airican arts 53 Ijoma,J.0.1986. "Eze Aro, Eze Kanu Oji: A Symbolof Stability." tutd'Ethnologie no. 32. Paris: Institutd'Ethnologie. In Arochukwu:History and Culture,ed. Okoro J. Ijoma,pp. _. [1938b] 1994b.Masques Dogons. Trav. et m?m. de 358-67. Fourth Enugu: Dimension. l'Institutd'Ethnologie no. 33. Paris: Institutd'Ethnologie. NOTICE TO OUR G.I. 1956. the READERS Jones, Reponof Position,Status, and InfluenceofChiefs Imperato,P.J. 1971. "ContemporaryAdapted Dances of the andNatural Rulers in theEastern Region ofNigeria. Enugu: Dogon." AfricanArts 5 (l):28-33, 68-72. Government Due to increased securityat Ameri Printer. _. 1978.Dogon CliffDwellers: The Art ofMali's Mountain _. 1988.The Backgroundof EasternNigerian History. 3 People.New York:Kahan Gallery. vols.New Haven: can ports,African Arts has become Human RelationsArea File. Jolly,E. 1995.La Bi?rede mil dans la soci?t?dogon. PhD the Kasfir,S. L. 1984. "One Tribe,One Style?Paradigms in the sis. Paris X Nanterre. subject tounexpected delays, as the African Historiographyof Art."History inAfrica 11:163-93. Lane, P. 1988. "Tourismand SocialChange Among theDogon." magazine is printed inHong Nicklin, K., and J.Salmons. 1982. "On Ekkpe, Ekpe, Ekpo, AfricanArts 21 (4):66-69. Kong Arts Ogbom." African 15 (4):78-9. Mart?,M.P. 1957.Les Dogon. Monographies EthnologiquesAfri and shipped toa distributioncenter Nunley, J.W 1987.Moving with theFace of theDevil: Art and caines. Paris: Institutinternational africain, Presses univer Politics inUrban West Africa. Urbana: Universityof Illinois sitairesde France. in theUS formailing. This is a cir Press. Picton,J. 1992. "Tradition, Technology, and Lurex." InHistory, N. 2000. "TheAutonomous cumstance beyond our control,but Nwankwo, CommunityBlues." Design, and Craft inWest AfricanStrip-woven Cloth: Papers [Abuja]Aro News, June:1-2. Presentedat a SymposiumOrganized by theNational Museum we apologize forthe effect this has Odenigwe, M.A. 1971.A New Systemof Local Government ofAfrican Art, SmithsonianInstitution, February 18-19,1988, (Governmentby theCommunity in theEast Central State of pp. 13-52.Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution. Seminaron on the regularityof publication. Nigeria). Divisional Administration,Institute of Schapiro,M. 1953. "Style." InAnthropology Today: An Encyclo Administration,Enugu, Nwamife. pedicInventory, ed. A.L. Kroeber,pp. 287-312.Chicago: Uni Ogbechie, S.O. 2000. Ben Enwonwu and theConstitution of versityof Chicago Press. in Modernity TwentiethCentury Nigerian Art. PhD disser Van Beek,W.E. 1991. "Enter the Bush: A Dogon Mask Fes tation. Evanston,Northwestern University. tival." InAfrica Explores: Twentieth Century Art, ed. S. Vogel, Roberts,A.F., M.N. Roberts,et al. 2003.A Saint in theCity: Sufi pp. 56-73.New York and Munich: Center forAfrican Art Arts ofUrban . Los Angeles: FowlerMuseum ofCul and Prestel. Journalof Visual Culture 1(2):165-81. turalHistory. Sturken,Marita, and Lisa Cartwright.2001. Practices of Looking. Roy,CD. 1997. "Re: Classical AfricanArt." October 6, H Oxford:Oxford University Press. AfrArt listserv,archived at www.h-net.org. VISON?: Notes,from page 61 Stevens,R.A. 1953."Progress in Local Government in the Eastern [Thisarticle was for inOctober 2005.] Regionof Nigeria." JournalofAfrican Administration 5 (1):15-21. accepted publication BENTOR: Notes, 45 Z.S. 1997. frompage Strother, InventingMasks: Agency and History in theArt 1. The role of the art historianor art critic in validating art theCentral Pende. of Press. or art [Thisarticle was for inOctober of Chicago:University Chicago objects categoriesof (as agents promoting the "con accepted publication 2005.] M. Trowell, 1970.Classical African Sculpture. New York:Praeger. sumption"of art)has been examinedby a numberof authors; I would liketo thankthe Officeof International Programs at Appala Ugwu, S.C. 2000. "TheCouncillor in theLocal Government." see Nicodemus and Romare (1997-98). Steiner (1996) has chianState the that Universityfor generoussupport enabledme to In ContemporaryIssues in Local GovernmentAdministration emphasized the roleof "culturebrokers" in the formationof on research this andRural in a carry for paper. Development Nigeria,eds. E.E. Umebali, E.E.O. "canon" of acceptable and unacceptable art. 1. is administrativewards thatare and Representation actuallyby Chukwuemeka, A.O. Njoku. Enugu: Computer Edge 2. The tentativetitle of the exhibition is "Divinely Inspired based on autonomous communities. In addition tomaneu Publishers. AfricanArtists: Art of theLagoon Peoples and theirNeigh vers to increase in the local G.N. 2004. representation existing govern Uzoigwe, "Evolution and Relevance ofAutono bors." Planning for thisexhibition was made possible by a ment, thereis also a to LGAs and mous in strongpressure split bring Communities Precolonial Igboland." Journalof Smithsonian InstitutionSenior Fellowship at theNational closer to the ThirdWorld Studies21 "democracy people." (1):139-51. Museum ofAfrican Art. I am gratefulto themany colleagues 2.A within the of theAro Art long-standingdispute family Izuogu, Vansina, J.1984. History inAfrica. London: Longmans. at theNMAf A who patiently listenedto drafts of theexhibi founderof resultedin an Arondizuogu, earliersplit formalized Vogel, S.M.,M. Carrieri,et al. 1985.African Aesthetics: The Carlo tionproposals. a of civilian rule.As a Ndiuche Monzino Collection. during previousperiod result, New York:Center forAfrican Art. 3. Very few scholarshave writtenon thearts of theLagoon was carvedout as an autonomous in 1981. community peoples, or lagunaires,a cluster of diverse populations in 3. son of is a different ofmask Nw?kp? (literally ?kp?) genre southeasternC?te d'Ivoire who speak languages distantly fromthose used the secret or the ing by Ekpe society Ibibio RICHARDS: Notes,from page 53 related toAnyi-Baule and Twi-Fante.A surveyof theliterature See Nicklin and Salmons 1982. Ekpo. articlewas may be found in Feau et al. 1989,and inVison? 1987b, 1990; 4. These observationsare The of cur [This accepted forpublication inOctober 2005.] preliminary. impact the thebest map of theLagoon regionmay be found inVison? rent situationon the ofArochukwu is the This is a political Ikeji topic paper summaryof informationpresented in my doctoral 1987a.My dissertationresearch on theAkye, themost popu of current research. my (2005) thesis(awarded January 2004 by SOAS, Universityof London). lous of theLagoon groups,was conducted in 1981with the 5. failedto clear ofhow such undertakenbetween was They,however, provide examples Fieldwork, 1994-2000, madepossible with supportof a Kress Foundationgrant administered by theArt historical should thenature of oral inquiry proceed given evi fundingfrom theArts andHumanities Research Board, University Department of theUniversity of California, Santa Barbara. dence and documentationcommon in the of theAfrican LondonCentral study of ResearchFund, SOAS ScholarshipsCommittee, Postdoctoralresearch among most of theother Lagoon groups Vansina's ultimate of the historical and theFriends theHorniman am past. example proper study of Museum. I also indebtedto my in 1983-84was fundedby a Fulbrightgrant; brief descriptions of anAfrican monument is themuch more doc and in conventionally friends colleagues thefield includingSekou Dolo and the ofLagoon art formsI encounteredduring thatfieldwork may umentedGreat Mosque ofQairawan inTunisia ratherthan his Dolo family,Wagaserou Douyon, Etienne and JeanneGuindo, be foundin Vison? 1986. own studiesof theKuba of a more Nouhoum people. Examples sophisti Guindo,Dagalu Girou,Apomi Saye, and staffat the 4.1 am gratefulto themany colleagues at theNational Muse catedhistorical in sub-SaharanAfrica are limit Mission inquiry largely Culturelle,Bandiagara, for theirinvaluable assistance, um ofAfrican Art whose insightshelped shape thispaper. I ed to centralizedsocieties where it ismore common to adviceand highly support. would also like to thankEd DeCarbo forhis generoushospi find thekind of historical thatcan shed on 1. See specificity light Imperato 1971:28-31,70, 72; 1978:18,20; Lane 1988:68; talityduring thesymposium and forthe opportunity to con artistic as of 1997:484. changes part largersocial, political, demographic, Doquet sult sources in his personal library. I would like to or of Girshick Ben-Amos 2. See religiousprocesses change. 1999, Imperato1971:30, 69, 70; 1978:19-21,23. acknowledge the roles played by Susan Vogel in launching while somewhat offersa nuanced and speculative, detailed 3. See Imperato1978:30,33, 69, 70-72; 1978:19-20,22. scholarlydiscussion of many issuesnow centralto my research at the of thevisual artof anAfrican 4. See attempt historicizing study Imperato 1978:30,31, 33, 69-72; 1978:18-21,23; Lane and to thediscipline as a whole; itwas Vogelwho firstwrote, the In noncentralized kingdom during precolonial period. 1988:67-8. "Althoughcollectors may imaginethat their objects date from societiesthere does not seem tobe same the degree of specific 5. See Doquet 1999:255,260. the lastcentury, research has shown thatmuch traditionalart historicalconsciousness thatwould allow forsimilar detailed 6. See Doquet 1999:257,260, 262. considered tobe 'old'was actuallymade during the firsthalf reconstructionof art 7. precolonial history. See Doquet 1997:483-86,488-93; 1999:257-61;Lane 1988: of thetwentieth century" (Vogel 1988:4). 6. this does demand the realiza 67-9. However, terminology painful 5. Goldsmiths at Ana (Anna)were photographed by Elliot tion thatmost ofwhat we used tocall "traditionalAfrican art" 8. See Doquet 1997:491-92,1999:258,260-262;Imperato 1978:17, Elisophon in the 1970s (see theElisophon archivesat theNa is in factthe of thecolonial and Lane Van Beek 1991b:71. product postcolonialperiods. 19; 1988:69; tionalMuseum ofAfrican Art), byme in the 1980s,and by 9. The CollinsDictionary describes "ritual"as "any formalact, Monique Barbier in the 1990s (Barbier2000). Referencescited or thatis institution, procedure followedconsistently" (Collins 6. Photographsof Lagoon men and women wearing elegant Aborisade,O. 1985.Local Government and TraditionalRulers s.v. of 1999, "ritual"). garmentsof this raffiafabric have been takenby takenby Ile Ife: of IfePress. 10. Field Nigeria. University interview,Idieli, 2000. JeanPaul Barbier (Garrard1989:frontispiece), Carol Beckwith 1995. withTime: Art and in Arnoldi,M.J. Playing Performance 11.Field interview,Tireli, 2001. and Angela Fisher (Beckwithand Fisher 1999: vl:376) and CentralMali. Indiana Press. 12. Bloomington: University Field interview,Banani, 1996. EtienneNangbo (published in a 2000 calendar distributedin E. 1995.Aro Festival:Toward a Bentor, Ikeji Historical Inter 13.Fieldwork was conductedduring five visits (totallingnine C?te d'Ivoire). of a Festival. Ph.D diss. pretation Masquerade Blooming months) between 1994-2000. 7. "I'm sure thereare all kinds ofpostmodern objections tomy ton,Indiana 14.1 University. studiedGriaule's collectionof mask headpieces and cos used of theword 'authentic'as well as contingencyaround the H. and C. C. 1984. Arts: Cole, M., Aniakor. Igbo Communityand tumes (formerlyheld at theMus?e de l'Homme)in detail as word 'fake' but even so, you know what I mean" (Cole Cosmos.Los Angeles: UCLA Museum ofCultural History. part ofmy research. 2003:96). Barbara Blackmun discusses similar issues in her Dike, K.O., and F. 1990. The Aro South-eastern 15. Field Ekejiuba. of interview,Sangha,1996. studiesof brass-castingworkshops inBenin City (2003:86). 1650-1980:A Socio-economicFormation and 16. Ibid. Nigeria, Studyof 8.A more nuanced but equally negativeview of olderAfrican in Ibadan: Press. 17.Personal TransformationNigeria. University communication,John Picton, 2002. art as objects thathave "indelible histories of otheringand and C. eds. 2001. The Short Enwezor,O., Achebe, Century: subjugation" can be found in Fernando 1990:80.Blier evalu and LiberationMovements in 1945-1994. Referencescited Independence Africa, atesreasons for this "Banishingof thePast" inher essay on Munich and New York: Prestel. A. Bilot, 2001. "Masques du pays dogons." In "La soci?t?des "NineContradictions in theNew Golden Age ofAfrican Art" P. GirshickBen-Amos, 1999.Art, Innovation,and Politics in Eigh masques et lesrites fun?raires."In Masques du pays dogons (2002:4,6). . Indiana teenth-century Bloomington: UniversityPress. eds.A. Bilot,G. Calame-Griaule, and F.Ndiaye, pp. 36-45. 9. Although some collectorsand criticsmay be attractedto Harneit-Sievers,Axel. Inpress. Constructions of Belonging: Igbo Paris:Adam Biro. thework of Emile Guebehi and Nicholas Damas because it Communitiesand the State in theTwentieth G. 1968. au Nigerian Century. Brasseur, "Les ?tablissementshumains Mali." IFAN "fits" so well with postmodernistEuropean and American Rochester: ofRochester Press. m?m83:362-401. University Dakar, work, Ekyp Eyo identifiesits entirelydifferent appeal for E. 2004. In Shadow: and the Harney, Senghor's Art,Politics, Avant Doquet, A. 1997.Les masques dogons sous le regardde l'Autre: Africaniste:"Although Iwas involvedwith ancientartworks in 1960-1995.Durham: Duke Press. fixit?et une garde Senegal, University changementdans soci?t?ethnographi?e. PhD itwas impossible to ignorethe creations of emergingartists. 1957.Local Government in Southern AManual Harris,P.J. Nigeria: thesis,Univ. BordeauxH. The work of artistswithout formalart trainingattracted my Law andProcedure under the Eastern LocalGovernment _. 1999.Les of Region masquesdogons: ethnologie savante et ethnolo attentionfirst because I believed theywere purer in formor and theWestern Law, 1955, RegionLocal Government Law, 1952. gie autochone.Paris: EditionsKarthala. contentin relation to theworks with which Iwas familiar"(in Press. Cambridge:Cambridge University Griaule,M. [1938a]1994a. Jeux Dogons. Trav. et m?m. de l'Insti Kennedy 1992:11). winter 2005 * aipican arts 93