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Regents of the University of California Masques Dogons in a Changing World Author(s): Polly Richards Source: African Arts, Vol. 38, No. 4 (Winter, 2005), pp. 46-53, 93 Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20447734 . Accessed: 23/02/2011 15:08 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=jscasc. 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Coleman African Studies Center and Regents of the University of California are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to African Arts. http://www.jstor.org EMERGING SCHOLARSHIP INAFRICAN ART Masques Dogons POLLY RICHARDS t a lecture I gave (Fig. 1), thecontemporary kanagaperform ple have gained worldwide attention in 1998, the image erwore trainers,and writing now covered for their spectacular masking traditions. of contemporary theonce-stark, monochromatic headpiece. Seventy years on, with the annual exo Dogon masquer This (one particularly vocal member of dus and return of young men to cities ade (Fig. 2) incited my audience proclaimed) was a defama seeking work, with the influx of tour shock amongst my tion of a once-great masking tradition: ism, increasing desertification, and most audience. In place How could I stand up and talk about it significantly with the penetration of of the timeless im with such enthusiasm? Christianity and Islam and develop age captured by Huet in the 1970s of a Ever since the studies in the 1930s of ments in national politics, theDogon re line ofmask dancers suspended in space Marcel Griaule and his team,Dogon peo gion is somewhat altered. So how has 46 afrtcanarts *winter 2005 themasquerade tradition responded to surviving traditionof masked performance such change? in connection with ancient fertilityrites The history of Dogon masquerade (Jolly 1995:593); to the north, miniature has been one of constant adaptation. In wooden headpieces are worn by young Griaule's now-classic account, Masques boys to rid their village of outbreaks of Dogons (1938), mask performances were disease (Richards 2004:108); and at the described in connection with post-burial heart of theBandiagara escarpment, an rites for important elders, rites for the elaborate cycle of leafmasquerades-de protection of fruit crops, and at correc scribed by Griaule in passing as a mere tive rites, referred to as puro, curbing game (Griaule 1938a:269-74)-still has to the behavior ofwomen. Recent research be performed before the farming season by Jolly (1995) and myself (2004) reveals can begin (Richards 2004:100-106; Fig. 3). that the range of events atwhich masks With the establishment of colonial rule danced was likely tohave been even more and, subsequently,Malian independence, diverse. Today, to the south of the region the scope ofmasked performances ex in an area "undiscovered" by Griaule, is a panded shortlyafter colonialization in 1920 to cater for Europeans visiting the re gion. By the late twentiethcentury, masks welcomed visiting dignitaries on the oc casion of official openings (of schools, clinics, roads, and even churches) and Opposite page: were increasingly performed for an en 1. Kanaga dancers, Sangha Region. From Michael tirely foreign audience overseas, in the Huet, The Dance, Art and Ritual of Africa (Lon atres as far afield as Hong Kong, Egypt, don: Collins,1978). and London (Fig. 4). Over the past century, Dogon tradi This page: tions of masquerade have been recog Top: 2. Kanaga dancer, Idieli (Dogon region), May nized by scholars as providing an open 17,1994. Photo: P. Richards. system of accumulation and change es Bottom: 3. Sanuguroy leaf mask dance, Idieli sential for themasks' survival. Yet para (Dogon region), June 1999. Photo: P. Richards. doxically the very aspects of themasks MICHAELHUET wi { s w J IUw *~~- 41,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ A,]ws,-?'_ A_~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~A WlatuP2005 - tPlCanats 47 evolution that have proved the strength and thusmisleading labeling ofwhat "the Griaule's response to the evolution of of the tradition and its ability to survive Dogon" do, it is necessary to establish themasking traditionfor "visitors of note" into the twenty-firstcentury have been how Dogon people themselves referto the was wholly derogatory. He wrote: taken by outsiders as proof of themasks' range ofmasquerade performances that This secular activity ... is not with decline. In the course of this paper, I am occur today and to clarify justwhat dif out gravely compromising the [mask] going to examine the evolution of the ferences are remarked upon locally. institution's character.... From the mask tradition in the face of some of the The area identified as Dogon country truly religious affair that itwas, major social, religious, political, and envi spans roughly 50,000 square kilometers useful and meaningful in every de ronmental changes of the last century and (19,305 square miles) of southeast Mali, tail, themask tends to become an the often contrasting response ofDogon with a population of approximately accessory of a spectacle without people and outsiders. 400,000.Griaule's research focused on vil greatness (Griaule 1938b:818). Before I commence, some clarification lages at the heart of the region, an area of categorieswould perhaps be helpful: In dominated by theBandiagara escarpment, Imperato later cited this quote, but thepast century, the literaturehas persist where today those practicing the indige nonethelesswas the firstto note that in fact ed in dividing Dogon mask practice into nous religion are still identified as being thepresence or absence of a local audience two clearly defined categories: first,that in themajority. Today in the village of in any performance context contributed to which fulfillswhat is seen by scholars as Sangha, where themajority ofGriaule's thequality of the event (Imperato 1971:71). the "original" purpose (i.e., forpost-burial research was based, masked dances are In villages off Griaule's beaten track, rituals),and second, that inwhich masked still thehighlight of elaborate post-burial where dances for tourists are less com performances have been adapted to cater rites. In thepeak holiday season, masked monplace, and even in Sangha when im for foreign audiences. Terms such as "tra performances forvisiting touristsalso take portant VIPs arrive, such performances ditional"1 and "adapted,"2"ethnic"3 and place up to three times daily in return for are still a novelty: A large crowd gathers, "theatrical,"4"sacred"5 and "profane,"6"rit a fee.While the same masks may be worn a vociferous audience engages critically ual"7 and "tourist"8have been frequently in all contexts of performance, there are with the ongoing performance, and the applied to dances that occur. However it three main factors noted by locals as masked dance, as locals note, takes on is important to recognize that the (some distinguishing dances for tourists (Fig. 5) thecharacter of rites for local consumption what old-fashioned) structuralist para from those performed at the yimu yaana where performances last several hours. digm thatemerges here has served to trap and dama post-burial rites (Figs. 6, 8). The introduction of an annual mask scholars intowriting about Dogon mas First, the location is different:Dances re festival by theCultural Mission in Ban querade in a manner thatmakes no sense quested by tourists take place on the diagara in 2000 has had theunanticipated toDogon people and, furthermore, fails edge of the village, since to dance in the effectof attractingmore local people than to take account of themore complex na public place for anything other than a tourists. Initially conceived as an after ture of both historical and current real funerary rite is perceived as provoking noon "Festival des danses et de masques" ities. In "reality," tradition is itself open bad luck. Second, the length and content thattourists would pay to attend, theevent to adaptation, a quality that in factguar of performance is altered: The lack of au now attractshundreds ofmasked partici antees its survival; all mask performers dience participation means that dances pants fromall of the surrounding villages are "ethnic" (i.e., indigenous); dances com are short in duration and themore per and as such has become highly competi manded by touristsoften attract an "eth formativemasks such as thehunter, which tive,with local audiences flocking to at nic" audience; and "ritual" (i.e., formalized require audience understanding and in tend and give their views on the best patterns of behavior)9 inevitablypervades teraction, are replaced by themore spec performance. Clearly, in these contexts for all masquerade performance, given the tacular masks such as the sirige (Fig. 7) performance, themask provides (to again rules towhich the dancers must adhere. and kanaga. Finally, locals distinguish be quote Griaulel938b:818) a "useful and Most importantly,however, all such per tween the aesthetic appearance of the meaningful" opportunity to acquire social formances are referred to by Dogon peo masks: Masks danced for touristsare often prestige and affirmone's Dogon identity.