Anwar Sadat Centennial Celebration Act
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Presidential Emergency Facility Site 6 - “Cadre/Creed” on Raven Rock Mountain Near Blue Ridge Summit Pa
Presidential Emergency Facility Site 6 - “Cadre/Creed” On Raven Rock Mountain near Blue Ridge Summit Pa. Raven Rock Mountain Complex Raven Rock, Site of Creed Tower a PEF Elevation 1,516 feet (462.08m) Location Location Adams County, Pa Range Blue Ridge Summit USGS quad Coordinates +39° 44' 2.40", -77° 25' 8.40" The Raven Rock Mountain Complex (RRMC) is a United States government facility on Raven Rock, a mountain in the U.S. state of Pennsylvania. It is located about 14 km (8.7 miles) east of Waynesboro, Pennsylvania, and 10 km (6.2 miles) north-northeast of Camp David, Maryland. It is also called the Raven Rock Military Complex, or simply Site R. Colloquially, the facility is known as an "underground Pentagon". Ravens Rock is also the site of a deactivated microwave terminal, which was used during the Cold War. The unit was encased in a mostly underground tower, and known as "Creed” site 6. The site was deactivated in 1977. It was connected to Site R: but, access is still restricted. Microwave Radio Terminal Site Site 6 - "Cadre/Creed" Tower History and Purpose "Site-R" is the location designator for a major US military bunker located inside Raven Rock Mountain, next to the community of Fountain Dale, near Blue Ridge Summit in Adams County Pennsylvania. The complex is also known as "the underground Pentagon," and affectionately to its personnel as "the Rock" or "the Hole" but the official name is the Alternate Joint Communications Center (AJCC). Planning for the site began in 1948. After the Soviet Union detonated its first nuclear weapon in 1949, a high priority was established for the Joint Command Post to be placed in a protected location near Washington, D.C. -
Digest of Other White House Announcements
1862 Oct. 25 / Administration of George W. Bush, 2002 cultural development, and the building of de- October 21 mocracy and rule of law, bringing tangible In the morning, the President had intel- benefits to the Chinese people. Their quality ligence and FBI briefings and later met with of life and standard of living are improving. the National Security Council. As the biggest developing country in the In the evening, the President traveled to world, this road is still very long before China McLean, VA, where he attended a Repub- achieves full modernization. Our central task lican National Committee dinner at a private and long-term goal remain one of economic residence. He then returned to Washington, development and improvement of people’s DC. living standards. The Chinese people have a tradition of October 22 peace loving. China has never engaged in ex- In the morning, the President had FBI pansion nor sought hegemony. We sincerely briefings. Later, he traveled to desire peace all over the world. Even when Downingtown, PA. In the afternoon, he trav- China becomes more developed in the fu- eled to Bangor, ME, and later returned to ture, it will not pose a threat to others. Washington, DC. Threats have and will continue to prove that The White House announced that the China is a staunch force for the maintenance President will welcome Prime Minister Peter of world and regional peace. Medgyessy of Hungary to Washington, DC, Thank you. on November 8 to discuss cooperation President Bush. Thank you all very much. against terrorism, the upcoming NATO sum- mit in Prague, and other issues. -
Empire's H(A)Unting Grounds: Theorising Violence and Resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan
Empire’s h(a)unting grounds: theorising violence and resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/102631/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Manchanda, Nivi and Salem, Sara (2020) Empire’s h(a)unting grounds: theorising violence and resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan. Current Sociology, 68 (2). pp. 241-262. ISSN 1461-7064 10.1177%2F0011392119886866 Reuse Items deposited in LSE Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the LSE Research Online record for the item. [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ Empire’s H(a)unting Grounds: Theorising violence and resistance in Egypt and Afghanistan Nivi Manchanda, Queen Mary University of London Sara Salem, London School of Economics Abstract This article thinks theory otherwise by searching for what is missing, silent and yet highly productive and constitutive of present realities’. Looking at Afghanistan and Egypt, we show how imperial legacies and capitalist futurities are rendered invisible by dominant social theories, and why it matters that we think beyond an empiricist sociology in the Middle East. In Afghanistan, we explore the ways in which portrayals of the country as retrogressive elide the colonial violence that that have ensured the very backwardness that is now considered Afghanistan’s enduring characteristic. -
Omar-Ashour-English.Pdf
CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 3, November 2012 FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT OMAR ASHOUR PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL FROM BAD COP TO GOOD COP: THE CHALLENGE OF SECURITY SECTOR REFORM IN EGYPT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY gence within the police force of a cadre of reform- ist officers is also encouraging and may help shift Successful democratic transitions hinge on the the balance of power within the Ministry of Interi- establishment of effective civilian control of the or. These officers have established reformist orga- armed forces and internal security institutions. The nizations, such as the General Coalition of Police transformation of these institutions from instru- Officers and Officers But Honorable, and begun to ments of brutal repression and regime protection push for SSR themselves. The prospects for imple- to professional, regulated, national services – secu- menting these civil society and internal initiatives, rity sector reform (SSR) – is at the very center of however, remain uncertain; they focus on admira- this effort. In Egypt, as in other transitioning Arab ble ends but are less clear on the means of imple- states and prior cases of democratization, SSR is mentation. They also have to reckon with strong an acutely political process affected by an array of elements within the Ministry of Interior – “al-Ad- different actors and dynamics. In a contested and ly’s men” (in reference to Mubarak’s longstanding unstable post-revolutionary political sphere, the minister) – who remain firmly opposed to reform. -
Soft Power and Cross-Border Mobility in the Middle East
IPS0010.1177/0192512118759902International Political Science ReviewTsourapas 759902research-article2018 Article International Political Science Review 2018, Vol. 39(3) 400 –416 Authoritarian emigration states: © The Author(s) 2018 Reprints and permissions: Soft power and cross-border sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512118759902DOI: 10.1177/0192512118759902 mobility in the Middle East journals.sagepub.com/home/ips Gerasimos Tsourapas University of Birmingham, UK Abstract Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making. Keywords Soft power, diasporas, Egypt, Middle East, authoritarianism, migration, case study, Arab–Israeli conflict Introduction Can labor emigration serve a state’s foreign policy goals? In particular, how do authoritarian states use labor emigration in their foreign policy-making? The emerging academic literature on the poli- tics of international migration has yet to fully explore this phenomenon as a separate field of inquiry. -
SEPTEMBER 17, 1979 TIME DAY- 7:17 A.M
4 THE WHITE HOUSE THE DAILY DIARY OF PRESIDENT JIMMY CARTER I LocATIoN DATE No.. Day. Yr.1 CAMP DAVID, MARYLAND SEPTEMBER 17, 1979 TIME DAY- 7:17 a.m. MONDAY PHONE TIME AcT:VITY From i 7’0 7:U 7~8 R The President talked with Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance. I 7:20 P The President telephoned Prime Minister of the State of Israel Menachem Begin. The call was not completed. I 7:20 P The President telephoned President of the Arab Republic of Egypt Anwar al-Sadat. The call was not completed. 7:39 7:44 R The President talked with President Sadat. 7:45 7:49 R The President talked with Prime Minister Begin. 7:54 7=57 P The President talked with his Press Secretary, Joseph L. "Jo dy" Powell. 8:30 9:05 The President and the First Lady flew by Marine helicopter from the Camp David helipad to the South Grounds of the I White House. For a list of passengers, see APPENDIX "A." 9:07 The President and the First Lady went to the second floor Residence. The President went to the Oval Office. The President met with: The First Lady Mr. Powell I g:14 ! R The President was telephoned by Ambassador at Large-designate I Robert S. Strauss. The call was not completed. 1 10:15 I, 10:17 R The President talked with his Assistant for National Security Affairs, Zbigniew Brzezinski. I 10~25 / The President went to the Situation Room. I 10~25 1 ii:45 The President participated in a meeting to discuss the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Cuba. -
Literary Networks and the Making of Egypt's Nineties Generation By
Writing in Cairo: Literary Networks and the Making of Egypt’s Nineties Generation by Nancy Spleth Linthicum A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Near Eastern Studies) in the University of Michigan 2019 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Carol Bardenstein, Chair Associate Professor Samer Ali Professor Anton Shammas Associate Professor Megan Sweeney Nancy Spleth Linthicum [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0001-9782-0133 © Nancy Spleth Linthicum 2019 Dedication Writing in Cairo is dedicated to my parents, Dorothy and Tom Linthicum, with much love and gratitude for their unwavering encouragement and support. ii Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my committee for their invaluable advice and insights and for sticking with me throughout the circuitous journey that resulted in this dissertation. It would not have been possible without my chair, Carol Bardenstein, who helped shape the project from its inception. I am particularly grateful for her guidance and encouragement to pursue ideas that others may have found too far afield for a “literature” dissertation, while making sure I did not lose sight of the texts themselves. Anton Shammas, throughout my graduate career, pushed me to new ways of thinking that I could not have reached on my own. Coming from outside the field of Arabic literature, Megan Sweeney provided incisive feedback that ensured I spoke to a broader audience and helped me better frame and articulate my arguments. Samer Ali’s ongoing support and feedback, even before coming to the University of Michigan (UM), likewise was instrumental in bringing this dissertation to fruition. -
Televised Ceremonies of Reconciliation
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Departmental Papers (ASC) Annenberg School for Communication 1996 Staging Peace: Televised Ceremonies of Reconciliation Tamar Liebes The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Elihu Katz University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Liebes, T., & Katz, E. (1996). Staging Peace: Televised Ceremonies of Reconciliation. The Communication Review, 2 (2), 235-257. https://doi.org/10.1080/10714429709368558 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/262 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Staging Peace: Televised Ceremonies of Reconciliation Abstract The visit of Egypt's President Anwar Sadat to Jerusalem was the model for Dayan and Katz's conceptualization of the genre of media events, as live programs which have the power to transform history. Fifteen years later, a series of televised reconciliation ceremonies, which marked the stages of the peace process between Israel and its Arab neighbors (the Palestinians and the Jordanians), are used to re-examine the model. We demonstrate (1) how the effectiveness of these ceremonies depends on the type of contract among the three participants-leaders, broadcasters and public-each of whom displays different kinds of reservations, and (2) how the aura of the ceremonies draws on the prior status of the participants (Hussein), but also confers status (Arafat). Disciplines Communication | Social and Behavioral Sciences This journal article is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/asc_papers/262 Staging Peace: Televised Ceremonies of Reconciliation Tamar Liebes and Elihu Katz The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem 91905 ISRAEL The visit of Egypt's President Anwar Sadat to Jerusalem was the model for Dayan and Katz's conceptualization of the genre of media events, as live programs which have the power to transform history. -
CBC Nir Mar 11.Indd
EGYPT AND THE DAYS OF ANGER Introduction A wind of revolutionary change began communication technologies of social Focus to stir in the small North African media to spread information and rally This News in Review country of Tunisia in December 2010. new supporters to their cause. Mubarak’s story focuses on After enduring years of corruption and government had dealt with protests the revolution that repression at the hands of President before, never hesitating to deploy its occurred in Egypt Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, huge crowds widely feared internal security apparatus in January and took to the streets demanding he step to crush them. But this time, the sheer February 2011. The revolution led to the down. On January 14, 2011, much to size and scope of the demonstrations, and fall of an entrenched their surprise and delight, the protestors their resolutely peaceful tactics, seemed dictatorship and were successful, driving Ben Ali and his to disable the regime. helped to perpetuate family from the country and ushering in For 18 days Egypt, and the world, change across the a new era of democracy. watched as the drama unfolded in Tahrir Middle East and Inspired by the Tunisian example, Square. After a failed attempt by pro- beyond. masses of Egyptians began to congregate Mubarak gangs to drive the protestors in Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo away by force, and after being advised on January 26, 2011. Protesters voiced by the army that it would not fire on its similar demands for democracy and the own people, Mubarak’s position was no resignation of the country’s president, longer tenable. -
After the Accords Anwar Sadat
WMHSMUN XXXIV After the Accords: Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet Background Guide “Unprecedented committees. Unparalleled debate. Unmatched fun.” Letters From the Directors Dear Delegates, Welcome to WMHSMUN XXXIV! My name is Hank Hermens and I am excited to be the in-room Director for Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet. I’m a junior at the College double majoring in International Relations and History. I have done model UN since my sophomore year of high school, and since then I have become increasingly involved. I compete as part of W&M’s travel team, staff our conferences, and have served as the Director of Media for our college level conference, &MUN. Right now, I’m a member of our Conference Team, planning travel and training delegates. Outside of MUN, I play trumpet in the Wind Ensemble, do research with AidData and for a professor, looking at the influence of Islamic institutions on electoral outcomes in Tunisia. In my admittedly limited free time, I enjoy reading, running, and hanging out with my friends around campus. As members of Anwar Sadat’s cabinet, you’ll have to deal with the fallout of Egypt’s recent peace with Israel, in Egypt, the greater Middle East and North Africa, and the world. You’ll also meet economic challenges, rising national political tensions, and more. Some of the problems you come up against will be easily solved, with only short-term solutions necessary. Others will require complex, long term solutions, or risk the possibility of further crises arising. No matter what, we will favor creative, outside-the-box ideas as well as collaboration and diplomacy. -
War and Diplomacy: the Suez Crisis
1 Professor Pnina Lahav, Boston University School of Law C.) Please do not use, quote or distribute without author’s permission War and Diplomacy: The Suez Crisis 1. Introduction Stephen M. Griffin, Long Wars and the Constitution, and Mariah Zeisberg’s War Powers, are two remarkable books that certainly deserve an entire symposium devoted to them. These books complement each other in the same way that the war powers, some vested in Congress and others in the President, are in correspondence with each other. Griffin’s book revolves around the history of the war powers since 1945, and in this sense is more empirical. Its thesis is that the cold war and Truman’s subsequent decision to launch the war in Korea destabilized American constitutionalism. In the following decades the United States has found itself confronting an endless string of constitutional crises related to the deployment of troops abroad, and the quest for a formula to resolve the constitutional puzzles is as strong as ever. Zeisberg’s book, which took advantage of the fact that Griffin’s book preceded it, is more normative, even though it should be emphasized that Griffin also offers important normative insights. Both books are anchored in democratic theory in that they emphasize the cardinal significance of inter-branch deliberation. Both endorse the notion that the implicit assumption underlying the text of the Constitution is that while the war powers are divided between the legislative and executive branches, these institutions are expected to deliberate internally as well as externally when confronting the critical matter of war. -
9/11 Report”), July 2, 2004, Pp
Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page i THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page v CONTENTS List of Illustrations and Tables ix Member List xi Staff List xiii–xiv Preface xv 1. “WE HAVE SOME PLANES” 1 1.1 Inside the Four Flights 1 1.2 Improvising a Homeland Defense 14 1.3 National Crisis Management 35 2. THE FOUNDATION OF THE NEW TERRORISM 47 2.1 A Declaration of War 47 2.2 Bin Ladin’s Appeal in the Islamic World 48 2.3 The Rise of Bin Ladin and al Qaeda (1988–1992) 55 2.4 Building an Organization, Declaring War on the United States (1992–1996) 59 2.5 Al Qaeda’s Renewal in Afghanistan (1996–1998) 63 3. COUNTERTERRORISM EVOLVES 71 3.1 From the Old Terrorism to the New: The First World Trade Center Bombing 71 3.2 Adaptation—and Nonadaptation— ...in the Law Enforcement Community 73 3.3 . and in the Federal Aviation Administration 82 3.4 . and in the Intelligence Community 86 v Final FM.1pp 7/17/04 5:25 PM Page vi 3.5 . and in the State Department and the Defense Department 93 3.6 . and in the White House 98 3.7 . and in the Congress 102 4. RESPONSES TO AL QAEDA’S INITIAL ASSAULTS 108 4.1 Before the Bombings in Kenya and Tanzania 108 4.2 Crisis:August 1998 115 4.3 Diplomacy 121 4.4 Covert Action 126 4.5 Searching for Fresh Options 134 5.