Author(s) Nakamura, Mitsuo
Citation 東南アジア研究 (1981), 19(2): 187-204
Issue Date 1981-09
URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/56056
Right
Type Departmental Bulletin Paper
Textversion publisher
Kyoto University Southeast As£an Studies, Vol. 19, No.2, September 1981
Notes
The Radical TraditionalisIn of the Nahdlatul UlaIna in Indonesia: A Personal Account of the 26th National Congress, June 1979, SeInarang
Mitsuo NAKAMURA*
I Introduction : An Apparent Paradox of the N ahdlatul Ulallla
The Nahdlatul Ulama (literally, 'The Awakening ofIslamic Scholars') is one of the oldest Islamic religious organizations in Indonesia. It was established in 1926 as an association of ulama, i.e., Islamic scholars and teachers, as well as of ordinary Mus A plenary session ofthe 26th Congress ofthe Nahdlatul lims who followed strictly the Sunni Ularna in Sport Hall, Semarang,June 9, 1979. Photo orthodoxy of Islam.!) After a half graphed by Mitsuo Nakamura. century's history, the Nahdlatul Ulama, or the NU as it is commonly ab governmental organizations In Indonesia breviated, is reported to have grown to be today in terms of membership and organi the largest of all Islamic religious organi zational strength.2 ) zations or, for that matter, of all non- I had the opportunity of attending the * ¢ttJ'C5!3. Department of Anthropology, 26th National Congress of the Nahdlatul Research School of Pacific Studies, The Ulama held in the city of Semarang, the Australian National University, P.O.Box 4, provincial capital of Central Java, for Canberra, ACT2600, Australia 1) The spelling ofthe name ofNahdLatul Ulama seven days from the 5th to the 11 th of in this paper follows the one employed by June, 1979. My experience with the NU the organization itself. Also in this paper, prior to this occasion was not only meager a distinction made in the Arabic original between 'alim (singular) and 'ulamii' but somewhat biased. I first came into (plural)--meaning 'man of knowledge' contact with some NU members while --has been ignored, following the Indo nesian convention. In other words, ulama I was doing anthropological field work is used both for singular and plural. in the Central Javanese town ofKotagede
187 from 1970 to 1972.3 ) The NU in the flicts between the N ahdlatul Ulama and town was, however, rather insignificant the Muhammadiyah colored part of the in its size and influence, for it was over pre-War history of the town, as they did shadowed by the Muhammadiyah, the elsewhere. But these conflicts were so-called reformist rival of the NU, which already things of the past and the NU dominated the religious sphere of the itself was regarded largely irrelevant by town. Doctrinal and organizational con- most of the Muhammadiyah members, who made up a large portion of the 2) The NU was established in 1926 as jam'iyah informants for my study. In this situation, diniyah Islam~yah, or 'Islamic religious associ ation,' and its fundamental character has I did not feel any disagreement with not changed since. However, from the a characterization ofthe N ahdlatul Ulama viewpoint ofits relationship with government and politics, the history of the NU can be widespread among Western students of divided into five periods as follows: (a) Indonesia that it was the organization of 1926-1942, when the NU maintained a old and old-fashioned ulama in the strict non-political and non-cooperative stance vis-a.-vis the Dutch colonial govern countryside of Java who were religiously ment; (b) 1942-1945, when it was forced to traditional, intellectually unsophisticated, cooperate with the Japanese occupation authorities; (c) 1945-1952, when it partici politically opportunistic, and culturally pated in the newly established republican syncretic.4) In other words, I did not government through the Masjumi party, think much of the NU as a subject of in which it held the status of a special mem ber; (d) 1952-1973, when it participated in study. government and politics directly and inde Yet several developments during the pendently in its own name, i.e., the NU as a political party; and (e) 1973-present, when 1970s have since aroused my curiousity it relinquished its political activities to the about the Nahdlatul Ulama. Politically, newly formed Development Unity Party, the NU has emerged as the boldest and or Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), and re-confirmed its fundamental character most defiant critic of the New Order as jam'iyah diniyah, religious association. government.5) The NU has not only The most recent change has been described withstood the merciless onslaught of the by one ofthe NU leaders as the act of'releas ing' (melepaskan) and 'bestowing abundantly' government upon the existence of any (melimpahkan, limpah denotes overflowing social forces independent of it but has of some liquid from a container) the 'practi even developed broad criticism of the cal political activities' (aktivitas politik praktis) of the NU to the PPP [Achmad Siddiq development strategy of the current 1979: 7]. These expressions seem to illus regime.6 ) There are emerging from trate aptly the change as viewed by the NU leadership. 4) This picture of the NU, first presented and 3) Nakamura [1972] gives an overview of the developed by Harry Benda and Clifford scope of this field work. For a history of Geertz in the 1950s [Benda 1958; Geertz social and religious developments in the 1960a; 1960b], was unchallenged for the town from the turn of the century up to the next two decades and even elaborated into early 1970s, with a particular focus on the a particular type in the political constellation growth of the Muhammadiyah, see Naka of modern Indonesia by Feith and Castles mura [1976; 1977]. [1970].
188 M. NAKAMURA: The Radical Traditionalism of the Nahdlatul Dlama in Indonesia among the NU circles a number of young development models inspired by Islamic intellectuals who are seeking alternative social ethics. 7) Young, well educated ulama 'and 'lay-activists' are growing as 5) The earliest documentation ofthis phenome a new leadership of the NU at all levels non seems to have been made by Ken Ward when he observed the 1971 general elections of its organization. The stereotype of in East Java [Ward 1974]. On the basis the NU as 'a gerontocratic organization of Ward's report and also of his own earlier of opportunistic and unsophisticated work [Anderson 1970] in which the pondok pesantren, the traditional rural Islamic board rustic ulama' seems to have become less ing school, was viewed as the generator of appropriate in VIew of the reality of the revolutionary youths for the Indonesian inde NU today, if, indeed, it ever was justi pendence struggle of 1945-1949, Ben Ander fiable. son warns of prejudice often found in the conventional secular view of the Nahdlatul 7) The most articulate spokesmen for this Ulama as 'politically opportunist' [Anderson category of young activists include Abdur 1977: 23-24]. For descriptions ofthe strug rahman Wahid and Mahbub Djunaidi. gles of the NU and the PPP in and around The former was elected to the position of the 1971 and 1977 elections, see Liddle vice-secretary ofthe Central Religious Coun [1978], May [1978], and McDonald [1980]. cil, Syuriyah, and the latter, to that ofsecond 6) Various parts of the "Basic Program for the chairman of the Central Executive Council, Development of the Nahdlatul Ulama, Tanfidziyah, of the Nahdlatul Ulama 1979-1983" adopted by this NU Congress through the Semarang Congress. Both are in Semarang attest to this [Nahdlatul Ulama popular and frequent contributors to a 1979b]. A more politically explicit criticism number of newspapers and magazines, of the government can be found in the state including the most widely circulated, ment of the Development Unity Party KOMPAS and TEMPO. Their recent presented to the MPR (Majelis Permusya writings are now conveniently complied into waratan Rakyat, or People's Consultative booklets, Abdurrahman Wahid [1979] Assembly) on March 15, 1978, by one of its and Mahbub Djunaidi [1978] respectively. leaders, H.A. Chaild Mawardi, who is also WAWASAN, a journal for intellectual dis a member of the current Central Executive cussion in search of alternative development Council of the Nahdlatul Ulama. Criticiz strategies (published by the Lembaga Studi ing the presidential speech on the govern Pembangunan CLSPJ, Institute of Develop ment's performance, 1973-1977, Chalid ment Studies, Jakarta), should be given Mawardi advocated the following six points: particular attention for the fact that its (1) change the economic structure from one initial chiefeditor was Abdurrahman Wahid. which is colonial and dependent on inter Ofcourse, search for alternative development national markets into one that is more models is not confined to the NU circles. independent and based on self-reliance; A number of young intellectuals and social (2) change dependence of economy on im activists are emerging and cooperating with ported capital, technology, and management each other regardless of their diverse to reliance on domestic human resources; ideological backgrounds and formal organi (3) first priorities should be given to the zational affiliations. LSP is only one example basic needs of food, clothing, housing, edu of such cooperation. The popular social cation, and health; (4) the bottom 40% of science journal PRISMA also provides a the population must receive special attention; common forum for these people. For earlier (5) a nation-wide full employment policy attempts by a group of young Islamic intel is needed; and (6) inequalities in the distri lectuals at re-evaluating the pesantren for its bution ofproperty ownership, trade facilities, potentiality in rural community develop and the availability of education must be ment, see Dawam Rahardjo [1974a; 1974b; reduced (See McDonald [1980: 247-249]). 1975] and Sudjoko Prasodjo et at. [1974].
189 Religiously, however, the NU's tra The experience I gained at the NU ditionalism seems to have remained intact. Congress met these expectations. Most I t proudly calls itself ahlus sunnah wal importantly, I realized that there was jama'ah, 'the people of the Sunna (the only an apparent paradox in the con tradition of the Prophet Muhammad) junction of political radicalism and reli and of the community,' and its members gious traditionalism within the NU. remain strict followers of the Sunni In fact, what I had seen as a paradox tradition. It treasures the institution of was illusory, caused primarily by a prejudice in my own perception that pondok-pesantren, the rural Islamic board radicalism could not co-exist with tra ing school, where the traditional scholar ditionalism. The fact of the matter is, ship of ulama is maintained, transmitted, however, not that the NU is becoming and regenerated.8) Hence I was puzzled politically radical despite its religious by the paradox of political radicalism traditionalism but that it is becoming and religious traditionalism within the politically radical precisely because of its recent developments of the Nahdlatul religious traditionalism. It seems, there Ulama. I was also curious about whether fore, no contradiction to talk about the this paradox had anything to do with the radical traditionalism of the Nahdlatul organizational strength of the NU. So Ulama. The key to resolving this ap I attended the 26th Congress of the NU parent paradox seems to lie in an under held in Semarang full of curiosity and standing of the organizational features hoping to learn as much as possible about of the NU as an Islamic religious as the organization first-hand. sociation of the Sunni tradition. I would like to expand this point in 8) As far as I know, the best, though brief, exegesis of the NU tradition written for its the rest ofmy paper as follows: in Section own members is found in Achmad Siddiq II, which immediately follows, I shall [1979], an NU leader ofnational fame living in Jember, East Java. An 'autobiographic present an account of my personal novel' written by Saifuddin Zuhri [1977], observation of the NU Congress; In an NU leader from Banyumas, CentralJava, Section III, I shall develop, on the basis and former Minister of Religion, depicts vividly the world of rural kyai and ulama of my observations, some points of and the development ofthe Nahdlatul Ulama analysis and interpretation of what I call from the 1930s through the post-indepen the radical traditionalism of the NU; dence period. An invaluable semi-official source book for the history of the NU is the and finally, in Section IV, I shall conclude commemorative volume dedicated to the this paper with a few remarks on the study late Wahid Hasjim, the NU leader from of religion and politics. the late 1930s to the early 1950s, edited by Haji Aboebakar [1957]. For historical and ethnographic accounts in English of the intellectual and social organizational aspects of the pesantren tradition, see Zamakhsyari [ 1980; 1981].
190 M. NAKAMURA: The Radical Traditionalism of the Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia
of the significance of this phenomenon of II Field Observation: The local militancy might lead us to an Militancy of Local understanding of the Congress and of Delegates 10) The agenda of the NU Congress were as I spent most of the seven-day period follows: (a) first day: registration and pro vincial meetings; (b) second day: plenary of the NU Congress attending and sessions for opening ceremony and the reports observing its plenary sessions and com of the Central Executive Council; (c) third mission meetings and I mingled with and fourth days: plenary sessions for the speeches ofthe local delegates and the replies local delegates as much as possible by from the Central Executive Council; (d) eating, talking, staying, sleeping, bathing, fifth and sixth days: commissions and com and commuting to and from the Congress mittee meetings; (e) seventh day: plenary sessions for the adoption of resolutions and with them in the same accommodation statements, the election of new leadership, and facilities provided by the Congress and closing ceremony. The scope of the debates in the NU Congress can be appreci organizers.9 ) I learned so many new ated by looking at the discussion material things within that very short period of prepared for the participants in the Congress, seven days that it is still difficult for me to Rancangan Materi Muktamar N.U. Ke-XXVI present a comprehensive picture of what [Nahdlatul Ulama 1979a], which contained "The Rules for the Order of the Congress took place at the Congress.l0 ) (Peraturan Tata Tertib Muktamar)," "Draft Certainly, this NU Congress was con Constitution of the Nahdlatul Ulama (Rancangan Anggaran Dasar Nahdlatul spicuous for one feature, that is, the Ulama) ," "Basic Program for the Develop militancy on the floor of the local dele ment of the Nahdlatul Ulama, 1979-1983 gates vis-a.-vis the central leadership. (Program Dasar Pengembangan Nahdlatul Ulama, 1979-1983)," "Draft Resolutions As far as I know, all reports on the and Statements to be adopted by the 26th Congress in the Indonesian mass media Congress of the Nahdlatul Ulama (Rancan- gan PernyataanfSikap Nahdlatul Ulama unfailingly mentioned this fact. H ) It yang diputuskan Muktamar N. U. Ke- seemed to me, then, that the appreciation XXVI)" and some other items. The official version of the "Basic Program... ," 9) The Congress was held in the Sport Hall of amended and adopted by the Congress, is the Province ofCentral]ava (GOR, Gedung now available separately [Nahdlatul Ulama Olah Raga Propinsi Jawa Tengah) in the 1979b]. city of Semarang, gathering together about 11) Ofthe Indonesian mass media which covered 4,500 delegates from 343 branches of the this NU Congress in Semarang, SUARA Nahdlatul Ulama in all provinces of Indo MERDEKA, a local daily of Semarang, nesia (except Timor Timur). The delegates and TEMPO, a weekly magazine in Jakarta, were accommodated in numerous middle to seem to have produced the most detailed low class hotels and lodging houses (losmen) reportage of the Congress. Other news in the city, from where they were transported papers in Jakarta, such as KOMPAS, to GOR every day by a large number of SINAR HARAPAN, and Islamic PELITA, micro-buses hired by the Congress Organiz and nationalist MERDEKA, also devoted ing Committee. A common kitchen (dapur many articles to it. For the official report umum) was set up, under a huge tent raised of the Congress by the Nahdlatul Dlama next to the GOR building, to serve meals itself, see its organ, RISALAH NAHDLA TUL to the delegates three times a day. ULAMA.
191 the NU as a whole. Therefore, I have Council took its turn again and replied focussed on this aspect of the Congress, to the local delegates. Finally, the at the expense of others, in presenting Congress made a decision on whether to a brief account of my observations in accept the reports ofthe Central Executive this section.12) Council. In reviewing the past performance of 1. The Reports of the Central Executive the Central Executive Council, Idham Council Chalid covered general, external, and The first half of the seven-day Congress political aspects, while Achmad Sjaichu was spent in what may be termed a grand covered internal, organizational, and dialogue between the Central Executive business aspects. In their respective re Council and the local delegates ofthe NU ports, both Idham Chalid and Achmad in discussing the former's performance Sjaichu emphasized the fact that the since the last National Congress held in period of eight years since the last Surabaya eight years earlier. First, the Congress had been full of challenges, Congress heard the 'reports of responsi difficulties, and even threats to the very bility' (laporan pertanggun-,jawaban) pre existence of the NU. There had been sented by Idham Chalid, the general chair a major modification in the organization, man, and Achmad Sjaichu, a chairman i.e., the relinquishment of its political of the Central Executive Council, activities to the newly formed Develop Tanfidziyah.l3) They were followed by ment Unity Party, or PPP, and the the presentation of responses and views reaffirlllation of its status as a religious frolll the local delegates, in geographic association. This change had caused order with a set limit of time for each a lot of sadness, disappointment, and speaker. Then the Central Executive even anger from within and without the organization. But, in the end, the NU 12) The reader should, therefore, be warned of the limitations of this paper. It only deals had survived the ordeal. "Alhamdulil with one aspect of the Congress, which cer lah, we thank God, the Compassionate," tainly had many other aspects not reported exclaimed Idham Chalid, "that we have in this paper. Furthermore, I must make it clear that I still lack first-hand information survived and we have returned to the on the NU in local social contexts, an aspect status of the NU prior to 1952 in original which has to be studied in any serious attempt at understanding the NU at its quality but in much larger quantities grass-roots. A full-scale research ofthe NU (dalam kwalitas yang asli tetapi dalam is yet to be done. kwantitas yang lebih besar) . Weare to 13) The report by Idham Chalid is available in mimeograph, Pidato Ketua Umum PB Nahd consolidate ourselves through this Con latul Ulama K.H. Dr. Idham Chalid pada Muk gress. After the phase of consolidation, tamar NU Ke-XXVI di Semarang. For the we will be able to hope for continuous report by Achmad Sjaichu, no printed version was distributed and I have relied on growth in the future" [Idham Chalid my own field notes. 1979].
192 M. NAKAMURA: The Radical Traditionalism of the Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia
2. The Response of the Local Delegates were entitled to exercise their sovereignty: To an outside observer like myself, "Ifthere are no local branches, the central the reports by the two leaders sounded leadership will not exist (Kalau tidak ada reasonable. Therefore, I was surprised cabang, tidak akan ada PB (Pengurus to observe that their reports were severely Besar, lit. Big Management))"--a dele criticized by the overwhelming majority gate from Jakarta shouted in the face of of the local delegates who occupied the the Central Executive Council. "The podium for the following two full days sovereignty of the local branches (kedau to present their responses. Altogether, latan cabang) should be the order of the about 40 speakers presented the views of day"--many other delegates echoed the local branches. Some common the slogan of the Jakarta delegate. Some points of criticism which emerged from of them asserted determinedly: "We their speeches included the following: should make a clean sweep of those (a) the Central Executive Council was irresponsive and irresponsible elements not active in representing and defending when we have the election of a new local branches which had been faced with leadership In this Congress." "Rats extreme pressures from the outside, pres called politicians (tikus-tikus yang disebut sures which in some cases had led to the politikus) must get out of the NU leader point of physical extinction, especially ship from now on," a delegate from West during the two general election periods Sumatra boldly proclaimed, and received of 1971 and 1977; (b) the Central sympathetic applause from many of his Executive Council was secretive about colleagues on the floor. its own activities vis-a.-vis the local All but a few speakers expressed some branches, especially with regard to aid degree of criticism of the Central Execu and grants received from Muslim countries tive Council. Speakers from East, West overseas; and (c) the format ofthe reports and Central Java, the areas providing of the Central Executive Council was the largest numbers of delegates, were inadequate in that the program adopted the most vocal in denouncing the per at the 25th Surabaya Congress was not formance ofthe Central Executive Council used to evaluate its performance. over the past eight years.l4 ) They simply Besides these points of substance, more and clearly stated that they were not characteristic still was the tone of outright able to accept the reports of the Central defiance of the authority of the Central Executive Council: tidak dapat rnenerirna Executive Council expressed In the sarna sekali laporan pertanggung-jawaban PB. speeches ofa number ofthe local delegates. They asserted that the NU's survival 3. The Reply of the Central Executive owed very little to the Central Executive Council Council but a great deal to the efforts of When the speeches by the local dele the local branches. The local branches gates were finally over, towards the end
193 of the fourth day, it was then the turn of cluding his own, and be able to avoid any Idham Chalid and Achmad Sjaichu to repetition of similar errors. I felt as if respond to these storms of criticism. I had been watching a show of magic, In giving their replies, the two leaders for Idham Chalid's straightforward 'for again spoke separately. And in respond give me' (minta ma'af) speech received ing to the local delegates' criticisms, they long enthusiastic applause from the floor, performed remarkably differently. and thus his authority was obviously Idham Chalid did not attempt to de re-established. fend himself or the Central Executive In contrast, Achmad Sjaichu tried to Council. Instead, he completely sur fight back against the criticisms of the rendered to the critics. He stated that local delegates by explaining in detail he was responsible for all the mistakes particular actions of the Central Execu the Central Executive Council had com tive Council. For example, he said that mitted and he could only beg for the the scholarship aid from Saudi Arabia forgiveness of the delegates (minta ma'af had indeed arrived and had already sebesar-besarnya). He praised the mili been distributed to a number ofpesantren tancy of the local delegates in criticizing which met the academic standards and the central leadership. He said that qualifications specified by the donor; he was very proud to see that democracy however, a public announcement about was vigorously alive in the NU, a genuine this scholarship program had not been kind of democracy which would be hard made for fear of an indiscriminate rush to find anywhere else in Indonesia. In of applications from a large number of 15 concluding his reply, he expressed the unqualified pesantren. ) When Achmad Sjaichu ended his speech of self-defence, hope that the new leadership would learn from the old leadership's mistakes, in- 15) As one of the criteria for assessing the quali fications of a pesantren for the scholarship 14) Although the delegates from East, West, program, Achmad Sjaichu mentions the and Central Java were by far the most level of teaching in Arabic. Certainly the numerous, one feature ofthis Congress which command of Arabic seems to be a basic surprised me was that the NU branches prerequiste for a student to be considered are now well spread throughout all parts of eligible for advanced study in the institutions the country. They are no longer confined of higher learning in the Middle East, and to the islands of Java and Madura, the the local delegates agreed with that. How traditional bases of the NU. A large num ever, many of them seem to have been dis ber of delegates came to this NU Congress turbed by the arbitrariness of the way in from Aceh, North, South, and West Sumatra, which a student's level of competence in South Kalimantan, South and Central Arabic was equated with the size or the fame Sulawesi, and Eastern Indonesia. The of the pesantren to which the student be conventional view still held by many Western longed. Many delegates obviously wanted to observers that there is an inherent affinity have a more open competition and to give between the NU and certain cultural traits of equal chances and encouragement to all the Javanese, Madurese, and Sundanese students aspiring to study in the Middle seems now to require critical re-examination. East.
194 M. NAKAMURA: The Radical Traditionalism of the Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia only weak applause was heard.16) information for the interpretation of my field observation presented in the previous 4. The Election of the New Leadership section. Then I shall proceed to analyze The contrast between Idham Chalid and interpret my field information in and Achmad Sjaichu in terms of their three sub-sections as follows: (a) the respective performance in response to significance of the reports by the Central the criticisms from the local delegates Executive Council; (b) 'central' vs. 'local' during the first half of the Congress was in the NU organization; and (c) the very obvious and seemed to forecast their implications of personal rivalry between later performance in the election of the Idham Chalid and Achmad Sjaichu and new leadership which became the climax the outcome of their electoral contest. of the second half of the Congress. In Finally, I shall conclude this section with the election held on the seventh and last a general discussion of what I call the day of the Congress, those two leaders radical traditionalism of the Nahdlatul competed for the position of general Ulama. chairman of the Central Executive Coun cil, Tanfidziyah. Idham Chalid, who 1. The Structural Features of the NU had begged for the forgiveness of the Organization local delegates, defeated Achnlad Sjaichu In the Introduction to this paper I by a two to one majority in popular ballots stated that the Nahdlatul Ulama adheres from the floor. Achmad Sjaichu there to the orthodoxy of Sunni which, ac after completely withdrew from the cording to its followers, goes back to the national leadership of the NU .. tradition of the Prophet Muhammad himself and has been transmitted through unbroken chains of ulanla to this day III Analysis and Interpretation (sanad). In the NU circles the ulama are of Field Infor:rnation regarded and respected as the most In this section, I would like to delineate, learned and most reliable interpreters first of all, some structural features of of the Qur'an, the Message of God, and the NU organization as background of the Sunna, the records of the deeds and words of the Prophet Muhammad. 16) The reports by the CentralExecutive Council The ulama are the lnost authentic guides were finally accepted by the floor with a 'footnote' (catatan kaki) by the chairman of for the faithful to follow in pursuing a the plenary session who stated that the re religiously righteous way of life. The ports themselves were far front perfect; that all criticisms and suggestions for improve ulama are, therefore, called the primary ments should be added to the reports; and pillar, liang utama, of the community of that the new leadership should heed the the faithful, ummat [Achmad Siddiq criticisms presented by the local delegates. With this critical 'footnote,' the reports 1979: 13]. were approved by voice vote. The ulama are thus the spiritual leaders
195 of the faithful. But they are not clergy the executive councils, which consist of men, for Islam does not know ecclesiastical both the ulama and 'lay-activists' and are orders. The social standing of an ulama in charge ofday-to-day affairs. An official depends on the respect he commands document of the NU defines the two from his local community as well as on councils as follows: the consensual recognition he receives Syuriyah IS the highest leadership from among a wide network of his ulama (pimpinan tertinggi) which functions colleagues. He IS, therefore, himself to develop (membina) , guide (mem the ultimate unit of authority and bimbing) , direct (mengarah) , and super autonomy. The NU is essentially a vise (mengawasi) the activities of the horizontal confederation or collegial al Nahdlatul Ulama. Tanfidziyah IS liance of such autonomous ulama, not the daily executor (pelaksana sehari a monolithic, centralized hierarchy. hari) [Nahdlatul Ulama 1979a: 17]. The organizational structure of the The principle of collegial solidarity Nahdlatul Ulama seems to embody well among the ulama is reflected in the ways those two aspects of the Sunni tradition described Administrative Levels Leadership Levels above, i.e., (a) the spir itual leadership of the Center Religious Council (Syuriyah) I Pengurus (Pusat) Besar (PB) Executive Council (Tanfidziyah) I ulama vis-a.-vis the com I munity of the faithful, and (b) the collegial soli darity among the ulama. Province Religious Council (Syuriyah) Pengurus From the central to the (Propinsi) Executive Council (Tanjidziyah) Wilayah local levels of the NU organization, the struc ture of the leadership at Regencyl Municipality Religious Council (Syuriyah) I Pengurus each level is character (Kabupatenl Executive Council (Tanfidziyah)- Cabang Kotamadya) izedby the presenceofthe two tiers of councils, i.e., the religious council, PenguTUs Subdistrict Religious Council (Syuriyah) Majelis ...... _ - _-_ . (Kecamatan) Syuriyah, and the execu Executive Council (Tanfidziyah) Wakil Cabang tive council, Tanfidziyah (see Fig. 1). The reli gIOUS councils consist Village Religious Council (Syuriyah) PenguTUs exclusively of the ulama (Desai Kelurahan) Executive Council (Tanjidziyah) Ranting and occupy a superior position oflegislative and Source: Nahdlatul Ulama [1979a: 17-18]. supervisory function over Fig. 1 Leadership Structure of the Nahdlatul Ulama
196 M. NAKAMURA: The Radical Traditionalism of the Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia by which the relationships among various state of the organization. With regard levels of the religious councils are regu to this point, the ulama themselves often lated. A decision taken by the religious quote a hadith, a record of the Prophet's council of a higher level in the NU sayings, that disagreement among the organization does not automatically bind ulama is the blessing of God for mankind. lower-level religious councils or individual This being the case, therefore, when a ulama. In order to be effective, the consensus is reached on a particular issue decision must be persuasive and accepted among the ulama its morally binding voluntarily and wholeheartedly. Other force among the ulama, as well as over the wise, lower-level religious councils and community of the faithful, is extremely individual ulama may exercise the right strong.!?) to reserve their decision or the right to disagree and request further discussion, 2a. The Significance of the Reports of for there are no human beings, including the Central Executive Council the most learned and revered ulama, In the light of the basic organization who can assume the position of ultimate of the Nahdlatul Ulama described above, authority on truth: that position is it seems possible now to appreciate better reserved only for God. the significance of the major thrust of the In this organizational structure it may reports delivered by Idham Chalid and also happen that an ulama of a local Achmad Sjaichu. Both acknowledged religious council is much higher In that there had been many attempts to authority and prestige than a 'lay alter the fundamental character of the activist' member of the Central Executive Nahdlatul Ulama. However, it had Council. In this case the latter must withstood these threats and dangers, and pay due respect to what the local ulama succeeded in adhering to its original char has to say and accommodate this properly acter, the Islamic association of the Sunni in the organizational action. tradition. That seemed to be the reason The situation described above might why Idham Chalid, as mentioned above, look like a lack of discipline or an organi thanked God for the successful survival zation infested by factionalisnl. Indeed, of the NU and implied that the direction to the secular observer, the internal poli which the NU had taken since its last tics ofthe NU often appear to be hopelessly Congress was basically correct.l8) • disorganized and perennially ridden by factional strife. However, when viewed 2b. 'Central' vs. 'Local' in the Nahdlatul in reference to the religious values underly Ulama ing the organizational structure ofthe NU, From the preceding analysis of the apparent disagreements within the organi structural features of the NU organiza zation present themselves not so much as tion, it should also be clear by now that a pathological state but rather as a healthy the locational centrality of the Executive
197 Council situated In Jakarta does not branches In the social geography of the necessarily mean that it has more power Nahdlatul Ulama. Since the domiciles and higher authority vis-a.-vis local of nationally renowned ulama have been mostly in the pesantren of rural areas, 17) I attended a session ofthe Syuriyah meeting held during the Congress in the huge prayer often located deliberately remote from hall of the Baiturrahman Mosque, next to urban centers, it is a matter of natural the GOR building. The meeting was car ried on in a serious but informal manner. order that 'local' usually connotes a higher There was no furniture at all except for one place of esteem and authority than 'cen simple low desk in front ofthe chairman and the secretary, around whom the participants tral' in the NU circles.l9 ) sat directly on the carpeted floor in irregular concentric circles. There was no seating The militancy of the local delegates order except that the Central Syuriyah displayed in the NU Congress, therefore, members and local Syuriyah delegates oc cupied the inner rings while ordinary dele should not be taken as a 'rebellion of gates, observers and onlookers like myself local rank and files against the Central sat in the outer rings. The chairman seemed to be making a conscious effort to canvass Executive Council.' That might be an and exhaust different views among the participant ulama on the subject under appropriate picture for a modern bureau discussion. Debate went on endlessly cratic organization in which the princi around some issues. It sounded as if, on average, one-third of the oral presentation ples of centrality and hierarchy coincide, by a speaker was made in Arabic, apparently but not for the NU, with an organization direct quotations from the Qur'an, the Hadith or a commentary, without being based upon the collegial solidarity of translated into Indonesian. Since I do autonomous ulama. The claim of a local not have a command of Arabic, I was not quite certain of what exactly was being dis delegate, which I mentioned in the cussed in the session. But it seemed to me that the meeting was, more often than not, previous section, that the existence of the agreeing to disagree over a number of issues Central Executive Council depended and then deciding how to deal with the disagreements. Certainly there were a 18) I did not hear a single objection to the direc number of renowned and revered senior ulama in this Syuriyah session as well as tion being taken since the Surabaya in other meetings ofthe Congress I observed. Congress, that is the relinquishing ofpolitical However, their seniority or 'charisma' did activities to the PPP and the reaffirmation not at all stifle free and lively discussions. of the NU's status as a religious association. The absolute obedience ofthe santri (student) The suggestion of the Vice President of the to the kyai (teacher), supposedly an ethos Republic, Adam Malik, made in his opening of the pesantren, did not seem to apply to address to the Congress, that "the NU the debate in the Syuriyah or in any other people do not need to be non-political (tidak meetings of the NU Congress. A statement usah perlu tidak ber-politik)," was lightheartedly • made by Idham Chalid in the beginning of his report that "the NU had been pursuing appreciated but did not become a focus its goals without being dictated to by anyone of serious discussion. Besides Adam Malik, (tampa dikomando), internally or externally" a number of generals and government sounded truthful to me. In observing the dignitaries came to address the Congress. sessions ofthe NU Congress, I was sometimes The response from the floor was generally irritated by an excess democracy rather than polite and cordial, but sometimes refresh by any lack ofit. The NU's way ofdeliber ation brought home to me the true meaning ingly open. of musyawarah mufakat (deliberation for 19) Ken Ward [1974: 94-95] and Ben Anderson consensus), which is often mistaken as com [1977: 24] discuss this phenomenon from promise for convenience. a slightly different angle than mine.
198 M. NAKAMURA: The Radical Traditionalism of the Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia largely on the local branches but not vice more, it seems that many delegates felt versa, is not mere rhetoric but rather an it to be religiously commendable to forgive accurate presentation of the structural a man and give him another chance when features of the NU organization. Thus, he had honestly admitted and apologized beneath the surface phenomenon of the for his mistakes, especially when the man militancy of local delegates which I is of obvious high caliber like Idham observed in the Congress, there seems to Chalid. be the fundamental autonomy of the In contrast, Achmad Sjaichu's self local branches of the NU under the defence, technically flawless and well leadership ofthe ulama. argued if he had been a secular politician, sounded in fact· tremendously arrogant, 2c. Idham Chalid vs. Achmad Sjaichu showing disrespect towards the local This fundamental autonomy of the ulama and lack of appreciation of the ulama and the concomitant militancy of primary role the local branches played in the local branches in the NU organization the NU organization. It is my impression vis-a.-vis its Central Executive Council that Idham Chalid appeared to speak as a seems to have played a decisive role in representative of the central serVIce shaping the outcome of an electoral functionaries, while Achmad Sjaichu contest between the two Council mem spoke as a representative of the central bers, Idham Chalid and Achmad Sjaichu. power holders. Idham Chalid affirmed I must admit that my interpretation of the traditional ethos of the NU by ex the proceedings is almost entirely based pressing due respect towards the local upon my own observation of the overt ulama whereas Achmad Sjaichu defied events and actions on the floor of the the tradition and attempted to raise Congress. I must, therefore, have missed himself to the position of a supreme many events and actions concerning the commander.20) electoral contest taking place behind the More generally, it can be observed that scenes. However, so far as observed facts the fame of a leader in secular politics are concerned, it seems that the difference does not necessarily entail respect or trust in the two leaders' response to the criti in the NU circles. Rather, as indicated cisms from the local delegates determined the outcome of the election. 20) A common image of Achmad Sjaichu out side the NU circles is that he is more My impression is that Idham Chalid's 'modern,' 'progressive' and closer to the total surrender to the criticisms of the 'reformists' like the Muhammadiyah than to the mainstream of the NU, and that he local delegates was seen by many of them has strong ties with the international Muslim as his acknowledgment of the distinguish world, especially with the Middle Eastern ing feature of the NU organization, the countries. My observation of his per formance in the Congress leads me to ques sovereignty of the local branches and the tion the appropriateness of this characteri ultimate autonomy ofthe ulama. Further- zation.
199 by the statement of the West Sumatran Secondly, there seems no denying that delegate quoted in the previous section the NU has displayed an increasingly equating politicians with 'rats,' there radical stance in politics in recent years: seems to be a genuine distrust of secular radical in the sense of broad, open, funda politicians in the NU. An NU leader mental criticisms of the status quo. This must, therefore, prove his leadership recent radicalization of the NU makes a qualities primarily in religious terms stark contrast to its 'opportunistic' past. whether he is sitting in the Religious or Has the NU changed its nature? It Executive Council. seems not. Rather, the basic religious nature of the NU remains constant. 3. The Radical Traditionalism of the What has changed is its expression in the NU field of politics in response to national Let me conclude this section by discuss political developments. What concerns ing what I have called the radical tradi the NU all the time is whether it is striving tionalism of the N ahdlatul Ulama. to follow the Syari'at, i.e., the Way of First of all, it is my observation that the God or the religiously righteous way of NU is organizationally radical in the life, as a group of individuals and as a original sense of the term, i.e., 'of or collectivity of the community of the pertaining to a root or to roots; funda faithful, the ummat. mental, primary' (Webster). As we have In pursuing this goal, the NU works seen above, the NU organization is struc directly from within the ummat. The tured on the basis of the principle of NU is committed to the well-being of the autonomy and independence of its community of the faithful, and seeks primary component units, the ulama. divine guidance in the Qur'an and the The NU is not derivative of any other Sunna, as they are interpreted by the organizations. It stands on its own terms. ulama, in order to find appropriate ways Watak mandiri, the character of autonomy for the faithful to behave in response to and independence, which constitutes the changing external situations. In so ethos of the pesantren, according to doing, the ulama know no other authorities Abdurrahman Wahid, seems to run than God Himself. The ulama cannot be through the organization ofthe Nahdlatul dictated to by the temporal political Ulama as well.21) authorities. The ulama are independent
21) On the concept of watak mandiri, see the of the 'establishment,' sometimes to the important paper entitled, Pesantren dan peng extent of open defiance. This gives a embangan watak mandiri (Pesantren and the development of the character of autonomy), feature of fundamental 'people-ness' presented by Abdurrahman Wahid to the (kerakyatan) , a sort of populism, to the Second National Congress of the Indonesian Association for the Advancement of the NU. lfthe NU sees an external situation Social Sciences (HIPIIS) held in Menado, moving in the same direction as it is North Sulawesi, November 1977 (now included in Abdurrahman Wahid [1979]). heading, it will take an adaptive or
200 M. N A KAM lJRA: The Radical Traditionalism uf the N ahdlatul U lama in Indunesia
'opportunistic' stance vis-a.-vis the external to whic? individuals must adapt them situation. Equally, if it sees the external selves and after which social reality must be environment moving in a direction con remolded. The mode of transmission trary to its own, it will become radically may be traditional but what is transmitted critical ofthe external environnlent. The is radical. I believe that this is one of the NU's stance can thus be situationally reasons why the NU's religious tradition selective. At present, it is undoubtedly alism does not hinder but rather enhances entering a radical phase. Yet, in both its organizational radicalism and induces phases, the religious ideal, the Syari'at, its politically radical stance in response remains fundamental for the NU. 22) to certain situations. Thirdly, the NU is traditional in one The relationships among the three vital area of religious life, the transmission aspects of the NU, i.e., organizational ofreligious values through scholarship and radicalism, political situationalism, and education. It is traditional in the true religious traditionalism, can be under sense ofthe word, i.e., 'adhering to the act stood, in broad outlines, as follows: (a) oftransmitting something from generation the NU's adherence to the Sunni tradition to generation' (Webster). This char buttresses the autonomy of the ulama and acteristic of the NU is self-evident and sanctions the institutionalization of this does not seem to require any further elabo tradition in the structural features of the ration.23 ) One point, however, to be NU organization, as we have seen; (b) the renlarked here is the fact that the NU's religious traditionalism enhances its traditionalism in the area of religious organizational radicalism and makes it scholarship and education does not neces behave in a situationally selective way, sarily mean that the content of what is i.e., adaptive or radical, vis-a.-vis its ex being learned and transmitted is tradi ternal political environment; and (c) in a tional in the sense of being luere blind politically adverse situation, its organiza repetition of past things. Instead, what is tional radicalism induces the emergence learned and transmitted is an ideal system of its role as articulator of political griev ances of the underprivileged masses for, in 22) It seems necessary to take a fresh look at the history of the NU from the viewpoint of the the NU's self-perception, it has a religious NU's self-perception. For this, another obligation to speak up for the well-being recent work of Saifuddin Zuhri may provide of the people, i.e., the ummat. Thus, a useful framework [Saifuddin Zuhri 1979]. 23) Since my knowledge of traditional Islamic it seems quite understandable that the scholarship is very limited, I am incapable of NU with its religious traditionalism is appreciating whether there are any new now taking a radical stance vis-a.-vis the developments which might challenge this tradition from within the NU circles. Even current political environment. Hence if there are any, my feeling is that they are my notion of the radical traditionalism more likely to be advanced in the name of tradition rather than in the name of reform. ofthe Nahdlatul Ulama is derived. See Zamakhsyari [1981] on this matter.
201 I have long been accustomed to placing IV Concluding ReIIl.arks: religion and politics on the same plane. The Study of Religion This practice is, however, not only an and Politics act of disrespect to the faith of the Admittedly, the ethnography for this individual whom we study but also a paper is sketchy and the theoretical faulty research strategy, for, by so doing, argument cryptic.24) Yet I feel that the we arbitrarily delimit the scope of our first-hand observation I made of the conceptualization, keeping it unrealisti Nahdlatul Ulama in action has enlight cally underdeveloped and undifferenti ened me about at least one important ated. Instead, we need a new, more sophis point pertaining to the relationship be ticated paradigm for the study of religion tween religion and politics in Indonesia and politics in which the variable of today. When viewed from a secular religion is given a more distinctively au viewpoint, the performance of the NU in tonomous place than has hitherto been the Indonesian politics and the internal case. Religion cannot and should not be politics of the NU itself looks very puz reduced to politics; nor, perhaps, to zling: the aspects of radicalism and tradi culture. tionalism in the NU appear mutually More generally, it seems increasingly contradictory. However, when we take obvious that neither political nor cultural seriously the view that religion is supreme reductionism is capable of accounting in values as well as in institutional devices satisfactorily for the recent resurgence of of the NU organization, that is, the view religious consciousness and devotion in ofthe NU member himself, the radicalism the Islamic world as well as in the rest of and traditionalism of the NU present the world. It seems that the students themselves as the two sides of the same engaged in the study of religion and poli COIn. tics, including anthropologists, are now As an anthropologist, especially as an faced with the intellectual and existential anthropologist working In Indonesia, challenge of this new phenomenon. A senous rethinking of our conceptual 24) My effort to understand the NU, and to arrive at a more balanced perspective of framework is called for if we are to re Islam in Indonesia, has barely begun. I spond to this challenge. This paper, I am aware that the present paper is too hope, may be regarded as a small con narrow in scope to do justice to the NU in its entirety and too simplistic in analysis to tribution, in my own ternls, to this task of reveal the complexity of its dynamics. It reappraisal.25) is my sincere hope that my colleagues, espe cially those who are well qualified in Islamic studies ,will pay serious attention to the study of the NU of Indonesia, a vital Islamic movement in the contemporary Muslim world. I will be very happy if my present 25) For more on this point from different angles, effort stimulates their intellectual appetite. see Nakamura [1980a; 1980b].
202 1\1. NAKAMURA: The Radical Traditionalism of the Nahdlatul Ulama in Indonesia
University. AcknowledglI1.ents Benda, Harry J. 1958. The Crescent and the Rising I would like to thank Abdurrahman Wahid and Sun: Indonesian Islam under the Japanese Occupa the Organizing Committee of the 26th National tion 1942-1945. The Hague and Bandung: Congress of the Nahdlatul Ulama who invited me W. van Hoeve. to participate in the Congress as a special guest, Dawam Rahardjo, M. 1974a. Kehidupan undangan khusus. I also would like to thank the Pemuda Santri: Penglihatan dari Jendela Toyota FoundationofJapan whose grantsupported Pesantren Pabelan [The Life ofSantri Youth: my trip to Indonesia. An earlier version of this A View from the Window of Pesantren Pabc paper was read at the fifth annual conference of Ian]. In Pemuda dan Perubahan Sosial [Youth the Australian Anthropological Society, 26-29 and Social Change], edited by Taufik August, 1980, Brisbane. Many people have Abdullah, pp. 90-112. Jakarta: LP3ES. helped me in various ways at different stages in the Dawam Rahardjo, M., ed. 1974b. Pesantren dan preparation of this paper. I would like to take Pembaharuan [Pesantren and Reform]. this opportunity to thank them: Ben Anderson, Jakarta: LP3ES. Reiko Atsumi, Brigid Ballard, Geoffrey Benjamin, Dawam Rahardjo, M. 1975. The Kyai, the Zam Dhofier, James Fox, Anthony Johns, Sidney Pesantren, and the Village: A Preliminary Jones, Hiroyoshi Kano, Masayuki Kitamura, Sketch. PRISMA (English Edition) 1(1): 32 Burhan Magenda, Toru Matsui, Chalid Mawardi 43. Feith, Herbert; and Castles, Lance, eds. 1970. (and P. B. Ansor members), Hisako Nakamura, Indonesian Political Thinking, 1945-1965. M. Ansori Nawawi, Allan Samson, Takashi Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press. Shiraishi, S. Soebardi, Karel Steenbrink, and Geertz, Clifford. 1960a. The Javanese Kijaji: Judith Wilson. It goes without saying, however, The Changing Role of a Cultural Broker. that none of those people should be held Comparative Studies in Society and History 2(2): responsible for any errors still to be found in this paper: I alone must assume the responsibility for 228-249. ----. 1960b. The Religion ofJava. Glencoe, them. Illinois: The Free Press. Idham Chalid. 1979. Pidato Ketua Umum PB References Cited Nahdlatul Ulama K. H. Dr. Idham Chalid pada Abdurrahman Wahid. 1979. Bunga Rampai Muktamar NU Ke-XXVI di Semarang [Speech of Pesantren: Kumpulan Karya Tulis Abdurrachman General Chairman of Central Executive Wahid [Essays on Pesantren: A Collection of Council of Nahd1atu1 U1ama K. H. Dr. Writings by Abdurrahman Wahid]. Jakarta: Idham Chalid to the 26th NU Congress in CV. Dharma Bhakti. Semarang]. (Mimeographed) Aboebakar, H., ed. 1957. Sedjarah Hidup K. H. A. Liddle, R. William. 1978. The 1977 Indonesian Wahid Hasjim dan Karangan Tersiar [Life Election and New Order Legitimacy. In History of K. H. A. Wahid Hasjim and his Southeast Asian Affairs, 1978. Singapore: Published Writings]. Jakarta: Panitya Buku Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Peringatan aIm. K. H. A. vVahid Hasjim. Mahbub Djunaidi. 1978. Politik Tingkat Tinggi Achmad Siddiq. 1979. Khitthah Nahdliyah [Guide Kampus [High Level Campus Politics]. lines for the NU Members]. Surabaya: Yogyakarta: Kelompok Studi Batas Kota. Balai Buku. May, Brian. 1978. The Indonesian Tragedy. Anderson, Benedict R. 0' G. 1970. Java in a London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Time of Revolution: Occupation and Resistance McDonald, Hamish. 1980. Suharto's Indonesia. 1944-1946. Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell Univer Blackburn, Victoria: Fontana Books. sity Press. Nahdlatul Ulama. 1979a. Rancangan Materi ----. 1977. Religion and Politics in Indo Muktamar N. U. Ke-XXVI, Tanggal 10-16 nesia since Independence. In Benedict R. Rajah 1399 H(5-11 Juni 1979 M di Semarang O'G. Anderson; Mitsuo Nakamura; and [Draft Material for the 26th NU Congress, Mohammad Slamet, Religion and Social 10-16 Rajab 1399 Hijra(5-11 June 1979 Ethos in Indonesia, pp. 2 1-32. Melbourne: A. D., In Semarang]. Jakarta: Pengurus Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash Besar Nahdlatul Ulama. (Mimeographed)
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1979b. Kuputusan Muktamar N. U. yah? Notes from Field Observation. Ke-XXVI, Tanggal 10-16 Rajab 1399 H/5-11 Paper read at the fifth annual conference of Juni 1979 M di Semarang, tentang Program Dasar the Australian Association for the Study of Pengembangan Nahdlatul Ulama 5 Tahun, 1979 Religions, held concurrently with the inter 1983 [The Resolution of the 26th NU Con national conference on Islam: "The Qur'an gress, 10-16 Rajab 1399 Hijra/5-l1 June 1979 through Fourteenth Centuries," at The Aus A. D., in Semarang, on the Basic Program tralian National University, Canberra, May for the Development ofthe Nahdlatul Ulama 1980. (Published in Indonesian translation, for Five Years, 1979-1983]. Jakarta: Pengurus Unsur Sufi dalam Muhammadiyah: Catatan Besar Nahdlatul Ulama. (Mimeographed) dari Kancah. PRISMA 8 (August) 1980: Nakamura, Mitsuo. 1972. Jogjakarta-shi Kota 92-99. Jakarta: LP3ES) gede niokeru Shakaijinruigaku Chosa no Saifuddin Zuhri. 1977. Guruku: Orang-orang daTi Yobihokoku [Preliminary Report on Social Pesantren [My Teachers: People from Pesan Anthropological Field Work in Kotagede, tren]. Bandung: P. T. ALMA'ARIF. Jogjakarta]. TONAN AJIA KENKYU ----. 1979. Sejarah Kebangkitan Islam dan [Southeast Asian Studies] 10(3): 466-476. Perkembangannya di Indonesia [A History of the Kyoto: The Center for Southeast Asian Awakening of Islam and its Development in Studies, Kyoto University. Indonesia]. Bandung: P.T. ALMA'ARIF. Sudjoko Prasodjo et al. 1974. Profil Pesantren: ----. 1976. The Crescent Arises Over the Laporan Hasil Penelitian Pesantren Al-Falak dan Banyan Tree: A Study of the Muhammadijah Delapan Pesantren Lain di Bogor [Profile of Movement in a Central Javanese Town. Pesantren: Report of Research Results on Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation, Cornell Pesantren Al-Falak and Eight More Pesantren University, Ithaca, N. Y. (Forthcoming from in Bogor]. Jakarta: LP3ES. the Gadjah Mada University Press) Ward, Ken. 1974. The 1971 Election in Indonesia: ----. 1977. Professor Haji [Abdul] Kahar An East Java Case Study. Monash Papers Muzakkir and the Development of the on Southeast Asia No.2. Melbourne: Centre Reformist Movement III Indonesia. In of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash Uni Benedict R. O'G. Anderson; Mitsuo versity. Nakamura; and Mohammad Slamet, Religion Zamakhsyari Dhofier. 1980. Kinship and Mar and Social Ethos in Indonesia, pp. 1-20. Mel riage among theJavanese Kyai. INDONESIA bourne: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, 29: 47-58. Monash University. ----. 1981. The Pesantren Tradition: A ----. 1980a. The Reformist Ideology of Study of the Role of the Kyai in the Main Muhammadiyah. In Indonesia: The Making tenance of the Traditional Ideology of Islam qf a Culture, edited by JamesJ. Fox, pp. 273 in Java. Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation, 286. Canberra: Research School of Pacific The Australian National University, Can Studies, The Australian National University. berra. ----. 1980b. Sufi Elements in Muhammadi-
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