Biography Kh. Idham Chalid: Study the Value of Nationalism As a Learning
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Democracy in Indonesia
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1994-06 Democracy in Indonesia Kusmayati, Anne Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28094 DUDLEY KNOX LIBRARY NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY CA 93943-5101 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. Democracy In Indonesia by Anne JKusmayati Civilian Staff, Indonesian Department of Defense Engineering in Community Nutrition and Family Resources, Bogor Agricultural University, 1983. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE IN INTERNATIONAL RESOURCE PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT from the NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL June, 1994 David R. Wfiipple, Jr.,j£hairman REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204. Arlington. VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 1994. Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA 6. AUTHOR(S): Anne Kusmayati 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION Monterey CA 93943-5000 REPORT NUMBER SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. -
General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen
30 General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen Simatupang Lt Gen Mokoginta Brig Jen Sukendro Let.Gen Mokoginta Ruslan Abdulgani Mhd Roem Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh, Agus Sudono Harry Tjan Hardi SH Letjen Djatikusumo Maj.Gen Sutjipto KH Musto'in Ramly Maj Gen Muskita Maj Gen Alamsyah Let Gen Sarbini TD Hafas Sajuti Melik Haji Princen Hugeng Imam Santoso Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh Subchan Liem Bian Kie Suripto Mhd Roem Maj.Gen Wijono Yassien Ron Hatley 30 General Nasution (24-7-73) Nasution (N) first suggested a return to the 1945 constitution in 1955 during the Pemilu. When Subandrio went to China in 1965, Nasution suggested that if China really wanted to help Indonesia, she should cut off supplies to Hongkong. According to Nasution, BK was serious about Maphilindo but Aidit convinced him that he was a world leader, not just a regional leader. In 1960 BK became head of Peperti which made him very influential in the AD with authority over the regional commanders. In 1962 N was replaced by Yani. According to the original concept, N would become Menteri Hankam/Panglima ABRI. However Omar Dhani wrote a letter to BK (probably proposed by Subandrio or BK himself). Sukarno (chief of police) supported Omar Dhani secara besar). Only Martadinata defended to original plan while Yani was 'plin-plan'. Meanwhile Nasution had proposed Gatot Subroto as the new Kasad but BK rejected this because he felt that he could not menguasai Gatot. Nas then proposed the two Let.Gens. - Djatikusuma and Hidayat but they were rejected by BK. -
30 Bab Ii Idham Chalid
BAB II IDHAM CHALID: RIWAYAT HIDUP DAN GAYA KEPEMIMPINANNYA A. Kelahiran Idham Chalid Idham Chalid lahir pada tanggal 27 Agustus 1922 di Setui, dekat Kecamatan Kotabaru, bagian tenggara Kalimantan Selatan, dan merupakan anak sulung dari lima bersaudara. Ayahnya H Muhammad Chalid, penghulu asal Amuntai, Hulu Sungai Tengah, sekitar 200 kilometer dari Banjarmasin. Saat usia Idham enam tahun, keluarganya hijrah ke Amuntai dan tinggal di daerah Tangga Ulin, kampung halaman leluhur ayahnya.1 Ahmad Muhajir menyatakan bahwa menurut cerita, kepindahan tersebut didahului oleh suatu kejadian di mana Idham dan orang tuanya diserang oleh sekelompok orang. Walaupun mereka selamat, tak pelak kejadian tersebut 1 Lihat Rusman Effendi dalam Kiai Idham Chalid, Pemimpin Besar dari Amuntai, http://dunia-fortal.blogspot.com/2012/09/kiai-idham-chalid-pemimpin-besar-dari.html, diakses tanggal 4 April 2013. Lihat juga Ahmad Muhajir, Idham Chalid: Guru Politik Orang NU. Cet.Ke- 1. (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pesantren, 2007), h. 13. Dari sedikit publikasi yang ada tentang Idham antara lain dalam Tim Penulis Tempo, Apa dan Siapa Sejumlah Orang Indonesia 1981-1982 (Jakarta: Grafiti, 1981), h. 99; Martin van Bruinessen, NU, Tradisi, Relasi-relasi Kuasa, Pencarian Wacana Baru (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 1994), h. 290-291; serta semacam Curriculum Vitae yang ditanda tangani Idham yang dilampirkan dalam kumpulan pidatonya, Mendajung dalam Taufan. (Djakarta: Endang-Api Islam, 1966), h. 133-135. Selebihnya kisah Idham Chalid disajikan secara sepenggal-sepenggal di berbagai tulisan baik ilmiah maupun berita di media massa dan biasanya berkaitan dengan sejarah NU. Idham Chalid, Mendajung…, h. 133. Berbeda dengan yang dimuat Tempo, Idham disebutkan lahir 5 Januari 1921. Lih. Tim Penulis Tempo, Apa dan Siapa, h. -
INDO 33 0 1107016894 89 121.Pdf (1.388Mb)
PATTERNS OF MILITARY CONTROL IN THE INDONESIAN HIGHER CENTRAL BUREAUCRACY John A. MacDougall* Summary This article analyzes current military penetration of Indonesia's higher central government bureaucracy. Any civilian or military officeholder in this bureaucracy is referred to as a karyawan. The article focuses on the incumbent Cabinet and topmost echelon of civil service officials. Findings are based on public biographies of these persons and published specialized secondary sources on the Indonesian military. The principal conclusions follow below. The Higher Central Bureaucracy The Indonesian military has long played a "dual civil and military function." Military karyawan, active duty and retired officers in civilian assignments, comprise an increasingly visible, influential, and strategic segment of the dominant military faction, that of President Suharto and his 1945 Generation supporters. --The military karyawan in the higher central bureaucracy are especially critical actors in maintaining the Suharto regime. --Together with their civilian karyawan colleagues, virtually all of them wield decision-making powers of some considerable degree. --Some mix of military and civilian karyawan occurs in all Cabinet Departments except the Department of Defense and Security, now entirely military-controlled. --The Indonesian armed forces' doctrinal commitment to preventing civilian con trol of the military has resulted in the Department of Defense and Security be coming effectively equivalent to the consolidated armed forces' staff and command structure. Extent of Military Penetration Active and retired military karyawan now occupy half the positions in the Indo nesian higher central bureaucracy. --At the highest levels, military penetration remains near complete (the President and his principal immediate aides) or has increased (Coordinating Ministers) over the course of the New Order regime (1966 to the present). -
Annu Al Report 2019
ANNUAL REPORT 2019 ANNUAL 1 ANNUAL REPORT 2019 Building on the initiatives of previous years, Telkomsel continued to expand and to enrich its digital business to shape the future through internal collaboration, synergies, and partnerships within the digital ecosystem at large. Telkomsel continued to expand and to enrich its digital business At the same time, Telkomsel strove to improve customer experience and satisfaction as key drivers of long-term success. (in billion rupiah) (in million) DIGITAL BUSINESS DATA USERS REVENUE 58,237 110.3 23.1% 3.5% DATA 50,550 LTE USERS 88.3 22.3% (in million) 61.3% DIGITAL SERVICES 7,687 29.0% 2019 63.9% DIGITAL 2018 BUSINESS 53.0% CONTRIBUTION 2 PT TELEKOMUNIKASI SELULAR IMPROVED MOMENTUM Telkomsel has successfully delivered growth and revenue from data supported by solid digital products and services offerings, as shown by TOTAL BTS improved momentum in 2019. 212,235 (in gigabyte) 12.2% CONSUMPTION/ 2019 DATA USER 3G/4G BTS 54.7% 5.2 161,938 16.7% 2018 3.4 (in terabyte) PAYLOAD 6,715,227 53.6% 3 ANNUAL REPORT 2019 Highlights of the Year 6 Key Performance Company 8 Financial Highlights at a Glance 9 Operational Highlights 10 2019 Event Highlights 52 Telkomsel in Brief 18 Awards & Accolades 53 Share Ownership History 23 ISO Certification 54 Organization Structure 54 Key Products & Services 56 Milestones Business Review Remarks from 60 Vision and Mission the Management 61 Corporate Strategy in Brief 62 Transformation Program 65 Marketing 26 Remarks from the President Commissioner 72 Digital Services 30 -
Indonesia's Ulama and Politics
Indonesia's ulama and politics Martin van Bruinessen, "Indonesia's ulama and politics: caught between legitimising the status quo and searching for alternatives", Prisma — The Indonesian Indicator (Jakarta), No. 49 (1990), 52-69. Indonesia’s Ulama and Politics: Caught Between Legitimising the Status Quo And Searching for Alternatives The relationship between ulama, ‘men of Islamic learning,’ and umara, ‘holders of political power,’ has always been ambivalent. On the one hand, ulama at least in the Sunni tradition have always provided religious legitimation for the de facto power holders. On the other hand, there is also a general awareness that power corrupts and that proximity to those in power impairs the ulama’s moral authority and the integrity of their learning. There is a well-known hadith to that effect, often quoted in popular sermons: “the worst among the ulama are those who go and see the umara, while the best among the umara are those who come and see the ulama.” It has been pointed out that this hadith is actually ‘weak’ (da`if), meaning that its attribution to the Prophet is considered very dubious.[1] The fact that it is frequently quoted by ulama and popular preachers in Indonesia nevertheless indicates that the saying expresses something about which they have strong feelings. In a recent research project on the Indonesian ulama’s worldview, about half the ulama interviewed volunteered this hadith when asked what was the correct form of Islam-state relations.[2] Moral, economic and political independence (kemandirian) vis-à-vis the government is a quality that almost all respondents considered essential. -
The Existence of the State Minister in the Government System After the Amendment to the 1945 Constitution
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 25, Issue 5, Series. 1 (May. 2020) 51-78 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org The Existence of the State Minister in the Government System after the Amendment to the 1945 Constitution ParbuntianSinaga Doctor of Law, UniversitasKrisnadwipayana Jakarta Po Box 7774 Jat Cm Jakarta 13077, Indonesia Abstract: Constitutionally, the existence of ministers called cabinet or council of ministers in a presidential government system is an inseparable part of the executive power held by the President. The 1945 Constitution after the amendment, that the presence of state ministers as constitutional organs is part of the power of the President in running the government. This study aims to provide ideas about separate arrangements between state ministries placed separately in Chapter V Article 17 to Chapter III of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia concerning the authority of the state government or the power of the President, and also regarding the formation, amendment and dissolution of the ministries regulated in legislation. This study uses a normative juridical research approach. The results of the study show that the Minister of State is the President's assistant who is appointed and dismissed to be in charge of certain affairs in the government, which actually runs the government, and is responsible to the President. The governmental affairs referred to are regulated in Law No. 39 of 2008 concerning the State Ministry, consisting of: government affairs whose nomenclature is mentioned in the 1945 NRI Constitution, government affairs whose scope is mentioned in the 1945 NRI Constitution, and government affairs in the context of sharpening, coordinating, and synchronizing government programs. -
THE NEW ORDER and the ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D
THE NEW ORDER AND THE ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D. Thomas It is rather ironic to recall President Sukarno’s "banting stir" speech of April 11, 1965. Just one year and a day after that speech, the Sultan of Jogjakarta, Presidium member for economic and financial affairs outlined the economic policy of the "perfected" Dwikora cabinet, which was formed as a result of the first major cabinet reshuffle after the abortive coup. In it, the Sultan envisaged a substantial "turn of the wheel", but it was a "banting stir" in a direction not intended by the President the previous year when he had concentrated his attacks on foreign capital and private entrepreneurs. In the months that followed the Sultan’s speech, there was a vigorous debate among the nation’s intellectuals on the content of In donesian socialism in the new era and the way in which the "just and prosperous society" so dear to the President1 was to be attained. Prominent in the debates were several groups of intellec tuals scattered throughout the capital city: some affiliated to political parties, others in such organizations as the In tellectuals’ Action Group (KASI). Membership in the various groups is not mutually exclusive. It is possible for a per son to belong to a political party and also to be an active participant in several formal and informal groups interested in discussing economic problems and taking steps to influence the government. So a program issued under the name of a par ticular organization cannot be regarded as the brain-child of that group alone. -
H. Bachtiar Bureaucracy and Nation Formation in Indonesia In
H. Bachtiar Bureaucracy and nation formation in Indonesia In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 128 (1972), no: 4, Leiden, 430-446 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:13:37AM via free access BUREAUCRACY AND NATION FORMATION IN INDONESIA* ^^^tudents of society engaged in the study of the 'new states' in V J Asia and Africa have often observed, not infrequently with a note of dismay, tihe seeming omnipresence of the government bureau- cracy in these newly independent states. In Indonesia, for example, the range of activities of government functionaries, the pegawai negeri in local parlance, seems to be un- limited. There are, first of all and certainly most obvious, the large number of people occupying official positions in the various ministries located in the captital city of Djakarta, ranging in each ministry from the authoritative Secretary General to the nearly powerless floor sweepers. There are the territorial administrative authorities, all under the Minister of Interna! Affairs, from provincial Governors down to the village chiefs who are electecl by their fellow villagers but who after their election receive their official appointments from the Govern- ment through their superiors in the administrative hierarchy. These territorial administrative authorities constitute the civil service who are frequently idenitified as memibers of the government bureaucracy par excellence. There are, furthermore, as in many another country, the members of the judiciary, personnel of the medical service, diplomats and consular officials of the foreign service, taxation officials, technicians engaged in the construction and maintenance of public works, employees of state enterprises, research •scientists, and a great number of instruc- tors, ranging from teachers of Kindergarten schools to university professors at the innumerable institutions of education operated by the Government in the service of the youthful sectors of the population. -
Pengumuman E-Learning.Pdf
SPECIFIC PROCUREMENT NOTICE Invitation for National Competitive Bidding PROCUREMENT OF E-LEARNING EQUIPMENT IN FIVE UNIVERSITIES THE SUPPORT TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF HIGHER EDUCATION PROJECT Istisna’a No.: IND-0168 Directorate General of Learning and Students Affairs, Ministry of Research, Technology, and Higher Education, has received a Finance from the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) toward the cost of The Support to The Development of Higher Education and it intends to apply part of the proceeds towards payments under the contract for e-learning equipment in five universities, namely State University of Gorontalo (Gorontalo), Sam Ratulangi University (North Sulawesi), Lambung Mangkurat University (South Kalimantan), Tanjungpura University (West Kalimantan), and State University of Surabaya (East Java). The respective university now invites bids from eligible bidders for procurement of e-learning equipment packages. The implementation period is 2 (two) months. All bids must be accompanied by a bid security with amount as indicated in table below: Bid Security No. Name of Package Address ( IDR) Sam Ratulangi University, Procurement Gedung Rektorat, Lt.3, of e-Learning 53,600,000.- 1 Jl. Kampus Bahu, Manado/ Equipment in Sam Phone: 081354522777/ Facsimile:+62431-822568/ Ratulangi University Email: [email protected] Procurement State University of Gorontalo, of e-Learning Gedung ULP, Ruang PIU-IDB 7in1 UNG, Gorontalo 2 Equipment in Jl. Jend. Sudirman No. 6, 53,600,000.- State University of Phone +62 435 859 4018/Facsimile:+62 435 821 752/ Gorontalo Email: [email protected] Procurement Tanjungpura University, of e-Learning Gedung Konferensi Lt.1, Ruang Galeri, 3 Equipment in Jl. Prof. Dr. -
INDO 81 0 1149868711 23 50.Pdf (562.6Kb)
Colonizing Borneo: State-building and Ethnicity in Central Kalimantan Gerry van Klinkeri Provinces are curious things. They are administrative arrangements that allow the state to reach deeper into the countryside. Provincial bureaucracy is hardly an exciting business, except perhaps for bureaucrats. But provinces can also be vehicles for an identity. Then they become charged with a powerful, if ambiguous, sentiment, the provincial community's feeling that it at once belongs to the greater nation yet remains separate from it. The contrast between the two sides of this provincial phenomenon has a parallel in the nation-state. Though usually mentioned in one breath, the nation and the state in the phrase nation-state also live in different worlds. The nation is the human community that belongs to an envisaged territory. The state is the set of institutions by which that territory is ruled. Modern nationalism has persuaded us that the fused entity is more real than its separate parts, but it was not always so. Many new provinces were created in Indonesia in the late 1950s, Central Kalimantan among them. It was affected by and contributed to the dramatic tension that enveloped the regions beyond Jakarta. These were still the heady years of nationalism. All those who helped create Central Kalimantan in 1957 spoke of it in terms of the "nation"—that is, they perceived its establishment as an identity issue. Thanks to staff at the Nationaal Archief in The Hague, who gave permission to quote from the archives of the Nederlands Commissariaat at Banjarmasin of the 1950s; to Henk Schulte Nordholt, Antonius Made Tony Supriatma, and T. -
In Search of Hegemony: Islamism and the State in Indonesia
In Search of Hegemony: Islamism and the State in Indonesia LUQMAN NUL HAKIM This thesis is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Melbourne February 2019 Declaration I certify that this thesis is the product of my own research, fewer than the maximum word limit in length, and contains no material which has been accepted as part of the requirements of any other degree at any tertiary education institution, or any material previously published by another person except where due reference is made. Luqman Nul Hakim i Abstract In post-authoritarian Indonesia, but particularly following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Islamism has become a contentious matter of scholarly debate. The prominent accounts emerging from security and democratisation studies place much analytical weight on ideology and culture by often portraying the relationship between Islam and politics in essentialist fashion, associating the dynamics of Islamism with interpretations of Islamic doctrine or the contest between moderate and radical Muslims. The institutionalist literature, on the contrary, explains the rise of Islamism as the result of the weak capacity of the state following the fall of the centralised New Order authoritarian regime. Another variant draws attention to the moderation of Islamic politics as the result of participation in democratic processes, especially electoral politics. Yet, such linear and teleological explanations obscure the complex circumstances that establish the different trajectories of Islamism. They also fail to comprehend how the prevalence of Islamist discourse on power struggles in the current democracy can produce a more conservative and illiberal form of Islamism. In contrast, this thesis utilises the politics of hegemony approach as developed in the traditions of political discourse theory.