General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen 30 General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen Simatupang Lt Gen Mokoginta Brig Jen Sukendro Let.Gen Mokoginta Ruslan Abdulgani Mhd Roem Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh, Agus Sudono Harry Tjan Hardi SH Letjen Djatikusumo Maj.Gen Sutjipto KH Musto'in Ramly Maj Gen Muskita Maj Gen Alamsyah Let Gen Sarbini TD Hafas Sajuti Melik Haji Princen Hugeng Imam Santoso Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh Subchan Liem Bian Kie Suripto Mhd Roem Maj.Gen Wijono Yassien Ron Hatley 30 General Nasution (24-7-73) Nasution (N) first suggested a return to the 1945 constitution in 1955 during the Pemilu. When Subandrio went to China in 1965, Nasution suggested that if China really wanted to help Indonesia, she should cut off supplies to Hongkong. According to Nasution, BK was serious about Maphilindo but Aidit convinced him that he was a world leader, not just a regional leader. In 1960 BK became head of Peperti which made him very influential in the AD with authority over the regional commanders. In 1962 N was replaced by Yani. According to the original concept, N would become Menteri Hankam/Panglima ABRI. However Omar Dhani wrote a letter to BK (probably proposed by Subandrio or BK himself). Sukarno (chief of police) supported Omar Dhani secara besar). Only Martadinata defended to original plan while Yani was 'plin-plan'. Meanwhile Nasution had proposed Gatot Subroto as the new Kasad but BK rejected this because he felt that he could not menguasai Gatot. Nas then proposed the two Let.Gens. - Djatikusuma and Hidayat but they were rejected by BK. Nas then proposed three Maj-Gen - Yani, Suharto and Sudirman. BK chose Yani. The serah-terima was on Hari Senen. Nasution and Djuanda were only informed of the change on the Sabtu. The next major step to the left was the appointment of Subandrio as ist Deputy after the death of Djuanda in November 1963. On the basis of the testimony of Bambang Widjanarko and Leimena to Kopkamtib, Nas believes that BK was involved in the Gestapu. He asked Untung and others whether they were willing to take action and he received a letter from Untung on 30 September while giving a speech. However, Nasution had doubts whether he knew of the Lubang Buaya plan. When Sarwo Edhie (who was very close to Yani) went to Bogar on 2nd October he was dismayed to hear BK treat Yani's death so lightly. 'Revolusi bisa makan anak', said BK. Sarwo hurried back to report to Suharto and told him of BK's attitude. Nas and Suharto did not suspect BK of involvement at this time. Possibly BK refused to openly support G30S because he heard that Nas lolos. He was informed of this on his way to the palace from Dewi' s house. When he heard he decided to go to Grogol and then to Halim. Nasution had not regarded Pranoto as pro-PKI until October. However Suharto already distrusted Pranoto on 1'1 October. When Latief was captured he was found with a letter addressed to Pranoto which he had just written. He had requested further instructions from Pranoto. Before the discovery of this letter, Nas and Suharto had decided to berjalan terus on the basis of the arrangements made on 2nd October. However on the lOth Nasution sent his letter to BK with five points including the appointment of Suharto as Pangab. On 2nd, before the Bogar meeting, Nasution asked Pranoto not to carry out BK's order to become caretake Pangab but Pranoto said nothing at Bogar. (While Panglima in Jateng, Pranoto had obstructed Nasution's policy of forming Badan Kerja-sama). Operasi Budi was obstructed by Yani who protected men like lbnu Sutowo and Suhardiman. Yani himself was also corrupt. The secretary of Operasi Budi was Kol Muktis who received encouragement from Pranoto. After the coup Mu was arrested because of this but was quietly released. Nasution arrived at Kostrad at 7-7.30 on 1/10. He then moved with Suharto to Senayan. In December 1966 Nasution told a KOTI meeting that the way to stop the killings was to appoint a court to try those responsible for the killings of the generals. Nasution did not meet BK until 6 weeks after the coup when Nasution was called by BK to express his sympathy at the loss of Nas's daughter. On 2nd October BK did not invite Nas to the meeting in Bogar. BK was angry at proposals that Nas be appointed as Wakil President (proposals from West Java, East Java etc). Eventually Suharto and Nas decided to call a meeting of pang!imas which announced that it was not necessary to fill the post. Why was BK confident that's he could get away with the dismissal of Nasution in February 1966? In June a Koti meeting heard BK complain that KOTI was interfering too much in domestic affairs. BK ordered Suharto to change the structure of KOTI. Meanwhile Nas as Men Hankam had to go to Jateng for a few days. While Nas was away, Suharto presented his proposals to BK who said they did not go far enough. BK demanded the dissolution of SAB and the abolition of the post of Menhankam. In the discussions BK offered the post of Menkom to Suharto who rejected it. BK thought he could outwit Suharto. Eventually Suharto proposed Nat as Wakil Panglima Besar of KOGAM. Nasution refused to attend such .... ? and was diam sadja dirumah. The AD planned to mentjulik Suhandrio and other leftist ministers such as Ast (?). For about a week before 11/3, they surrounded the palace waiting for an opportunity. Some generals complained that Sarwo Edhi was too slow. Amir Machmud and Adjie were left out of these plans because they were loyal to BK. (There was no plan to capture Chairul Saleh at this stage). After BK's flight to Bogar the three generals flew after him. Their plans were not very clear. Suharto only told them to assure BK that they would rely on BK. Eventually the Supersemar was prepared. Subandrio insisted on the inclusion of 'angkatan lain' as well as AD. BK did not sign it until he had consulted Adjie. On his way to Bogar, BK called at Tjilandak KKO base. BK did not realise that Suharto would use the Supersemar to announce the ban on the PKI. Immediately he called the other three panglima to Bogar on Hari Minggu (probably 13th). That night meetings were held in Jakarta at Mulyadi's house and then at Leimeina's. They discussed how they could menginsyafkan Suharto to withdraw the ban on the PKI. {?) Meanwhile Kostrad men at the Halim base (dalam rangka KOGAM) came across an instruction issued by Sri Mulyono Herlambang which made preparation for an expected Kostrad attack on Halim and the lstana. It envisaged the possibility of returning to Tjilandak. Kostrad leaders met immediately and decided to mandahalui by placing troops at all strategic points in the city. At the same time Kol. Wahono of Kostrad approached Nas and asked him to call a meeting of the Pang!ima. Nas called Sutjipto, Muljadi, and Hartono, as well as Rusmin representing AURI (He refused to meet Sri Muljono). Kemal ldrus and some Kostrad leaders also attended Kemal refused. Kemal refused to shake hands with the other commanders. Kemal sat on one side and the others on the other with Nas in the middle. The meeting took place at about 2 am on te Monday morning. Eventually it was all sorted out and everyone was very relieved. Kemal shook hands with the others. In early 1965 a number of attempts were made to bring Nas back into line with Yani. Suharto also made an attempt along those lines at Lebaran 1965. At that stage Yani, Suharto cs could not imagine a stuation without Suharto. Sumitro supported BK in 1966 and 1967 together with other Brawidjaja officers. There had be a plan to take BK to Surabaya in 1966. Adjie was close to Adjie personally but anti-PKI - ie. like Yani.Yani and Sukarno 'had the same hobby'. If BK did not have a woman each day he felt bad. Nas thinks that Suharto did not want to depose BK until at least the MPRS session in 1966. Even in 1967 he did not want to take the oath of office. It was partly due to circumstances but also because of his attitude to Sukarno. Yani was always confident that he could get closer to BK's ear than the PKI could. Nasution doubted this. General Nasution, 20 August 1973 The basic difference between Nas and Yani was that Yani was in the 'istana' while Nas was not. They agree in their attitude to the PKI but differed in their attitude to BK. Their tactics in their attitudes in approaching BK was very different. On the issue of dissolution of BPS and Murba they were considered relatively insignificant by the army leaders. However Nasakomisasi and the 5th Force threatened the existence of the TNI 'secara langsung' On the basic issues Nas and Yani were united but not on 'sehari-2' matters. The Ad's strong defence of HMI must be seen in the conext of the general situation. Although the HMI was a minor matter, it came under attack at the same time as contact with Nas .. the Peltu Sudjono incident. Martadinata was the one leader of ABRI who had regular contact with Nas. Nas never met Yani informally. Nas 'cannot remember' a meeting with Yani at the beginning of 1965. However he remembers a meeting with Yani at the beginning of 1965.
Recommended publications
  • 50 Years Since 30 September, 1965: the Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo
    ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 26 November 2015 50 Years since 30 September, 1965: The Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo. By Max Lane* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This year marks the 50th anniversary of the events of 30 September, 1965 and its aftermath. Amidst heightened discussion of the matter, President Widodo, on behalf of his government, stated that there would be no state expression of being sorry for the large scale massacres of 1965. He attended conventional activities on the anniversary consistent with the long-term narrative originating from the period of Suharto’s New Order. At the same time, there are signs of a gradual but steady erosion of the hegemony of the old narrative and an opening up of discussion. This is not driven by deliberate government policy, although some government decisions have facilitated the emergence of a generation for whom the hegemonic narrative holds less weight. The processes weakening the old hegemony have also been fostered by: a) Increased academic openness on the history of the period, both in and outside of Indonesia. b) More activity by lawyers, activists, researchers as well as former political prisoners demanding state recognition of human rights violations in 1965 and afterwards. c) A general attitude to educational processes no longer dominated by indoctrination concerns. 1 ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 Hegemony may be slowly ending, but it is not clear what will replace it. *Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow with the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute, and has written hundreds of articles on Indonesia for magazines and newspapers.
    [Show full text]
  • Stud Y Guide
    INTRODUCTION N SEPTEMBER 30TH, 1965, an unsuccessful Ocoup d’état triggered a series of events that have decided the course of Indonesia’s history to this very day. The leadership of President Sukarno, the man who led Indonesia to independence in NICK WILSON h 1949, was undermined, and the ascendancy of his successor, Suharto, was established. The orientation of this new nation, an amalgamation of peoples of dis- parate religions and languages living across a huge archipelago, was to change from fragile de- mocracy and neutral alignment (dependent upon balancing the GUIDE competing infl uences of Com- munism, Western colonialism, and a power-hungry army) to a military dictatorship aligned with the West. STUDY ISSUE 29 AUSTRALIAN SCREEN EDUCATION ABOVE: RICE FARMERS, CENTRAL JAVA 1 THE FAILED COUP TRIGGERED a or since, but now a full and frank ac- were part of a broader response to terror campaign, led by General Su- count of the slaughter of hundreds of events in South-East Asia. The Viet- harto. This culminated in the deposing thousands of people can be given. The nam War was escalating in 1965, and of Sukarno and the establishment of fi lm even explains some of the reasons the anti-Communist West decided Suharto’s New Order in 1966. At least for the West’s silence. that President Sukarno’s power de- fi ve hundred thousand people and pended upon Communist sup- perhaps as many as one million port. His removal from power and were killed during this period in replacement with an acceptable, purges organized by the military anti-Communist leader became a in conjunction with civilian militias.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia
    Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia Location: Southeast Asia; consists of 5 large islands and about 13,677 smaller islands; Capital city: Jakarta Fourth largest Asian country after China, India, and Saudi Arabia – by 2050, will have the 4th largest world economy Topography: Islands filled with active and inactive volcanoes; earthquakes and tsunamis often devastate Indonesia (1992, 2004) Indonesia Population: 221,932,000; #4 in population among the 193 nations in the world Primary language: Bahasa Indonesia; secondary languages: Malay, Javanese, English, Dutch, among many others Indonesia Religion: Islam (over 88%) Protestant (over 5%) Roman Catholic (over 3%) Hindu (almost 2%) Buddhist (almost 1%) Indonesia Colonial influences: Dutch; Portuguese Beginning 20th century – first steps were taken to give Indonesians participation in government 1945 – Independent republic of Indonesia under leadership of Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta Indonesia Sukarno became the first President of Indonesia; Hatta, Vice- President in 1949 In the next two decades, communist leadership and agitation would increase, resulting in the Mass Killings of 65- 66 September 30th Movement, 1965 Claimed to be protecting President Sukarno from right-wing faction of the army planning a coup of their own After Yani’s death, Major General Suharto took command of the army and on October 1st, launched a counter-attack Suharto’s success in removing rebel forces launched the decline in Sukarno’s leadership and the rise of Suharto Suharto and the Killings Suharto accused the Communist party (PKI) of masterminding the coup and used this rationale to exterminate anyone associated with the PKI Suharto’s military rounded up more than a million and a half people who were accused of being involved with the PKI (Roosa 4).
    [Show full text]
  • Management of Communism Issues in the Soekarno Era (1959-1966)
    57-67REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHICAL EDUCATION ISSN: 2146-0353 ● © RIGEO ● 11(5), SPRING, 2021 www.rigeo.org Research Article Management of Communism Issues in The Soekarno Era (1959-1966) Abie Besman1 Dian Wardiana Sjuchro2 Faculty of Communication Science, Universitas Faculty of Communication Science, Universitas Padjadjaran Padjadjaran [email protected] Abstract The focus of this research is on the handling of the problem of communism in the Nasakom ideology through the policies and patterns of political communication of President Soekarno's government. The Nasakom ideology was used by the Soekarno government since the Presidential Decree in 1959. Soekarno's middle way solution to stop the chaos of the liberal democracy period opened up new conflicts and feuds between the PKI and the Indonesian National Army. The compromise management style is used to reduce conflicts between interests. The method used in this research is the historical method. The results showed that the approach adopted by President Soekarno failed. Soekarno tried to unite all the ideologies that developed at that time, but did not take into account the political competition between factions. This conflict even culminated in the events of September 30 and the emergence of a new order. This research is part of a broader study to examine the management of the issue of communism in each political regime in Indonesia. Keywords Nasakom; Soekarno; Issue Management; Communism; Literature Study To cite this article: Besman, A.; and Sj uchro, D, W. (2021) Management of Communism Issues in The Soekarno Era (1959-1966). Review of International Geographical Education (RIGEO), 11(5), 48-56.
    [Show full text]
  • Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancin
    Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancing our Understanding Drawing on Recently Released U.S. Records November 29, 2017 Speaker: Dr. Bradley Simpson Associate Professor of History and Asian Studies, University of Connecticut Founder and Director, Indonesia and East Timor Documentation Project National Security Archive Discussants: Dr. Barbara Harvey Retired Foreign Service Officer and USINDO Advisor Ambassador Robert Pringle Historian of Southeast Asia, Retired Foreign Service Officer, former Ambassador to Mali www.usindo.org Introduction and background: It has been over 50 years since September 30, 1965, a date that dramatically changed Indonesian history. A small group of Indonesians identifying themselves as the September 30 Movement, believed to be working in collaboration with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), launched an overnight strike against Indonesian generals whom they alleged were planning a coup against President Sukarno. Six top generals were killed, but General Suharto, who was not targeted, thwarted the September 30 Movement and subsequently began a military-led program to crush the PKI, which resulted in the execution of both its leaders and followers. In the ensuing power struggle with President Sukarno over Indonesia's political and economic future, Suharto consolidated his control, leading to his New Order government that lasted for 32 years. The domestic and international environment in the period leading up to September 30; the events of the night itself; the extent and nature of the actions that followed; the roles and motivations of the parties; and the knowledge, stance, and actions of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Professionalisation of the Indonesian Military
    The Professionalisation of the Indonesian Military Robertus Anugerah Purwoko Putro A thesis submitted to the University of New South Wales In fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Humanities and Social Sciences July 2012 STATEMENTS Originality Statement I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged. Copyright Statement I hereby grant to the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter known. I retain all property rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation. Authenticity Statement I certify that the Library deposit digital copy is a direct equivalent of the final officially approved version of my thesis.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy in Indonesia
    Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1994-06 Democracy in Indonesia Kusmayati, Anne Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28094 DUDLEY KNOX LIBRARY NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY CA 93943-5101 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. Democracy In Indonesia by Anne JKusmayati Civilian Staff, Indonesian Department of Defense Engineering in Community Nutrition and Family Resources, Bogor Agricultural University, 1983. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE IN INTERNATIONAL RESOURCE PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT from the NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL June, 1994 David R. Wfiipple, Jr.,j£hairman REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204. Arlington. VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 1994. Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA 6. AUTHOR(S): Anne Kusmayati 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION Monterey CA 93943-5000 REPORT NUMBER SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: a Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System
    Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: John O. Haley, Chair Michael E. Townsend Beth E. Rivin Program Authorized to Offer Degree School of Law © Copyright 2015 Yu Un Oppusunggu ii University of Washington Abstract Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor John O. Haley School of Law A sweeping proviso that protects basic or fundamental interests of a legal system is known in various names – ordre public, public policy, public order, government’s interest or Vorbehaltklausel. This study focuses on the concept of Indonesian public order in private international law. It argues that Indonesia has extraordinary layers of pluralism with respect to its people, statehood and law. Indonesian history is filled with the pursuit of nationhood while protecting diversity. The legal system has been the unifying instrument for the nation. However the selected cases on public order show that the legal system still lacks in coherence. Indonesian courts have treated public order argument inconsistently. A prima facie observation may find Indonesian public order unintelligible, and the courts have gained notoriety for it. This study proposes a different perspective. It sees public order in light of Indonesia’s legal pluralism and the stages of legal development.
    [Show full text]
  • Entering New Political Competition (1960-1965)
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Miners, managers and the state: A socio-political history of the Ombilin coal- mines, West Sumatra, 1892-1996 Erwiza, Erman Publication date 1999 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Erwiza, E. (1999). Miners, managers and the state: A socio-political history of the Ombilin coal-mines, West Sumatra, 1892-1996. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:08 Oct 2021 CHAPTER VE ENTERING NEW POLITICAL COMPETITION (1960-1965) Introduction In the preceding chapter I have explained how the mining society was exposed to politics. Tts members were mobilized by the leaders of political parties, and involved in strikes, conflicts, and competition between various actors located at different layers in political hierarchy.
    [Show full text]
  • Napak Tilas Jejak Proklamasi: Kemayoran Hingga Rengasdengklok
    Napak Tilas Jejak Proklamasi: Kemayoran hingga Rengasdengklok https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20190816095936-20-421842/napak-tilas-jejak- proklamasi-kemayoran-hingga-rengasdengklok CNN Indonesia | Sabtu, 17/08/2019 10:36 WIB Sukarno saat berpidato di hadapan sekitar 200.000 orang di Makassar menuntut kemerdekaan Indonesia dari Belanda. (AFP PHOTO) Jakarta, CNN Indonesia -- Proklamasi kemerdekaan RI yang dibacakan pada 17 Agustus 1945 pukul 10.00 WIB tak dilaksanakan begitu saja. Banyak hal yang terjadi sebelum barisan kalimat proklamasi RI dibacakan Sukarno di teras rumahnya tersebut, Jalan Pegangsaan Timur 56 (sekarang area Monumen Proklamasi), Jakarta Pusat. Bermula dari kegelisahan tokoh pemuda setelah mengetahui Jepang telah kalah dalam Perang Dunia II, mereka mendesak Sukarno dan tokoh nasional lain yang tengah menyusun rencana kemerdekaan untuk menyegerakan proklamasi. Para darah muda yang tak ingin proklamasi Indonesia sebagai 'hadiah' dari Jepang itu pun mengasingkan Sukarno dan Muhammad Hatta ke Rengasdengklok, Karawang, agar berubah pikiran untuk mau menyegerakan proklamasi. Peristiwa membawa Sukarno-Hatta keluar Jakarta itu kemudian dikenal dalam sejarah sebagai 'Penculikan ke Rengasdengklok. Akhirnya, sampai juga pada masa yang bersejarah saat perumusan naskah proklamasi dan pembacaannya di Jakarta Pusat. Namun, apakah Anda tahu sejumlah tempat yang menjadi saksi bisu perjuangan proklamasi kemerdekaan RI secara de facto itu bukan sebagai hadiah dari Jepang. Berikut CNNIndonesia.com rangkumkan untuk Anda, meskipun beberapa tempat sudah tak sesuai dengan kondisinya pada 1945 silam. 1. Bandara Kemayoran Chairul Saleh dkk menunggu di Kebun Pisang dekat Bandara Kemayoran, Jakarta Pusat. Mereka menunggu untuk menemui langsung Sukarno-Hatta yang baru tiba dari Saigon, Vietnam setelah bertemu Jenderal Jepang Hisaichi Terauchi, 14 Juli 1945 petang.
    [Show full text]
  • Many Shot Dead by Troops
    Tapol bulletin no, 65, September 1984 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1984) Tapol bulletin no, 65, September 1984. Tapol bulletin (65). pp. 1-20. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/26281/ British Campaign for the Defence of Political Prisoners and Human Rights in Indonesia T APOL Bulletin No. 65. September 1984 Tanjung Priok incident Many shot dead by troops Well over two dozen people were shot dead and many more Tanjung Priok is Jakarta's dockland where economic and social wounded when troops fired on demonstrators in Tanjung Priok problems are serious: who were demanding that the police release four people. Tempo (22 September) put the number killed at 28, while the Petititon­ Economically, (it is) not the worst off but work is irregular and life of-50 group in a statement (see below) said forty people died. insecure. The country's imports have been down dramatically, re­ ducing port employment, and recently the government has suddenly The event which occurred on 12 September was the climax to banned much stevedoring activity . .. There is also an ecological a series of incidents provoked by local police and army security problem: fresh water is difficult and expensive to obtain in Tanjung officers. On 7 September, a mubalig (preacher) had made a Priok. (Far Eastern Economic Review, 27 September 1984.) sermon at the Rawa Badak mosque denouncing government policy, in particular, according to Tempo, land seizures, the Many dockworkers and seamen in the area are from devout family planning programme and the Societies Law (see page 2) .
    [Show full text]
  • Indo 10 0 1107123622 195
    194 Note: In addition to the positions shown on the chart, thepe are a number of other important agencies which are directly responsible to the Commander of the Armed Forces and his Deputy. These include the following: Strategic Intelligence Center, Institute of National Defense, Institute of Joint Staff and Command Education/Military Staff and Command College, Military Academy, Military Industries, Military Police, Military Prosecutor-General, Center of People’s Resistance and Security, and Information Center. CURRENT DATA ON THE INDONESIAN MILITARY ELITE AFTER THE REORGANIZATION OF 1969-1970 (Prepared by the Editors) Periodically in the past, the editors of Indonesia have prepared lists of the officers holding key positions in the Indonesian army to keep readers abreast of developments. (See the issues of April 1967, October 1967, and April 1969). Until very recently, the important changes meredy involved individual officers. But on Armed Forces Day, October 5, 1969, General Suharto announced a major structural reorganization of the military hierarchy, and these changes were put into effect between November 1969 and April 1970. According to the military authorities, MThe concept of reorganization, which is aimed at integrating the armed forces, arose in 1966 after the communist coup attempt of 1965. The idea was based on the view that developing countries suffer from political instability due to con­ flict between competing groups."1 On October 6, the then Chief of Staff of the Department of Defense and Security, Lt. Gen. Sumitro, said that the integration of the armed forces "will prevent the occurrence of situations like those in Latin America where the seizure of power is always accompanied by activities on the part of one of the armed forces or individuals from the armed forces."2 The main thrust of the reorganization (for details of which see the footnotes) is in the direction of greatly increased centraliza­ tion of control within the Department of Defense and Security.
    [Show full text]