DOCSLIB.ORG

Management of Communism Issues in the Soekarno Era (1959-1966)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Management of Communism Issues in the Soekarno Era (1959-1966) 57-67REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHICAL EDUCATION ISSN: 2146-0353 ● © RIGEO ● 11(5), SPRING, 2021 www.rigeo.org Research Article Management of Communism Issues in The Soekarno Era (1959-1966) Abie Besman1 Dian Wardiana Sjuchro2 Faculty of Communication Science, Universitas Faculty of Communication Science, Universitas Padjadjaran Padjadjaran [email protected] Abstract The focus of this research is on the handling of the problem of communism in the Nasakom ideology through the policies and patterns of political communication of President Soekarno's government. The Nasakom ideology was used by the Soekarno government since the Presidential Decree in 1959. Soekarno's middle way solution to stop the chaos of the liberal democracy period opened up new conflicts and feuds between the PKI and the Indonesian National Army. The compromise management style is used to reduce conflicts between interests. The method used in this research is the historical method. The results showed that the approach adopted by President Soekarno failed. Soekarno tried to unite all the ideologies that developed at that time, but did not take into account the political competition between factions. This conflict even culminated in the events of September 30 and the emergence of a new order. This research is part of a broader study to examine the management of the issue of communism in each political regime in Indonesia. Keywords Nasakom; Soekarno; Issue Management; Communism; Literature Study To cite this article: Besman, A.; and Sj uchro, D, W. (2021) Management of Communism Issues in The Soekarno Era (1959-1966). Review of International Geographical Education (RIGEO), 11(5), 48-56. doi: 10.48047/rigeo.11.05.05 Submitted: 20-01-2021 ● Revised: 15-02-2021 ● Accepted: 25-03-2021 Besman, A.; and Sjuchro, D, W. (2021) Management of Communism Issues in The Soekarno Era (1959-1966) … Introduction In every political system, political communication is an inseparable aspect and has effective dynamics to break the deadlock between interests. This dynamic occurs because of differences, similarities and interests between factions and even ideologies. The dynamics of political communication regarding an ideology often occur in Indonesia. These ideologies emerged from the days of the national movement and even continued to develop after Indonesia's independence. Socialism, Marxism, Communism, Nationalism, Islamism, Marhaenism and Pancasila are some of the developing ideologies (Winata, 2017). Power struggles both within a system and outside the system often occur in Indonesia. Several events from the time the Republic of Indonesia was born (1945) to the last general election held (2019) show several events that changed the structure of political communication in Indonesia, whether intentional or unintentional. This rivalry is dynamic and, on several occasions, found its way together. However, on other occasions, they suppress each other and even destroy each other, depending on the interests. Paul Ricoeur (1986) states that the ideology is a tool that has an integrated function, ideology has a role to maintain social identity and build social existence. Political ideology in Indonesia in several time segments has also shown that it is able to maintain a difference, while at the same time also contributing to unifying. The rivalry that usually occurs in Indonesia is between the ideologies of Pancasila, Nationalism, Religion and Communism (Nasakom) as explained by Soekarno (1963) in his article entitled Nationalists, Islamists and Marxists. The many differences and also the difficulty of uniting Indonesia are largely a reflection of the characteristics of the Republic of Indonesia, which consists of 17,504 islands and is an unification of various ethnicities, cultures and religions (Manuputty, Patittingi, & Ashri, 2015). The distinctive feature of Indonesia is the character of its unity which has so far been claimed not to be united by equality, but by difference, thus taking the official slogan of the Republic of Indonesia from the Sanskrit language "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika tan hana dharma mangrwa" (Santoso & Tantular, 1975) which can be interpreted as “these are divided, but one too. There is no confusion in truth”. In the 1945 Constitution, it is also explained that Indonesia is a democracy. Since Indonesia became independent and sovereign as a country on August 17, 1945, the founders of the state through the 1945 Constitution (which was formalized on August 18, 1945) have determined that the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) adheres to the ideology of democracy, where sovereignty (the highest power) is in the hands of the People and is fully implemented by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). Thus it also means that the Republic of Indonesia is classified as a country that embraces the understanding of Representative Democracy (Marzuki, 2014). The pattern of democratic leadership in Indonesia cannot be separated from the party system. The policy of a president will be greatly influenced by the platforms carried by his party supporters. President Soekarno, for example, although initially one of the founders of the Indonesian National Party (PNI) in 1927, ended his government in 1965-1966 when he was supported by a party with an ideological basis opposed to the PNI, namely the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). These ideological differences make the potential for conflict always exist; polarization has become an issue of national political communication. The political elite uses the issue of polarization of power and negates the mandate that has been given by the people (Jaya Saputra & Besman, 2017). Indonesia needs a policy to manage the existing potential conflicts to make it a positive force in managing the country. Conflict management is intended to reach an effective compromise while finding a middle way (Wirawan, 2013). The concept of this middle way is one of the visions contained in the political aspect of Indonesia's national resilience, which includes all aspects of national life which is integrated. It contains tenacity and resilience which has the ability to develop national strength in facing all kinds of threats, disturbances, obstacles. and challenges both from outside and from within the country. This national resilience ensures identity, integrity, the survival of the nation and state, and the struggle to achieve national goals. The blueprint for the middle way communication pattern was actually given by Soekarno through the Nationalists, Religions and Communism (Winata, 2017). However, along with the end of communism by the New Order, the communication only left for the Nationalists and Religious, 49 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(5), SPRING, 2021 although on various occasions, the Communism was re-awakened to gain electoral benefits. This research also opens the possibility of additional factions in the course of the research, including factions that are not included specifically in Soekarno's blueprint, such as the military and pressure groups. Harold Crouch (1971) researched the role of the post-coup military on September 30, 1965 in creating the new order politics. Crouch concludes that there are two basic elements to seeing how the attitude of the government has treated (communication) politics since 1967. First, he saw the government systematically allowing civilians to use political parties as a natural means of conveying expression and also connecting (as well as monitoring) its citizens. Second, the government actually uses political communication channels to prevent illegal political party from becoming a real threat to the ruling government authority. Examples of cases raised by Crouch include the treatment of the government at that time which held the leaders of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) so that it automatically mobilized NU followers to support the new order. Automatically the government did not need to do much, because the Islamic political communication channels at that time were already controlled and NU followers were directed to take an anti-PKI attitude which was considered to be opposed to the religious community. According Lingga Winata (2017) Nasakom was an ideology that was tried to be applied during the guided democracy era, but Nasakom failed. Through the theory used as a unit of analysis in research, it can be seen that an ideology is said to be successful if it has three functions that run well. The first function is a distortion function, the second is a legitimacy function and the last is an integration function. The function of distortion means that ideology is used as a tool to maintain the power of a ruler, while the function of integration means that ideology is a tool to maintain the integrity of the nation and maintain the existence of the nation. Based on these two functions, the legitimacy function becomes a connecting function between distortion and integration. If these three functions work well, the ideology can be said to be successful. This is what the Nasakom ideology lacks. Nasakom failed because its legitimacy function did not work properly so that the distortion and integration functions could not go one way. Nasakom failed because there were pros and cons in its implementation which indicated the failure of the legitimacy process, this was also driven by the failure of the 30 September Movement events. In this incident, PKI was accused of being the mastermind behind the movement. The failure of Nasakom's legitimacy which had an impact on the legitimacy of Soekarno's power caused Nasakom to become a failed ideology because it was unable to achieve the integrity of the nation as expected from the integration function expected from an ideology. In general, this study aims to identify and identify the map of political communication that occurred in Indonesia, during the era of President Soekarno. This study examines the policies and strategies of political communication channels that occur in each regime then applies the results of these studies into a historical-based political communication system model so that it can be used as a guide for effective political communication.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Table of Content
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Elites and economic policies in Indonesia and Nigeria, 1966-1998 Fuady, A.H. Publication date 2012 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Fuady, A. H. (2012). Elites and economic policies in Indonesia and Nigeria, 1966-1998. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:29 Sep 2021 Chapter 6 Elites and Industrialization Policy Industrialization has been regarded as a major factor contributing to divergent economic development in Asia and Africa. This has also been a feature of Indonesia–Nigeria comparisons since the 1980s. Since the mid- 1980s, the manufacturing sector has been an engine of growth in Indonesia. Contribution of the sector to the country‟s GDP increased significantly, from 8 percent in 1965 to 29 percent in 2003 (World Bank, 2007b).
    [Show full text]
  • INDONESIA's FOREIGN POLICY and BANTAN NUGROHO Dalhousie
    INDONESIA'S FOREIGN POLICY AND ASEAN BANTAN NUGROHO Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia September, 1996 O Copyright by Bantan Nugroho, 1996 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibbgraphic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant a la National Lïbraiy of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distn'buer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous papa or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fïim, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substautid extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. DEDICATION To my beloved Parents, my dear fie, Amiza, and my Son, Panji Bharata, who came into this world in the winter of '96. They have been my source of strength ail through the year of my studies. May aii this intellectual experience have meaning for hem in the friture. TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents v List of Illustrations vi Abstract vii List of Abbreviations viii Acknowledgments xi Chapter One : Introduction Chapter Two : indonesian Foreign Policy A.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: a Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System
    Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: John O. Haley, Chair Michael E. Townsend Beth E. Rivin Program Authorized to Offer Degree School of Law © Copyright 2015 Yu Un Oppusunggu ii University of Washington Abstract Sudargo Gautama and the Development of Indonesian Public Order: A Study on the Application of Public Order Doctrine in a Pluralistic Legal System Yu Un Oppusunggu Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor John O. Haley School of Law A sweeping proviso that protects basic or fundamental interests of a legal system is known in various names – ordre public, public policy, public order, government’s interest or Vorbehaltklausel. This study focuses on the concept of Indonesian public order in private international law. It argues that Indonesia has extraordinary layers of pluralism with respect to its people, statehood and law. Indonesian history is filled with the pursuit of nationhood while protecting diversity. The legal system has been the unifying instrument for the nation. However the selected cases on public order show that the legal system still lacks in coherence. Indonesian courts have treated public order argument inconsistently. A prima facie observation may find Indonesian public order unintelligible, and the courts have gained notoriety for it. This study proposes a different perspective. It sees public order in light of Indonesia’s legal pluralism and the stages of legal development.
    [Show full text]
  • General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen
    30 General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen Simatupang Lt Gen Mokoginta Brig Jen Sukendro Let.Gen Mokoginta Ruslan Abdulgani Mhd Roem Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh, Agus Sudono Harry Tjan Hardi SH Letjen Djatikusumo Maj.Gen Sutjipto KH Musto'in Ramly Maj Gen Muskita Maj Gen Alamsyah Let Gen Sarbini TD Hafas Sajuti Melik Haji Princen Hugeng Imam Santoso Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh Subchan Liem Bian Kie Suripto Mhd Roem Maj.Gen Wijono Yassien Ron Hatley 30 General Nasution (24-7-73) Nasution (N) first suggested a return to the 1945 constitution in 1955 during the Pemilu. When Subandrio went to China in 1965, Nasution suggested that if China really wanted to help Indonesia, she should cut off supplies to Hongkong. According to Nasution, BK was serious about Maphilindo but Aidit convinced him that he was a world leader, not just a regional leader. In 1960 BK became head of Peperti which made him very influential in the AD with authority over the regional commanders. In 1962 N was replaced by Yani. According to the original concept, N would become Menteri Hankam/Panglima ABRI. However Omar Dhani wrote a letter to BK (probably proposed by Subandrio or BK himself). Sukarno (chief of police) supported Omar Dhani secara besar). Only Martadinata defended to original plan while Yani was 'plin-plan'. Meanwhile Nasution had proposed Gatot Subroto as the new Kasad but BK rejected this because he felt that he could not menguasai Gatot. Nas then proposed the two Let.Gens. - Djatikusuma and Hidayat but they were rejected by BK.
    [Show full text]
  • Indo 15 0 1107128614 109
    Top to bottom: Harian Rakjat, April 24, 1965. Madjalah Angkatan Bersen- dj ata, I, No. 7 (May 1965), back cover. Harian Rakjat, April 19, 1965. SUKARNO: RADICAL OR CONSERVATIVE? INDONESIAN POLITICS 1964-5 Peter Christian Hauswedell The passing of the Orde Lama in Indonesia and the death of Presi­ dent Sukarno seem too recent, and political emotions are still too high to arrive at a definitive characterization of the nature of the political system and its leader. The apparent contradictions between the ideological dynamism and the social conservatism1 of Guided Democ­ racy, the lack of conclusive evidence about Sukarno’s final political intentions, and the chaotic, even apocalyptic period before the sudden demise of the system a ll contribute to the d iffic u lt y of c la s s ific a ­ tion. Finally, the dramatic events around the October 1, 1965 coup attempt have distracted our attention unduly. In Indonesia itself, the political atmosphere does not yet allow an objective assessment of the period. Since nearly all members of the present elite were in one way or another deeply involved in the events of that time, there are few publications about the period, and they have been rather polemical and unsystematic.2 Any study which contributes to our knowledge of Sukarno and Indo­ nesian p o lit ic s before the coup is therefore more than welcome, and John D. Legge’s recent political biography of the former President3 is the first ambitious attempt to portray this certainly complex, and often contradictory political leader.1* Although solid in factual 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Back in Asia: the US's TPP Initiative and Its Implications for China
    Southeast Asian Journal of Social and Political Issues, Vol. 1, No. 2, March 2012 | 126 Back in Asia: the US’s TPP Initiative and its Implications for China Zhang Zhen-Jiang 张振江 (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Jinan University, Guangzhou, China) Abstract Trans-Pacific Partnership develops from the Pacific Three Closer Economic Partnership (P3-CEP) initiated by Chile, Singapore and New Zealand in 2002 and joined by Brunei in 2005. The four countries finally finished their talks and singed the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (P4) on June 3rd, 2005. American President George W. Bush announced that the US would join TPP in late 2008. It was suspended by new American President Barrack Obama for his trade policy review. However, the US government restarted its joining efforts in late 2009 and was quickly joined by several other countries. This paper aims to investigate the origin, nature and development of TPP, analyze America’s motivations, and study its possible impacts upon the East Asian Regionalism in general and upon China in particular. Finally, the author calls for China to take the active policy to join the TPP negotiating process. Keywords: TPP, America’s Trade Policy, East Asian Regionalism, China Introduction On December 14 2009, the Office of the United States Trade Representative formally notified the Congress that Obama Administration is planning to engage with the “Trans-Pacific Partnership” (thereafter “TPP”). American government formally started the first round negotiation with Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Chile, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam in March 15-18, 2010 in Melbourne. Up to now, seven rounds of negotiations have been held (Round 2 in San Francisco in June 11-18 2010, Round 3 in Brunei in October 7-8 2010, Round 4 in Auckland in December 6-8, 2010, Round 5 in Santiago in February 14-18 2011, Round 6 in Singapore in April 2011, and Round 7 in Ho Chi Minh City in June 19-24 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Research Study
    *. APPROVED FOR RELEASE DATE:.( mY 2007 I, Research Study liWOlVEXZ4-1965 neCoup That Batkfired December 1968- i i ! This publication is prepared for tbe w of US. Cavernmeat officials. The formaf coverage urd contents of tbe puti+tim are designed to meet the specific requirements of those u~n.US. Covernment offids may obtain additional copies of this document directly or through liaison hl from the Cend InteIIigencx Agency. Non-US. Government usem myobtain this dong with rimikr CIA publications on a subscription bask by addressing inquiries to: Document Expediting (DOCEX) bject Exchange and Gift Division Library of Con- Washington, D.C ZOSaO Non-US. Gowrrrmmt users not interested in the DOCEX Project subscription service may purchase xeproductio~~of rpecific publications on nn individual hasis from: Photoduplication Servia Libmy of Congress W~hington,D.C. 20540 f ? INDONESIA - 1965 The Coup That Backfired December 1968 BURY& LAOS TMAILANO CAYBODIA SOUTU VICINAY PHILIPPIIEL b. .- .r4.n MALAYSIA INDONESIA . .. .. 4. , 1. AUSTRALIA JAVA Foreword What is commonly referred to as the Indonesian coup is more properly called "The 30 September Movement," the name the conspirators themselves gave their movement. In this paper, the term "Indonesian coup" is used inter- changeably with "The 30 September Movement ," mainly for the sake of variety. It is technically correct to refer to the events in lndonesia as a "coup" in the literal sense of the word, meaning "a sudden, forceful stroke in politics." To the extent that the word has been accepted in common usage to mean "the sudden and forcible overthrow - of the government ," however, it may be misleading.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER III Political Thought of Mohammad Natsir A. Biography Of
    CHAPTER III Political Thought of Mohammad Natsir A. Biography of Mohammad Natsir 1. Life of Mohammad Natsir Mohammad Natsir was born in Alahan Panjang, Gumanti valley, Solok district , West Sumatra province on July 17th, 1908 from his parents Mohammad Idris Sutan Saripado and Khadijah.1 In his childhood, Natsir and his family lived in the Sutan Rajo Ameh’s house, a famous coffee merchant there. By the owner, the house was divided into two parts; Natsir and his family live on the left and Mohammad Idris Sutan Saripado stay to the right.2 Natsir has three siblings, namely Yukinan, Rubiah, and Yohanusun. His last father position was as a government employee in Alahan Panjang, while his grandfather was an Islamic scholar. He later became the custom authorities for his people who came from Maninjau, Tanjung Raya, Agam with title Datuk Sinaro nan panjang.3 Natsir started an education at the Elementary School Maninjau for two Years until the second grade, and then moved to Hollandsch-Inlandsche School (HIS) Adabiyah in Padang .4 After a few months, he moved to Solok and cared in the house merchant namely Haji Musa. Beside studied in HIS in day, he also studien in Madrasah diniyah at the evening.5 Three years later, he moved back to HIS in Padang with his sister. In 1923, he continued his studies at Meer Uitgebreid Lager Onderwijs (MULO) then joined the youth associations as Pandu Nationale Islamietische Pavinderij and Jong Islamieten Bond. After graduating from MULO, he moved to Bandung to study at the General Middelbare 1Thohir Luth, Natsir, Dakwah dan Pemikirannya, Jakarta, Gema Insani, 1999, P.
    [Show full text]
  • THE NEW ORDER and the ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D
    THE NEW ORDER AND THE ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D. Thomas It is rather ironic to recall President Sukarno’s "banting stir" speech of April 11, 1965. Just one year and a day after that speech, the Sultan of Jogjakarta, Presidium member for economic and financial affairs outlined the economic policy of the "perfected" Dwikora cabinet, which was formed as a result of the first major cabinet reshuffle after the abortive coup. In it, the Sultan envisaged a substantial "turn of the wheel", but it was a "banting stir" in a direction not intended by the President the previous year when he had concentrated his attacks on foreign capital and private entrepreneurs. In the months that followed the Sultan’s speech, there was a vigorous debate among the nation’s intellectuals on the content of In­ donesian socialism in the new era and the way in which the "just and prosperous society" so dear to the President1 was to be attained. Prominent in the debates were several groups of intellec­ tuals scattered throughout the capital city: some affiliated to political parties, others in such organizations as the In­ tellectuals’ Action Group (KASI). Membership in the various groups is not mutually exclusive. It is possible for a per­ son to belong to a political party and also to be an active participant in several formal and informal groups interested in discussing economic problems and taking steps to influence the government. So a program issued under the name of a par­ ticular organization cannot be regarded as the brain-child of that group alone.
    [Show full text]
  • 365 Sistem Ketatanegaraan Indonesia Pada Masa
    Jurnal HISTORIA Volume 6, Nomor 2, Tahun 2018, ISSN 2337-4713 (e-ISSN 2442-8728) SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA PADA MASA DEMOKRASI LIBERAL TAHUN 1950- 1959 Johan Setiawan Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah, Program Pascasarjana Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta [email protected] Wahyu Ida Permatasari Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah, Program Pascasarjana Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta [email protected] Dyah Kumalasari Program Studi Pendidikan Sejarah, Program Pascasarjana Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta [email protected] Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana landasan dasar sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia, kelengkapan alat-alat negara dan kabinet-kabinet yang memerintah pada masa demokrasi liberal tahun 1950-1959. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah dengan langkah sebagai berikut: (1) heuristik, (2) kritik sumber, (3) interpretasi, (4) historiografi. Hasil penelitian yang diperoleh yaitu: (1) Landasan dasar yang digunakan dalam demokrasi liberal yaitu UUDS 1950,(2) Alat-alat kelengkapan negara menurut UUDS 1950 yaitu Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, menteri-menteri, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Mahkamah Agung dan Dewan Pengawas Keuangan, (3) Kabinet yang memerintah masa demokrasi liberal di Indonesia 1950-1959 yaitu Kabinet Natsir, Kabinet Sukiman, Kabinet Wilopo, Kabinet Ali Satromidjojo I, Kabinet Burharuddin Harahap, Kabinet Ali Satromidjojo II dan Kabinet Djuanda Kata kunci: sistem ketatanegaraan indonesia, demokrasi liberal, 1950-1959. Abstract This study aims to find out how the basic foundation
    [Show full text]
  • The Partai Nasional Indonesia, 1963
    THE PARTAI NASIONAL INDONESIA 1963-1965 J. Eliseo Rocamora Reputations once acquired are hard to shed. The stereotype of the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) as an opportunist, conservative party composed of Javanese prijaji elements remains despite basic changes which occurred within the party in the later years of Guided Democracy. Tljis undifferentiated image of the PNI arose in the early 1950's and, for that time, it represented a fairly accurate, though limited, description. As the party began to change under the impetus of Guided Democracy politics and the push of internal party dynamics, Indonesian and foreign observers either disregarded the party alto­ gether or tended to seek explanations for these changes in outside factors." Thus, the PNI's "turn to the left," in the 1963 to 1965 period, was termed variously as: an opportunistic response to the increasingly leftist politics of Guided Democracy; the result of strong pressure from President Sukarno; or the work of PKI (Communist Party) infiltration of the party leadership. The fact that Djakarta's political cognoscenti-- journalists and intellectuals--continue to espouse and disseminate this interpreta­ tion reflects biases born of their own political attitudes and in­ volvement. A similarly-limited view of the PNI in Western academic literature is in part the result of the paucity of work on the Guided Democracy period and in part a consequence of an excessive concentra­ tion on a few actors at the center. The generally-accepted framework for analyzing Guided Democracy politics1--a three-sided triangle made up of Sukarno, the Army and the PKI--only explains certain facets of Indonesian politics, that is, the major battles for ideological and institutional predominance.
    [Show full text]
  • Mohammad Natsir, Character Education, and Its Relevance to The
    TAWARIKH: International Journal for Historical Studies, 5(1) October 2013 ANZAR ABDULLAH Mohammad Natsir, Character Education, and its Relevance to the National Education System: A Study of the Educational Thought in Effort to Build the Students’ Noble Characters in Indonesia ABSTRACT: The main problem in this research is the constellation of Mohammad Natsir educational thought in an effort to build a noble character of learners in the National Education System. A primary issue is described in three sub-problems, namely: How does the concept of Islamic educational thought of Mohammad Natsir?; How does the concept of noble character that became Mohammad Natsir’s educational purposes?; and What methods of Islamic education, according to Mohammad Natsir, in an effort to build a noble character of learners? Above problems is assessed through methods of library research that is qualitative and using descriptive analysis. Data was collected through a variety of written sources, such as books, papers, magazines, and journals related to the research focus. The results showed that the concept of educational thought in Islam, according to Mohammad Natsir, to build a noble character of students, namely: (1) the Purpose of Islamic education is servitude to Allah; (2) Man/woman as an actor and educational goals, aiming to cultivate the competences of 'aqliyah, qalbiyah, and 'amaliyah; (3) Principles of Islamic education is monotheism; (4) Sources of Islamic education is the Al-Qur'an, Al-Sunnah, and ijtihad; and (5) Method of Islamic education is exemplary and habituation. Mohammad Natsir also stated that there are four pillars of education for Islamic ummah, namely: family, Islamic boarding schools, schools institution, and mosques.
    [Show full text]