365 Sistem Ketatanegaraan Indonesia Pada Masa
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Management of Communism Issues in the Soekarno Era (1959-1966)
57-67REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHICAL EDUCATION ISSN: 2146-0353 ● © RIGEO ● 11(5), SPRING, 2021 www.rigeo.org Research Article Management of Communism Issues in The Soekarno Era (1959-1966) Abie Besman1 Dian Wardiana Sjuchro2 Faculty of Communication Science, Universitas Faculty of Communication Science, Universitas Padjadjaran Padjadjaran [email protected] Abstract The focus of this research is on the handling of the problem of communism in the Nasakom ideology through the policies and patterns of political communication of President Soekarno's government. The Nasakom ideology was used by the Soekarno government since the Presidential Decree in 1959. Soekarno's middle way solution to stop the chaos of the liberal democracy period opened up new conflicts and feuds between the PKI and the Indonesian National Army. The compromise management style is used to reduce conflicts between interests. The method used in this research is the historical method. The results showed that the approach adopted by President Soekarno failed. Soekarno tried to unite all the ideologies that developed at that time, but did not take into account the political competition between factions. This conflict even culminated in the events of September 30 and the emergence of a new order. This research is part of a broader study to examine the management of the issue of communism in each political regime in Indonesia. Keywords Nasakom; Soekarno; Issue Management; Communism; Literature Study To cite this article: Besman, A.; and Sj uchro, D, W. (2021) Management of Communism Issues in The Soekarno Era (1959-1966). Review of International Geographical Education (RIGEO), 11(5), 48-56. -
Table of Content
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Elites and economic policies in Indonesia and Nigeria, 1966-1998 Fuady, A.H. Publication date 2012 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Fuady, A. H. (2012). Elites and economic policies in Indonesia and Nigeria, 1966-1998. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:29 Sep 2021 Chapter 6 Elites and Industrialization Policy Industrialization has been regarded as a major factor contributing to divergent economic development in Asia and Africa. This has also been a feature of Indonesia–Nigeria comparisons since the 1980s. Since the mid- 1980s, the manufacturing sector has been an engine of growth in Indonesia. Contribution of the sector to the country‟s GDP increased significantly, from 8 percent in 1965 to 29 percent in 2003 (World Bank, 2007b). -
Back in Asia: the US's TPP Initiative and Its Implications for China
Southeast Asian Journal of Social and Political Issues, Vol. 1, No. 2, March 2012 | 126 Back in Asia: the US’s TPP Initiative and its Implications for China Zhang Zhen-Jiang 张振江 (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Jinan University, Guangzhou, China) Abstract Trans-Pacific Partnership develops from the Pacific Three Closer Economic Partnership (P3-CEP) initiated by Chile, Singapore and New Zealand in 2002 and joined by Brunei in 2005. The four countries finally finished their talks and singed the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (P4) on June 3rd, 2005. American President George W. Bush announced that the US would join TPP in late 2008. It was suspended by new American President Barrack Obama for his trade policy review. However, the US government restarted its joining efforts in late 2009 and was quickly joined by several other countries. This paper aims to investigate the origin, nature and development of TPP, analyze America’s motivations, and study its possible impacts upon the East Asian Regionalism in general and upon China in particular. Finally, the author calls for China to take the active policy to join the TPP negotiating process. Keywords: TPP, America’s Trade Policy, East Asian Regionalism, China Introduction On December 14 2009, the Office of the United States Trade Representative formally notified the Congress that Obama Administration is planning to engage with the “Trans-Pacific Partnership” (thereafter “TPP”). American government formally started the first round negotiation with Australia, Brunei Darussalam, Chile, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam in March 15-18, 2010 in Melbourne. Up to now, seven rounds of negotiations have been held (Round 2 in San Francisco in June 11-18 2010, Round 3 in Brunei in October 7-8 2010, Round 4 in Auckland in December 6-8, 2010, Round 5 in Santiago in February 14-18 2011, Round 6 in Singapore in April 2011, and Round 7 in Ho Chi Minh City in June 19-24 2011). -
THE NEW ORDER and the ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D
THE NEW ORDER AND THE ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D. Thomas It is rather ironic to recall President Sukarno’s "banting stir" speech of April 11, 1965. Just one year and a day after that speech, the Sultan of Jogjakarta, Presidium member for economic and financial affairs outlined the economic policy of the "perfected" Dwikora cabinet, which was formed as a result of the first major cabinet reshuffle after the abortive coup. In it, the Sultan envisaged a substantial "turn of the wheel", but it was a "banting stir" in a direction not intended by the President the previous year when he had concentrated his attacks on foreign capital and private entrepreneurs. In the months that followed the Sultan’s speech, there was a vigorous debate among the nation’s intellectuals on the content of In donesian socialism in the new era and the way in which the "just and prosperous society" so dear to the President1 was to be attained. Prominent in the debates were several groups of intellec tuals scattered throughout the capital city: some affiliated to political parties, others in such organizations as the In tellectuals’ Action Group (KASI). Membership in the various groups is not mutually exclusive. It is possible for a per son to belong to a political party and also to be an active participant in several formal and informal groups interested in discussing economic problems and taking steps to influence the government. So a program issued under the name of a par ticular organization cannot be regarded as the brain-child of that group alone. -
The Partai Nasional Indonesia, 1963
THE PARTAI NASIONAL INDONESIA 1963-1965 J. Eliseo Rocamora Reputations once acquired are hard to shed. The stereotype of the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) as an opportunist, conservative party composed of Javanese prijaji elements remains despite basic changes which occurred within the party in the later years of Guided Democracy. Tljis undifferentiated image of the PNI arose in the early 1950's and, for that time, it represented a fairly accurate, though limited, description. As the party began to change under the impetus of Guided Democracy politics and the push of internal party dynamics, Indonesian and foreign observers either disregarded the party alto gether or tended to seek explanations for these changes in outside factors." Thus, the PNI's "turn to the left," in the 1963 to 1965 period, was termed variously as: an opportunistic response to the increasingly leftist politics of Guided Democracy; the result of strong pressure from President Sukarno; or the work of PKI (Communist Party) infiltration of the party leadership. The fact that Djakarta's political cognoscenti-- journalists and intellectuals--continue to espouse and disseminate this interpreta tion reflects biases born of their own political attitudes and in volvement. A similarly-limited view of the PNI in Western academic literature is in part the result of the paucity of work on the Guided Democracy period and in part a consequence of an excessive concentra tion on a few actors at the center. The generally-accepted framework for analyzing Guided Democracy politics1--a three-sided triangle made up of Sukarno, the Army and the PKI--only explains certain facets of Indonesian politics, that is, the major battles for ideological and institutional predominance. -
Mohammad Natsir, Character Education, and Its Relevance to The
TAWARIKH: International Journal for Historical Studies, 5(1) October 2013 ANZAR ABDULLAH Mohammad Natsir, Character Education, and its Relevance to the National Education System: A Study of the Educational Thought in Effort to Build the Students’ Noble Characters in Indonesia ABSTRACT: The main problem in this research is the constellation of Mohammad Natsir educational thought in an effort to build a noble character of learners in the National Education System. A primary issue is described in three sub-problems, namely: How does the concept of Islamic educational thought of Mohammad Natsir?; How does the concept of noble character that became Mohammad Natsir’s educational purposes?; and What methods of Islamic education, according to Mohammad Natsir, in an effort to build a noble character of learners? Above problems is assessed through methods of library research that is qualitative and using descriptive analysis. Data was collected through a variety of written sources, such as books, papers, magazines, and journals related to the research focus. The results showed that the concept of educational thought in Islam, according to Mohammad Natsir, to build a noble character of students, namely: (1) the Purpose of Islamic education is servitude to Allah; (2) Man/woman as an actor and educational goals, aiming to cultivate the competences of 'aqliyah, qalbiyah, and 'amaliyah; (3) Principles of Islamic education is monotheism; (4) Sources of Islamic education is the Al-Qur'an, Al-Sunnah, and ijtihad; and (5) Method of Islamic education is exemplary and habituation. Mohammad Natsir also stated that there are four pillars of education for Islamic ummah, namely: family, Islamic boarding schools, schools institution, and mosques. -
Mohammad Natsir (1948) in M E M O R Ia M : M O H a M M a D N a T S Ir (1907- 1993)
Mohammad Natsir (1948) In M e m o r ia m : M o h a m m a d N a t s ir (1907- 1993) George McT. Kahin On February 6,1993 Mohammad Natsir died in Jakarta at the age of 84. Last of the giants among Indonesia's nationalist and revolutionary political leaders, he undoubtedly had more influence on the course of Islamic thought and politics in postwar Indonesia than any of his contemporaries. By nature extraordinarily modest and unpretentious, he had a well deserved reputation for personal integrity and political probity. He always lived sim ply with respect to house and attire, even in 1950 as prime minister. (When I first met him in 1948 and he was the Republic's minister of information, I found a man in what was surely the most mended shirt of any official in Yogyakarta; it was his only shirt, and the staff of his office a few weeks later pooled their resources to get him a new one in order, they told me, that their boss would look like "a real minister.") Bom of Minangkabau parents in the West Sumatran town of Alahan Panjang ( some 30 miles south of Solok) on July 17,1908, Natsir grew up in what he remembered to be a very religious area. It was also agriculturally prosperous—in contrast, he recalled, to the impov erished nearby Silungkung district which was a center of the Communist uprising of 1927. His father was a clerk in a government office in Alahan Panjang who had graduated from an Indonesian language primary school and did not know Dutch (HIS schools had not yet been established in the area). -
(PSI) 1950-1959: Political Role and Progress During Liberal Democracy
Indonesian Historical Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, 61-70 © 2018 The Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI) 1950-1959: Political Role and Progress during Liberal Democracy Armedyestu Priyonggo, Yety Rochwulaningsih, Indriyanto Magister Ilmu Sejarah, Fakultas Ilmu Budaya, Universitas Diponegoro *Penulis Korespondensi: [email protected] Abstract The establishment of PSI was a continuation of the movement of youth groups during the period of the National Movement which the members came from intellectual elites named PNI Baru. This organization had an important role in the form of Parliamentary Democracy system in Indonesia. During independence period, PNI Baru became a political party called Partai Rakyat Sosialis (Paras), Paras then affiliated with Partai Sosialis Indonesia (Parsi) to become the Received: Partai Sosialis in the late of 1945. Partai Sosialis appeared convincing as July 2, 2018 the dominating party in the course of Indonesian politics in early Accepted: independence, placing Sjahrir and Amir as cabinet leaders for five October 28, 2018 consecutive periods. After the name of Partai Sosialis changed into PSI on February 12, 1948, the party was unable to be considered as a potential political party anymore. PSI had no chance to contribute to the political dynamics of Indonesia at that time. It was only after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty that the PSI was able to carry out effective party work, including their involvement in cabinet in the 1950s. The PSI members were responsible of serving the government as ministers in the structure of the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo Cabinet of 1952 and Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with PSI also became party representatives to serve the government during that period. -
A LIFE UNDER THREE FLAGS by Peter Liang Tek
A LIFE UNDER THREE FLAGS By Peter Liang Tek Sun ii Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History At the University of Western Sydney, March, 2008 I thank my Heavenly Father in Jesus Christ very much for this great opportunity to study for the Ph.D. degree with the University of Western Sydney; and for His blessing to me that I may remain alive during the dysentery epidemic, the Second World War and during the dangerous accidents which have happened to me. I had to take a break from finishing this thesis between year 2000 and 2003 because of a heart attack after having some hard times in the Indonesian Presbyterian Church, Randwick, Sydney. Praise the Lord that I now have the strength and courage to finish it as I had hoped before. I am grateful to Elizabeth T.H. Tan, Winny, Abrams, Adela, Alvin, Caroline and Amanda for their support. May God bless them forever. iii To the memory of my beloved late parents: Father SUN SENG TJAY Mother KWA ROSE NIO Who have taken good care of me with love and sacrifice, Especially when I was suffering from Dysentery, Typhus and Eye disease. iv To my loving wife Elizabeth T.H.Tan, and my devoted sons and daughters : Abrams H. Dj. Sun Liana H.L. Sun Lucia H.L. Sun Winny H.B. Sun Loeki H.K. Sun Leo H.L. Sun Benjamin H.Tj. Sun Who all have given me moral support and are eagerly awaiting the result of my thesis. v A LIFE UNDER THREE FLAGS Contents Growing up in the Dutch East Indies, 1919-1942 11 Experiencing War and Japanese Occupation, 1942-1945 83 Making a Life in a Time of Revolution, 1945-1949 131 Turbulent National Politics and Personal Business 176 during the Sukarno Era, 1950-1966 Conclusion 243 Abbreviations 246 Bibliography 250 vi BIOGRAPHICAL SUMMARY The author was born on 2 October 1919, in Cilimus, Cirebon, West Java, Indonesia. -
A Comparative Analysis of Indonesia and Turkey's
T.R. ULUDAĞ UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES COURSE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INDONESIA AND TURKEY’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD THE MIDDLE EAST: THE CASE STUDY OF PALESTINE ISSUE AND SYRIA CRISIS (MASTER DEGREE THESIS) Noor Fahmi PRAMUJI BURSA – 2018 T.R. ULUDAĞ UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES COURSE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INDONESIA AND TURKEY’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD THE MIDDLE EAST: THE CASE STUDY OF PALESTINE ISSUE AND SYRIA CRISIS (MASTER DEGREE THESIS) Noor Fahmi PRAMUJI Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Tayyar ARI BURSA – 2018 ABSTRACT Name and Surname : Noor Fahmi PRAMUJI University : Uludağ University Institution : Institute of Social Sciences Field : International Relations Branch : International Relations Degree Awarded : Master Thesis Page Number : xxi + 229 Degree Date : …. /…. /2018 Supervisor : Prof. Dr. Tayyar ARI A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INDONESIA AND TURKEY’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARD THE MIDDLE EAST: THE CASE STUDY OF PALESTINE ISSUE AND SYRIA CRISIS This study aims to perform a comparative analysis of Turkey and Indonesia's foreign policy on Palestine Issue and Syria Crisis in particular. It also reviews both countries’ foreign policy toward the Middle East since their declaration of becoming Republic states in general. As foreign policy theory, neoclassical realism is applied. It then discusses changing dynamics and analyses influential factors shaping Turkey and Indonesia policies of Palestine Issue and Syria Crisis at the unit and systemic level of analysis. It summarises that the factors of leaders' perceptions upon international and regional systemic changing trends and pressures as well as state powers have become influential factors. In case of Palestine issue, during 2004-2016, Turkish domestic politics has undergone domestic transformations namely first public opinion and civil society's roles influence the foreign policy. -
Political Conflict and Instability in Indonesia, 1949-1959
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1972 Political Conflict and Instability in Indonesia, 1949-1959 Beatrice Jean Stagg College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the History of the Pacific Islands Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Stagg, Beatrice Jean, "Political Conflict and Instability in Indonesia, 1949-1959" (1972). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539624795. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-nf61-we05 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICAL CONFLICT AND INSTABILITY IN INDONESIA: 19^9 - 1959 POLITICAL CONFLICT AND INSTABILITY IN INDONESIA: 19^9 - 1959 A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Sociology The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Beatrice Jean Stagg 1972 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Approved, September 1972 Edwin H. Rhyne Vernon H. Edmonds ii 576922 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.......... ......... iv ABSTRACT................ ........... v CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ........... 2 Some Theoretical Considerations CHAPTER II. HISTORICAL AND SOCIOCULTURAL BACKGROUND ........ ......... 29 Impact of Western Colonial Rule Indonesian Nationalist Movement CHAPTER III. POLITICAL STRUCTURE AND PROCESS . 65 Political Systems Its Major Elements Political Process 1 1949-1959 CHAPTER IV. -
Unpacking the Inclusion Experience of Islamist Parties in Three Different Political Systems in Indon
Conditions for Moderation: Unpacking the Inclusion Experience of Islamist Parties in Three Different Political Systems in Indonesia A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Sri Murniati August 2008 2 © 2008 Sri Murniati All Rights Reserved 3 This thesis is titled Conditions for Moderation: Unpacking the Inclusion Experience of Islamist Parties in Three Different Political Systems in Indonesia by SRI MURNIATI has been approved for the Department of Political Science and the College of Arts and Sciences by Julie A. White Associate Professor of Political Science Benjamin M. Ogles Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 4 ABSTRACT MURNIATI, SRI, M.A., August 2008, Political Science Conditions for Moderation: Unpacking Inclusion Experience of Islamist Parties in Three Different Political Systems in Indonesia (63 pp.) Director of Thesis: Julie A. White Inclusion of Islamist parties in the political process has been assumed to generate moderation of their ideological outlook because it provides opportunities to undergo political learning and recalculate their strategies. However, inclusion of Islamist parties in three different political systems in Indonesia shows that inclusion does not necessarily result in moderation, under certain condition it even appears to result in radicalization. This thesis hypothesizes that the different impact of inclusion on the moderation of Islamist parties results from the manner in which they are included in the political process. To prove the hypothesis, the thesis explores the process of inclusion of Islamist parties in the legislative and executive politics of three different political systems in Indonesia (Representative Democracy of 1956-1959, Authoritarian Regime of 1971- 1998, and New Democracy of 1998-2004).