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$Tl]DH M INDONESIAN,Tournal for Rslamtc Studtes Volume 7, Number 2,2000 $Tl]DH m INDONESIAN,TouRNAL FoR rsLAMtc sTUDTES Volume 7, Number 2,2000 Cu[ural Presentation of the Muslim Mioote Ctass in Contemporary Indonesia Moeflich Hasbullah Redefining "Political lshm" in Indonesia: Nahdlatul Ulama and Knittatr 'zo Robin Bush lshmic Reform in Gntest: Atrmad Hassan and His Traditionalist Opponents Akh. Minhaji lssN 0215-0492 $TUDIA ISI,A1I{II{A lndonesian Joumal for lslamic Studies Vol.7, n0.2,2000 EDITORIALBOARD: M. Qurnish Shihab (IAIN Jakarta) Tnufik Abdullnh (LIPI lakarta) Nur M. Fadhil Lubis (IAIN Sumatra Utara) M.C. Ricklefs (Melbourne Uniaersity ) Mnrtin ttan Bruinessen (Utrecht Uniaersity) lohn R. Boroen (Washington Uniuersity, St. Louis) M. Atho Mudzhar (IAIN Yogyaknrta) M. Knmnl Hasan (Internationnl Islamic Uniaersity, Kuala Lumpur) EDITOR-IN.CHIEF Azyumardi Azra EDITORS JolunH. Meuleman lnjat Burhanuddin Fuad labali lamhari Oman Fathttrahman ASSISTANT TO THE EDITORS HeniNuroni ENGLISH LANGUAGE ADVISOR Richard G. Kraince ARABIC LANGUAGE ADVISORS Nursamad COVERDESIGNER S. Prinka STUDTA ISLAMIKA (ISSN 0215-0492) is a journal published quarterly by the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM), IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah, lakarta (STT DEPPEN No. 129/SKDITIEN/PPG/STT/1.976) nnd sponsored by the Department of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia. lt specializes in Indonesian Islamic studies, and is intended to communicate original researches and current issues on the subject. This journnlroarmly welcomes contributions from scholars ofrelated disciplines. All articles published do not necessarily represent the aiews of the journal, or other institntions to which it is ffiliated. They are solely the aiews of the authors. The articles contained in this journnl haae been refereed by the Board of Editors. STIJDIA ISLAMIKA has been nccredited by The Ministry of National Education, Republic ofIndonesia as nn academic journal. Robin L. Bush Redefining "Political Islam" in Indonesia: Nahdlatul Ulam a and Khittah' 26 Abstraksi: Perbincangan sekiar hubungan politik dan agama di Ind'onesia senantizsa nrcrrcntpatkan klam pada posisi ydng sangat signifi'kan. kbagai dgaffM mayoritas, Islam berperan penting dakm mrnnttukan warara politik yang fukembangdi Ind,onesia. Hal ini antara hin ampak pada perkembang- an Nahdktul Ukma Q,{U), organisasi Islam wfuar di Indon'esia yang brdiri pada OZe. Dakm sejmah Ind.onesia, NU ikut mmerttukan rl)arnauacana politik di Indnnesia. Berbagai upaya tekb dilzkukan kalangan NU untuk. meru" muskan bubungannya dengan strukturpolitik dan negara. Artikel ini mmduknpsikan satu dinamika dakm tubuh NU dakm rang- ka mmrmuskzn posisi organisasi tersebut di tmgah berbagai perubahan poli- tik yang teqadi dalam sejarah Indonesia. Mulai dari keputusan NU untuk keluar dari partai politik Masyumi pada 1952, keputusan untuk ikut dalam pemilu 1955, perdebatan tsnta.ngasas negara di konstituante, dukunganpa"da Presiden Soekanro, dukungan pada Orde Baru, bubungan d'engan PPP (Par- tai Peratuan Pembangr.ruzn)-gabungan dari partai-partai Iskm-masalah rX/abid' Pancasik sebagai asas tungal, sampai naiknya Abdurrahman sebagai presidm kl; Semua siknp NU terhadap penstiwa'peristizaa di aws jeks'jelas mrngandung strd.tegi dan visi politik tertmtu Meski demikian, momrn paling peltting bagi NU dalam merumuskan ztisi politiknya adakb keputusan kongres NU di Situbond'o pada 1994. NU saat itu men)tatakan menarik. diri dari politik praktis dan kembali mmjad'i organisasi sosial-keagamnan. Keputusan itu, yang dikmal dmgan "kembali ke kbittab 25", kemudian mmjad.i kndasan penting bagi perumusan orien' tasi intelektual dan politik NU seknjutnya. Kalangan NU pod" dasarnla memiliki penafsiran yang beragam terbadap makna "khittalt" tersebut. Bagi sebagizn kTai dan politisi N(J, keputusan tersebut rnentpakan kesempaan mereka untuk, mmjalin bubungan dmgan Golkar dnn rezim Soebarto guna memperoleh keuntungan politik. Semmtara bagi intelektual dan aktift muda 59 Studia klamiha, VoL 7, No. 2,2000 Robin L. Bwb N(J, keputusan Muktamar Situbondo telab menciptakan ruang lebib lrcbas untuk mmjadi oposisi pemerinah dtngan zaadah informal yangtidak mudah dikoopasi, seperti kelompok kojio, dan LSM. Namun demikian, lepas dari berbagai penafsiran di atas, hal terpenting untuk dicatat adakb bahzpa "kembali ke kbitub 26" tampaknya lebih ber- pisi fungsi sebagai sebuah strategi NU dzlam merumuskan dan agenda poli tik mereka. Keputusan tersebut bahkan dapat dtpahami sebagai "instrumsn politik" NtJ dalam mmjauab suasana politik yang berkembang saat itu' Jika sebelumnya mereka bupolitik memakai pangung partai politik-yak- ni PPP- maka sej ak khrttah, NU berpolitik "tanpa pangung. " Artiny a, NU berpolitik dengan tidak. mmggwnakan strukturformal polttik seperti partai politik, melainkz.n berpolitik di luar kerangkapolitik negara. Dengan demiki- an NU dapat dengan leluasa memberdayakan kesadaran politik di tingkat grass-roots d.engan kegiatan-kegiatan adpokasi dan kegiatan semacam LSM. Makna politis d"ari khittah 25 rersebut selanjutnya bisa dilibat pada perkembangan NU kemudian. Pada era reformasi setelab kejatuhan Orde Baru, seiring dengan dibukanya kran kehbasan politik, Tparga NU ikut dakm euphoria politik dengan mmdirikan partai politik PKB-di sam- pingsebagian mend.irikan PKU, PNU dzn SLINI, dzn sebagian kgi masih tetap dzlam PPP. Keterlibatan mereka dalam partai politik di atas berarti melibatkan N{J kembali dalam kancab politikformal. Meskipun secara struk- tural N(l ti.dak terikat dengan partdipartai politik, keterlibatan kalangan NIJ yang intensif-Pa1rp",n sebagai pendiri partai-partai politik-menjadi- kan keduanya sulit dipisahkan. Lebih knjut, bal itu sekaligus membuktikan bahua politik praktis pada dasarnya merupakan bagian inheren dari struk- tur budayaNU. Bila demikan, sikap kntis terhadap n4ara, bersamaan dengan isu toleran- si, keterbukaan, dzn pemMdayaan masyarakat-yang disuarakan pada masa kepemintpirun AMutrahrnaan Wahid.-hanya meuakili kzkngan elit w- tcntu dalarn tubub Ntl. Kongres NU di Lirboyo pada Nopember 1999 klu, semakin membuktikzn kond.isi demikian. Dalam kongra tersebut, NU mert'g- hasilkzn hfuapa keputuwnyang jelas'jeks L,ertmungan dengan gagasan ke- terbukaan dan toleransi di atas, Sekin nzeneapkan kembali kkm sebagai azas organisasi, mmgantikan Pancasila, Mukamar NU juga mengharamkznpe- laksanaan ibadah fuwma pemeluk agama kin, dan mntgharamkan non' Muslim menjad.i pemimpin negara. Mmgamati hasil keputusan Mukumar terebut, maka barapan terhadap peran NU dakm pmtbmtukan civil society di Indonesiz umpaknya patut dipertanyakan. Baltkan, sangat mungkin bah- rpa gagasan-gagasan di aus lebih merupakan "akt politik" kalangan elit NU untuk kepent ingan kekuasaan. Studia Islamiba, VoL 7, No. 2,20A0 Robin L. Busb Redefining "Political Islam" in Indonesia: Nahdlatul Ulama and Khittah'26 ,i ), L^+y-u1 a-l=Jl aj)Ul :b\> + 4 r-t\s "ry Jr -,s4 f)5 Jt a;K" ;1" d-!, tt4^It;,-r p)i.-Yl ,-,! ;-tl: .kt"ei tJ 4 Ljl: ey-)l C*" :Xt d;-s,f-*tJ! a*l)l q-LJl .:L-lr-rJl d fb ;y: aJ ,-rl-fy e-'-:Jl c6 1Y at- ;.J a*e- \ 1 c-:z;i ,3J1 +)\-)l cr$t ,-fi ,oLJt 63_,,u * t--*y;L;! o"*-4t o:^ .:-U -:l ij-qJl C.;trJt il*o C, d i.fJu J;! j;1"-* c-,!;\*-c. .ilJ-l\J €"U11 !51! kryt oe ,ts-e' Co +L-lJt a2i 4.'n a-(-qt 6+ aJt-.Il .j.a ;; U: J-i;,. "f+t: ;r +l-nu ('!-*:$l eru 4 ail:r.jl L-qJl olr4:Jl c.\;! \a;cr" t :ya, JIFII t^:\;S 3\ 1oY i;*" (Masyumi) €s,-V ,"f af Jt-.";)l tort; ,y-r,-,-rtf gjJt J-t41t p\1oo aJ a"Ul oLt*:jYl A Ji"* s"V +fS JIJK-, (Soekarno) t-t6-t- r*l t^+Ly c,rtJ.fl J aJJJI ,r\-i Jr (Partai :l-+!l :r;4 ki)'|c: (Soeharto) i-tis- t^+L dy-)l "-*l a;; ; .rl;-!l -:t-al ,ar- Persatuan Pembangunan/PPP) -i."y-!l y*-Lj.iUl .:,!^^-J-J !---rt .r"t-!t urKlt t*} &Jl a*--!1 alrJl 3:t- s;i ;Jt "-,rt;t Jli ilJJJ ,.r*; -r-t:Jl .l:l iFrl -r* 6":Lt \--d e c-,L-LIly .i:"- q-q- arj:S a3.*\r*l ;f ,ro c;6 e\.rgb:Jl oj.,o *lrl q^^41 GjEl 123, .f )p Ca-t;:*Jl t<*i c-l; GJI .:lfl f^i uli dJi g"-; i! cp\111 a:- (Situbondo) Jt_f;_* -GJt g;J*Jtlu-ly,J dl5 L-LJI ;-.15 a"-^J ta-ra.r ,qt Jl ;:lty ,r-!l Ft f ,- li*jll dr_Jj cjjJlj cp\lYl;.Lt Jl ;rlt f-! r'1 t1 4:.\ 6ijl ,lfl J.JJi,o:tt^i*l1 -^;$tt i-^41 Jt*, ;:i ,u-) .-r-Ut1 6f,;lt k+14! l"ta LLi Jir- r*s -.li -r.ii c1\t\1 +- J!;rrJt (J4i' Jy "";ls ,>ty*i; "alt ajlp ,-?; ,:i 4*"LJIJ ,6f ,,-fulr .,tt-t y +b cLJ a\{ ,t/)t Jl arA\ 61 Studia klamika, VoL 7, No.2,2000 62 Robin L. Busb .r1fill ,si_t.*+ (q-q- Ll* ,lt JraLt ,Fi ,, y-:6y" 1U;y (Golkar) rJ I"J<JJ ,eti 'i3",\),--? -diLej Cui )tlJt Ji Jl f+. dt-:Jl1 .ar"*\ P ol*J\1c.,L!r-r.11 f\) or> t^{ o"lti:-t ilX--Lt U 04 .L- Jt ;rll ,-ri U-y" C"'!r dr" .r!t JJJ) Jt ,Al ,sra *i ta W-j_t ,te :tz' 3e-) L:Jl t#+s i-,;lp\ JJ* Lj c^;\-f p\lYl etj\ ))I Gr-41 t -L., t;,r" c)g til JFI C-- J. (L-LJI Grbvs cI- J}- ar" JJJ, # ktt^:; U .rt5- li!, c-i.:Jl dJ! d o-U, 'rtJl kl[:; .r-,,u cjlt ;)f1 & trilt dy-)l ,t+Yl .:;l r..zi )l 4:-!" ."""r1 ^.-Ul JL-rl pl-r-:-l dJ) a,t1..11 .rniU Lai u;i r'z.Ut 6;t- .r""LJl qj Ji +t' <-cV:-l li<^J ,.r-tJl -,;GYl 6;t- J.!i oK G1; q,l;!r ;/ ;i"t-+l Jt-'L fLijlr k-Ui d.," dr'!l ,t4Jt g;.rJ ,r-!1 e-lt 4w ,f .+,gt a; c,L.J::lt J, d-U! d QJ:" &-riy J A*;r ;e .;:S.l p\1Yl +- JI;I;,J\ )\;J rj-qJl p#tl ,r! ,-3t ,U L j-a- t-.1 Cy--)l & r fV d -Il!,r c& l^'i a*Jt )JLi f +.*Jr c-.,rL -ti! (A.-q^Jl \+I ,_k.-ty!l Csl 3.
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  • Greg Fealy and Katharine Mcgregor1
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  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/07/2021 10:11:36PM Via Free Access | Hairus Salim HS Tivated; in Many Respects They Could Be Said to Have Strengthened
    4 Indonesian Muslims and cultural networks Hairus Salim HS Situated in the midst of the turmoil of an Afro-Asian political move- ment that began in 1940, reached its high point in the Asia Africa Conference of Bandung in 1955, then descended to failure at the ‘Second Bandung’ in Algiers in 1965, Indonesia – along with Egypt and India – according to David Kimche (1973), occupied a position of non-alignment, that is, neutrality in a political and ideological sense with respect to the Cold War between the com- munist and capitalist blocs. What is especially true for Indonesia, writes Kimche, is that this neutrality was intensified by an attitude of ‘militant anti-colonialism’. In fact, non-aligned countries formed a minority of the African-Asian nations, but African-Asian politics was exactly what the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist group was calling for. The resulting tendency, as formulated by Soekarno and shaped by a combination of factors (anti-Western indoctrination absorbed from Japan during World War II; four years of a war of indepen- dence against Western nations; Allied support for the Nether- lands), led to an intensely anti-Western attitude in Indonesia and a simultaneous drift toward the Communist Bloc. It was this position that characterized Indonesia’s orientation to the outside world and spread to various areas of life during the era of the Soekarno gov- ernment until its fall. Any kind of relationship with Communist Bloc countries was interpreted in an extremely positive sense, because this mirrored a nationalist, anti-colonial and anti-imperialist attitude. And the state supported such relations in many areas.
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  • A Case Study of Nahdlatul Ulama
    THE (TRANS)FORMATION OF RELIGIOUS CAPITAL IN INDONESIAN POLITICS DURING NEW ORDER ERA: A Case Study of Nahdlatul Ulama Muhammad R. Damm Universitas Indraprasta PGRI, Jakarta, Indonesia Email: [email protected] Abstract Religious capital always has a crucial role in Indonesian politics. This paper aims to analyze the formation of religious capital in the New Order era that has been heavily influenced by the dynamics of the relationship between the state and religious groups, especially Islam, over time. As a case study, this paper will discuss Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). By analyzing the development of NU during the course of the New Order, it shows that the formation of religious capital was affected by the New Order’s systematic attempts to contain Islamic forces. Since the late 1960s until the midst of 1980s, the New Order orchestrated a systematic weakening of Islamic movement through destabilization and demonization of the Muslim community. It also attempted systematically to reduce the political power of Islamic elements by sanctioning several policies and regula- tions, especially simplification of the political party system in 1973 and the enforcement of Pancasila as the sole principle for socio-political life in 1985. In 1984 NU declared its resolution to return to its original status as religious-based social organization, adopted Pancasila as its principle, and formally retreated from politics. However, in the late 1980s and during 1990s, although institutionally experienced de-politicization, NU proved to remain significant in the political landscape. From this analysis, it is apparent that NU’s religious capital comprised of some ingredients: the centrality of ulama, the importance of securing NU community’s interests, and the necessity of resources obtained through a good relationship with the state.
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