DOCSLIB.ORG

THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY Evaluating the Level of Cooperation with the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY Evaluating the Level of Cooperation with the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala AP Photo: Moises Castillo THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY Evaluating the Level of Cooperation with the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala DECEMBER 2019 | SERIES 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 4 KEY FINDINGS 6 THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY: EVALUATING THE EXTENT OF 8 COOPERATION WITH THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION AGAINST IMPUNITY IN GUATEMALA THE AGREEMENT 9 APPROVAL AND IMPLEMENTATION OF LEGISLATIVE AND 15 INSTITUTIONAL REFORMS PERFORMANCE AND COOPERATION OF NATIONAL COUNTERPARTS 23 ADVANCES IN THE INVESTIGATION OF EMBLEMATIC CASES 26 ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS 43 ANNEXES 44 NOTES 45 THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY IN GUATEMALA DECEMBER 2019 | 3 INTRODUCTION In the last decade, the problem of insecurity THE CENTRAL AMERICA MONITOR and impunity has deeply affected the people of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, The Central America Monitor is based on the making this region (known as the Northern premise that accurate, objective, and complete Triangle of Central America) one of the most data and information are necessary to reduce violent in the world. High levels of violence, the high levels of violence and insecurity, corruption, and impunity have eroded the and establish rule of law and governance in capacity of the states to develop accessible a democratic state. This will allow efforts to and efficient institutions, and address the move beyond abstract discussions of reform to needs of their populations. specific measures of change. The absence of effective responses has The Monitor is based on a series of more than weakened citizens’ confidence in state 100 quantitative and qualitative indicators that institutions, leading to an alarming number allow a more profound level of analysis of the of people who have been internally displaced successes or setbacks made in eight key areas or forced to migrate to other countries to in each of the three countries.1 More than escape the violence and lack of economic a comprehensive list, the indicators seek to opportunities. identify a way to examine and assess the level of progress of the three countries in strengthening Against this backdrop, the Washington the rule of law and democratic institutions. The Office on Latin America (WOLA), the Myrna indicators seek to identify the main challenges Mack Foundation (FMM) of Guatemala, in each of the selected areas and examine how the University Institute for Public Opinion institutions are (or are not) being strengthened (Iudop) of the José Simeón Cañas Central over time. The Monitor uses information from American University (UCA) of El Salvador, different sources, including official documents and the University Institute on Democracy, and statistics, surveys, interviews, information Peace and Security (IUDPAS) of Honduras from emblematic cases, and analysis of existing have developed a tool for monitoring laws and regulations. and evaluating the policies and strategies currently being implemented in Guatemala, The indicators were developed over several Honduras, and El Salvador to reduce months in a process that included an insecurity and violence, strengthen the extensive review of international standards rule of law, improve transparency and and consultation with experts. The eight areas accountability, protect human rights, and analyzed by the Monitor include: fight corruption. This initiative has been made possible thanks to the support of the 1. Strengthening the capacity of the justice Latin America Division of the Swiss Agency system; for Development and Cooperation, the 2. Cooperation with anti-impunity Tinker Foundation, the Seattle International commissions; Foundation (SIF), and the Moriah Fund. 3. Combatting corruption; 4. Tackling violence and organized crime; THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY IN GUATEMALA DECEMBER 2019 | 4 5. Strengthening civilian police forces; This report of the Myrna Mack Foundation aims 6. Limiting the role of the armed forces in to define a baseline for the indicators related public security activities; to analyzing the extent of cooperation by the 7. Protecting human rights; Guatemalan government with the International 8. Improving transparency. Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), a hybrid commission established with The Monitor reports are published by area and the support of the United Nations at the request by country. The first series of reports will serve of the Guatemalan government to help combat as the baseline for subsequent analysis, which impunity in the country. will be updated annually. Each annual series of reports will be analyzed in comparison with ABOUT THE RESEARCH FOR THIS reports from the previous year. This allows REPORT researchers, civil society organizations, and other actors to assess the level of progress in This report draws from important research strengthening the rule of law and reducing conducted by domestic and international insecurity. organizations that have analyzed the CICIG’s work and its efforts to strengthen the rule of The first round of Monitor reports will primarily law by fighting corruption and impunity. focus on data sets from an approximate 4-year time period, 2014 to 2017, in order to provide a After compiling and reviewing information for snapshot of Central America’s institutions. each indicator, we developed a comprehensive baseline analysis on the extent of government The Monitor will serve as a tool for searchable, cooperation with the CICIG for the 2014- easy-to-comprehend data, delineating trends, 2017 time period. Each year, we will collect progress, patterns, and gaps within and between information on these same indicators to allow the three countries of the Northern Triangle. for comparative analysis over time. The main The data, graphics, charts, and reports will be points of our research are synthesized in key available on the Monitor’s website. findings in the following pages. THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY IN GUATEMALA DECEMBER 2019 | 5 KEY FINDINGS • At the time the peace accords were signed in 1996, the Guatemalan government expressly recognized that illegal groups and clandestine security structures (Cuerpos Ilegales y Aparatos Clandestinos de Seguridad, CIACS) existed in the country, and acknowledged that there is a direct link between these illicit groups and human rights violations. • The cases brought to justice by the Public Prosecutor’s OfficeMinisterio ( Público, MP) and the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala, CICIG) revealed the CIACS’ ability to evolve and adapt, to the point of forming illicit political-economic networks (Redes Político Económicas Ilícitas, RPEI), which operate outside the law and contribute to high impunity levels. • The tension that arose between the executive branch and the CICIG, as a result of investigations into President Jimmy Morales’s son and brother, prompted a series of actions that largely halted the Commission’s work and therefore the fight against corruption and impunity in Guatemala, which has served to weaken the rule of law. • Reforms of the Judicial Career Law (Ley de la Carrera Judicial) and the Organic Law of the Public Prosecutor’s OfficeLey ( Orgánica del Ministerio Público), carried out with the CICIG’s support, fostered the conditions for strengthening the specialization and professionalization of judges, magistrates, and prosecutors. They also constitute a valuable contribution to consolidating the independence of the judiciary (Organismo Judicial) and of the Public Prosecutor’s Office, to prevent any external factors from hindering or conditioning proper fulfillment of their functions. • With regard to the legislative branch, the passage of laws key to strengthening the judicial system demonstrated that Guatemala’s Congress largely cooperated and had the political will to support the Commission’s work. These laws had the CICIG’s support starting in 2009; the Judicial Career Law (approved in 2016) is particularly relevant to the time period covered in this study (2014-2017). Nevertheless, in the period analyzed in this report, some important reforms were still pending approval due to a lack of cooperation and consensus in Congress, including reforms to the Pre-Trial Law (Ley en Materia de Antejuicio); to the Appeals, Habeas Corpus, and Constitutionality Law (Ley de Amparo, Exhibición Personal y de Constitucionalidad); and, of course, to Guatemala’s Constitution. • Institutionally, significant reforms were undertaken so as to cooperate with the work carried out by the CICIG. For example, in the judiciary, the system of High Risk Courts (Juzgados de Mayor Riesgo) was expanded; at the MP, reforms to the Organic Law of the Public Prosecutor’s Office were implemented; and in the National Civilian PolicePolicía ( THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY IN GUATEMALA DECEMBER 2019 | 6 Nacional Civil), police teams were designated to collaborate directly on the investigations and operations that the Commission supported. • Alongside the various actions taken to strengthen security and justice institutions, the CICIG-backed reforms that were signed into law enabled the successful prosecution and conviction of politicians, businesspeople, public employees and officials ncluding(i at the highest level, as occurred in the La Línea case), and other individuals who formed part of criminal organizations (the CIACS). This made it clear that it is indeed possible to wage a head-on battle against corruption and impunity in Guatemala. THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY IN GUATEMALA DECEMBER 2019 | 7 THE FIGHT AGAINST IMPUNITY Evaluating
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Guatemalan Society Faces Difficult Dilemma Electing a President
    Guatemalan Society Faces Difficult Dilemma Electing a President Supreme Electoral Tribunal in Guatemala called for general elections officially on May 2, 2015. Ahead of the election, the La Linea corruption case involving high-ranking officials of the outgoing administration, including President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti, was made public. The Vice President resigned in May and was arrested on fraud charges in August. More than a dozen ministers and deputy ministers as well as a number of government officials also resigned. Less than a week before the election, President Pérez was also stripped of his immunity, resigned and was arrested. Alejandro Maldonado Aguirre acts as head of state until a new president is sworn into office. On Sunday, October 25, voters will have to choose between a pallid right wing headed by of the former First Lady Sandra Torres, of the National Unity for Hope, and on the other hand Jimmy Morales, of the National Unity Movement, and puppet of a former military group which still dreams of full control of the nation’s society. In the case of Sandra Torres, she already has had a taste of power when her husband, Alvaro Colom, headed a presidency that promised much but gave virtually nothing, especially to the most needy sectors of the Guatemalan society such as the indigenous peoples, with the highest indicators of disease, ignorance and malnutrition and poverty. On his part, candidate Morales is benefiting from the corruption scandal that sent to prison President Otto Pèrez Molina and his wife, Roxana Baldetti. As a new face in the Guatemalan political scene, candidate Morales has grabbed the intention to vote from tens of thousands of indignant Guatemalan voters over prevailing corruption and open graft, which also extends to the congressional ranks.
    [Show full text]
  • Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE
    Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America in Latin America Power and Political Evangelicals JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE We are a political foundation that is active One of the most noticeable changes in Latin America in 18 forums for civic education and regional offices throughout Germany. during recent decades has been the rise of the Evangeli- Around 100 offices abroad oversee cal churches from a minority to a powerful factor. This projects in more than 120 countries. Our José Luis Pérez Guadalupe is a professor applies not only to their cultural and social role but increa- headquarters are split between Sankt and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico Augustin near Bonn and Berlin. singly also to their involvement in politics. While this Postgraduate School, an advisor to the Konrad Adenauer and his principles Peruvian Episcopal Conference (Conferencia development has been evident to observers for quite a define our guidelines, our duty and our Episcopal Peruana) and Vice-President of the while, it especially caught the world´s attention in 2018 mission. The foundation adopted the Institute of Social-Christian Studies of Peru when an Evangelical pastor, Fabricio Alvarado, won the name of the first German Federal Chan- (Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos - IESC). cellor in 1964 after it emerged from the He has also been in public office as the Minis- first round of the presidential elections in Costa Rica and Society for Christian Democratic Educa- ter of Interior (2015-2016) and President of the — even more so — when Jair Bolsonaro became Presi- tion, which was founded in 1955. National Penitentiary Institute of Peru (Institu- dent of Brazil relying heavily on his close ties to the coun- to Nacional Penitenciario del Perú) We are committed to peace, freedom and (2011-2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Institute on Religion and Public Policy Report
    GUATEMALA COUNTRY REPORTS 2019 Human rights Watch 2017/2018 Amnesty International The institute 2019 – Freedom House WORLD REPORT 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Guatemala three branches of government, and prompting the resignation and arrest of the country’s then-president and vice-president in 2015, for their alleged participa- Progress in prosecuting corruption and abuse made in recent years is at risk due tion in a scheme to defraud the customs authority by collecting bribes instead of to serious obstruction from the government. This progress was the result of the customs duties. collaboration of the Attorney General’s Office with the United Nations-backed In- Prosecutors also pressed charges against scores of officials—including more ternational Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), established in than a dozen current and former members of Congress from six different political 2007 to investigate organized crime and reinforce local efforts to strengthen the parties—for hiring people in Congress who never performed any work for the in- rule of law. At time of writing, CICIG and the Attorney General’s Office were pros- stitution (or already received a salary from another employer) and pocketing the ecuting more than a dozen current and former Congress members, as well as for- wages for those “phantom jobs.” mer President Otto Pérez Molina and former Vice-President Roxana Baldetti, who In October 2018, former Vice-President Baldetti was sentenced to 15 years and were arrested on corruption charges in 2015. six months in prison for her role in a scheme to defraud the state for US$18 mil- In August, President Jimmy Morales announced that he would not renew CICIG’s lion.
    [Show full text]
  • Biografía Política Guatemala
    BIOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA de Francisco Villagrán Kramer GUATEMALA / Francisco Villagrán Kramer BIOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA de GUATEMALA -los pactos políticos de 1944 a 1970- .', , . ~ ,'.. (" :," ~-; ~ : : ",:' ..1, ,. _ l 3L~ ~ Z?­ ,)..:+ \, 'a ,~Dt:5 V712 Villagrán Kramer, Francisco Biografía política de Guatemala: los pactos políticos de 1944 a 1970. 2da. edición Guatemala: FLACsq, 1993. S04p. 1. Políticos - Guatemala. 2. Historia­ Guatemala. 3. Análisis histórico. Publicación de la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, FLACSO, programa Guatemala.. Diseño 'de portada: Rossina Cazali Grabado: Juan Antonio Franco Los criterios expresadosen esta obra son de la exclusiva responsa­ bilidad de su autor.. Este libro se publica gracias a la colaboración de Swedich Ageney for Research Co-operation wíth developing countries (SAREC). Impreso en Impresos Industriales, 1994 3a. calle 3-17, zona 9, Guatemala, C. A. Teléfonos: 316624 - 314369 FAX: 316328 ÍNDICE PRIMERA PARTE Presentación XIII Nota liminar XVII Capítulo I 1 La Revolución de Octubre de 1944 I Preludio revolucionario 1 11 Capitulación del Partido Liberal Progresista 11 111 La Junta Revolucionaria y los principios de la revolución 15 IV La Constituyente de 1945 y el acuerdo político con el ejército 25 Capítulo n 45 El primer gobierno de la revolución y el pacto del barranco I El programa inicial 46 11 El pacto del barranco 49 III Proyección institucional de la revolución 53 IV Proceso electoral prematuro y politización del ejér­ cito 63 V Asesinato del jefe de las fuerzas armadas 68 VI Epílogo 80 Capitulo m 87 El gobierno de Jacobo Arbenz, los pactos de caballeros y su renuncia Introducción 87 I El espectro de la confrontación política e ídeoló­ gica 91 11 El "pacto de caballeros" y el compromiso de unificación 103 11I La "operación exito" y el segundo "pacto de caba­ 113 lleros" IV Concertación en el exterior 116 V El frente interno.
    [Show full text]
  • Crisis Institucional
    Crisis institucional, análisis y pronunciamientos Con el propósito de ofrecer a las y los lectores de la Revista Análisis de la Realidad Nacional una visión panorámica de cómo se está analizando la actual crisis nacional, a continuación se ofrece una selección de posicionamientos institucionales, editoriales y columnas de opinión, publicadas recientemente. “ID Y ENSEÑAD A TODOS“ IPNUSAC Crisis institucional, análisis y pronunciamientos Pronunciamientos Representantes y autoridades estudiantiles de la USAC Ante el Clamor Popular Guatemala 29 de mayo de 2015 Sr. Otto Fernando Pérez Molina. Presidente de la República de Guatemala. Presidente. Como representantes y autoridades estudiantiles de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, siguiendo nuestra obligación de ser portavoces del clamor del movimiento estudiantil le hacemos saber: Que considerando que Guatemala es un país que ha sufrido grandes tragedias en el transcurrir de la historia, las cuales han dañado profundamente a sus habitantes, quienes en su gran mayoría son trabajadores, personas pobres a quienes no es justo dañar con un gobierno corrupto y ladrón que les sigue despojando de sus recursos y oportunidades de progreso. Por lo cual queremos hacer de su conocimiento la siguiente demanda: En vista de que una buena cantidad de las personas de su entera confianza a quienes usted llevó al ejecutivo como funcionarios, se han visto involucrados en actos de corrupción y saqueo a las arcas del Estado, nos unimos a la exigencia, a la petición ciudadana, y gremiales para pedir su renuncia. Esperando que usted atienda nuestra demanda, de manera madura debe separarse del cargo ya que es evidente que no pudo desempeñar satisfactoriamente su labor 2 IPNUSAC Crisis institucional, análisis y pronunciamientos 3 IPNUSAC Crisis institucional, análisis y pronunciamientos Defensa del orden constitucional Consejo Superior Universitario CSU Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala El Consejo Superior Universitario 1.
    [Show full text]
  • CAPITULO III Dictadura Militar, Partidos Políticos Y Luchas Revolucionarias
    Temas de nuestra américa ISSN 0259-2339 CAPITULO III Dictadura militar, partidos políticos y luchas revolucionarias En 1954 fracasó la Revolución El indiscutible avance capitalis- Democrático-burguesa en Guate- ta, junto al debilitamiento de las mala. A partir de esa fecha reapa- clases dominantes vinculadas al recieron con toda su intensidad los negocio cafetalero, impidieron a rasgos autoritarios y represivos que Castillo Armas completar sus pla- habían caracterizado al Estado oli- nes de restauración oligárquica. gárquico hasta la caída de Ubico; La imposibilidad de reconstruir las aunque ahora esa política se repe- viejas estructuras de dominación tía en un contexto histórico-so- condujo a la formación de un he- cial diferente. La Revolución de terogéneo bloque de poder integra- 1944-1954 dejó como saldo una do por los herederos de los antiguos Guatemala mucho más moder- sectores hegemónicos agrario-expor- na, en la que definitivamente se tadores y los grupos burgueses emer- habían impuesto las relaciones gentes, constituidos por industriales y de tipo burgués, aún cuando financieros, asociados al capital mono- persistieran importantes ves- polista norteamericano. tigios semifeudales y una inmensa masa indígena El denominador común de esa alianza fue marginada como expo- un inusual y distorsionado crecimiento nente del patético atra- económico, acompañado de nuevas entre- so económico y social gas de los recursos naturales —níquel y pe- del país. tróleo, por ejemplo— al imperialismo y de la sobreexplotación del campesinado y la clase obrera. La coronación de este bloque de poder se efectuó en 1957 con la fundación de una vigorosa federación patronal —el Comité Coordinador de Asociaciones Agrícolas, Comerciales y Financieras Número extraordinario 2013 61 Temas de nuestra américa Número Extraordinario 2013 ISSN 0259-2339 (CACIF)— que desde entonces ex- mejor el papel punitivo del ejército presa mejor que los propios partidos dentro de un esquema político to- burgueses las inquietudes e intereses davía más restringido —plasmado de las clases dominantes.
    [Show full text]
  • Augusto Cazali Avila Coordinador Historia De Guatemala Siglo Xx Las Transiciones Politicas: Del Ydigorismo Al Gobierno Militar
    AUGUSTO CAZALI AVILA COORDINADOR HISTORIA DE GUATEMALA SIGLO XX LAS TRANSICIONES POLITICAS: DEL YDIGORISMO AL GOBIERNO MILITAR DE PERALTA AZURDIA (1958-1966) ANA PATRICIA BORRAYO MORALES AUXILIAR DE INVESTIGACION UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN CARLOS DE GUATEMALA. DIRECCION GENERAL DE INVESTIGACION (DIGI). GUATEMALA, ENERO-DICIEMBRE DEL 2000 1 EXPLICACION Y PREFACIO Este trabajo histórico es el resultado de un proyecto de investigación que se presentó bajo el título HISTORIA DE GUATEMALA: SIGLO XX. Las transiciones políticas: del ydigorismo al Gobierno Militar de Peralta Azurdia. (1958-1966). A la vez, forma parte de un plan general de Historia de Guatemala sobre áquel período al cual consideramos como la historia contemporánea de nuestra nación. El plan se inició a principios del año 1990, dentro del Area de Investigación de Ciencias Sociales, en la Dirección General de Investigación (DIGI) de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala. Desde el último año citado, hasta finalizar el 2000 se han desarrollado los proyectos de investigación y escrito las obras históricas relativas a los siguientes períodos de nuestra vida nacional, incluyendo una bibliografía de apoyo a los investigadores, bajo los siguientes títulos: 1) Bibliografía de Historia de Guatemala: Siglo XX. (Un Volúmen) 2) Antecedentes del siglo XX en Guatemala. Epoca Republicana: Siglo XIX. (1821- 1898). (Un Volúmen) 3) El Gobierno de Manuel Estrada Cabrera. (1898-1920). (Dos volúmenes) 4) Del Unionismo a la Restauración del Liberalismo. (1920-1926). (Dos volúmenes) 5) El Gobierno de Lázaro Chacón. (1926-1930). (Un volúmen) 6) La Dictadura Ubiquista. (1931-1944). (Tres volúmenes) 7) La Década Revolucionaria en Guatemala. (1944-1954). Primera parte: La Revolución de Octubre y La Junta Revolucionaria de Gobierno.
    [Show full text]
  • Universidad De San Carlos De Guatemala Escuela De Ciencia Política El Liderazgo En Los Partidos Políticos De Guatemala
    UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN CARLOS DE GUATEMALA ESCUELA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA EL LIDERAZGO EN LOS PARTIDOS POLÍTICOS DE GUATEMALA: CASO PARTIDO UNIONISTA 2012-2014 TESIS PRESENTADA AL CONSEJO DIRECTIVO DE LA ESCUELA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA POR FRANCISCO ORLANDO ARCHILA RAMÍREZ Carné 199918436 Previo a conferírsele el grado académico Licenciado en Ciencia Política Y el Título Profesional de POLITICÓLOGO GUATEMALA, AGOSTO,2017 DEDICATORIA A DIOS por darme la vida y sabiduría para lograr culminar esta etapa de mi vida profesional y ser el guía de mi vida. A MIS PADRES Francisco Archila y Susana Ramírez, por su amor, su ejemplo y enseñanzas. A MI ESPOSA AMIGA Y CONFIDENTE Karina Ascón, por su apoyo incondicional, paciencia y por alentarme en esos momentos en que uno piensa desfallecer. A HIJA Andrea Ixmucané, la luz de mis ojos. A MI AMIGO Y HERMANO Miltón Quezada, por estar siempre e incondicionalmente, gracias por ser vos tal cual eres. A MI SUEGRA Leticia Gamarro, por sus consejos y apoyo, siempre estaré agradecido. A Oliver, Pablo, Maya, Orquídea, Tete, Víctor y Betzabé, gracias por cada momento compartido. A MI TIA ESTER este triunfo también es tuyo. A MIS TÍAS, TÍOS, PRIMOS Y PRIMAS, gracias por ser mi familia por cada momento de alegría y por arroparme en los momentos difíciles. MIS AMIGOS, en especial Alfredo, Luis, Hugo, Melvin, Marleny, Karina, Eder, Cindy, Douglas, Flor, Ranfery y a tantos más que tuve la oportunidad de conocer en este camino gracias por su amistad incondicional, apoyo y consejos. UNIVERSIDAD DE SAN CARLOS DE GUATEMALA Y ESCUELA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA por haberme albergado estos años de estudio y darme la guía para realizarme profesionalmente.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala
    8/1/2016 Refworld | Freedom in the World 2016 ­ Guatemala Freedom in the World 2016 ­ Guatemala Publisher Freedom House Publication 29 June 2016 Date Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2016 ­ Guatemala, 29 June 2016, available at: Cite as http://www.refworld.org/docid/577a615011.html [accessed 1 August 2016] This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily Disclaimer endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States. Freedom Status: Partly Free Aggregate Score: 54 Freedom Rating: 4.0 Political Rights: 4 Civil Liberties: 4 Ratings Change: Guatemala's Political Rights rating declined from 3 to 4 because of the increasing influence of organized crime and business interests in campaign funding, as well as the murder of municipal office candidates and their family members during the campaign. Quick Facts Capital: Guatemala City Population: 16,183,752 GDP/capita: $3,667 Press Freedom Status: Partly Free Net Freedom Status: N/A OVERVIEW Months of protests over a corruption scandal as well as an investigation jointly carried out by Guatemala's Public Ministry and the UN­backed International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) led to the resignations and arrests of dozens of government and private sector officials, including President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti Elías. The multiple graft schemes cost Guatemala more than $200 million in lost revenue and resulted in the medical­malpractice deaths of at least 10 patients at state­run hospitals.
    [Show full text]
  • Organized Crime, Including Drug Traffickers, Linked to Repressive
    Rights Action June 7, 2019 ******* Organized crime, including drug traffickers, linked to repressive Guatemalan president and government https://mailchi.mp/rightsaction/organized-crime-including-drug-traffickers-linked-to-repressive-guatemalan-president-and-government Another “open-for-global-business” regime that is a “democratic allie” of the U.S. and Canadian led efforts to illegally oust the government of Venezuela ******* US Drug Probe Lands Guatemala President in Hot Water by Parker Asmann, April 25, 2019 https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/us-drug-trafficking-probe-lands-guatemala-president-hot-water/ Guatemala President Jimmy Morales stepping off a plane owned by recently arrested presidential candidate Mario Amilcar Estrada Orellana Controversy is swirling in Guatemala after evidence emerged showing that President Jimmy Morales used a helicopter owned by a presidential candidate recently arrested in the United States on drug charges — a case that has turned up the heat significantly on the Central American nation’s head of state. President Morales, who will be replaced after elections this year, reportedly used a helicopter owned by candidate Mario Amilcar Estrada Orellana for official business in January 2018 and possibly on at least one other occasion, Prensa Libre reported. Morales claimed in an April 23 press release that the helicopter was contracted by his government with a company called Maya World Tours, which brokers helicopter flights. However, a legal representative for Maya World Tours said that the company never provided the use of Estrada’s helicopter to Morales, and that the president used the aircraft through some other arrangement, according to Prensa Libre. Just last week, US authorities arrested Estrada, a former presidential candidate with the center-right National Change Union (Unión del Cambio Nacionalista — UCN) political party, on drug and firearms charges.
    [Show full text]
  • El Color De La Sangre Libro Final
    El Color de la Sangre Cuarenta años de Resistencia y de Represión en Guatemala Alfredo Saavedra El Color de la Sangre Primera Edición, Guatemala 2001 Derechos Reservados © Alfredo Saavedra La reproducción total de este libro por cualquier medio, está sujeta a la autorización respectiva de los editores o del autor, según el caso, y en permiso debidamente legalizado. La divulgación parcial con fines no comerciales, es autorizada sin restricciones. Impreso en Guatemala con el patrocinio del Grupo de Apoyo Mutuo GAM 2 Introducción El propósito de este libro es agregar elementos para aproximar con precisión la valoración de uno de los períodos de mayor crisis en Guatemala, aunque tal vez sea más apropiado decir de mayor sufrimie nto, por cuanto nunca en la memoria de la vida política de la nación se había dado una etapa en la que el ejercicio del poder se convirtiera en una sucesiva actividad criminal ?catastrófica para una gran proporción de los habitantes del país? en horrendo suceso sin antecedente y que en saludable augurio se espera que no tenga subsiguiente. Guatemala ha sido marcada por un desventurado destino con sus dictaduras endémicas. Su pobla- ción nativa principió a sufrir las consecuencias del abuso del Poder desde la llegada de los Conquistado- res. El pueblo aborigen fue subyugado con la más indescriptible vesanía por los invasores. El sojuzga- miento atroz que prosiguió durante el período colonial, sometiendo al indígena a condiciones infrahuma- nas, se ha mantenido bajo un estado de opresión y discriminación perpetuas. El guatemalteco en su totali- dad, ha sido víctima de un despotismo de consecutiva predominancia.
    [Show full text]
  • Executive Biography
    Executive Biography Guatemalan Candidacy, Director General UNESCO 2017-2021 Juan Alfonso Fuentes Soria The below positions have been performed under the following principles and good practices within a framework based on accountability, transparency, rationale management of public, private and third-party financial and other resources duly certified by institutions and civil society entities thereof •Secretary General of the Central American Higher University Council (CSUCA), 2010 at present. Through a participatory process of the 21 public universities of the member countries of the Central American Integration System (SICA), he promoted programs of quality assurance of Higher Education, Academic Harmonization for the recognition of studies, degrees and student mobility. During the period of his mandate, a project for the intensive and extensive use of the virtual space of Central America and the Dominican Republic was developed, which includes Internet, educational and cultural University Radio and Television. Academic programs were carried out with the work-study approach on topics such as food and nutritional security and the integral management of disaster risk and adaptation to climate change. Regional PhD programs in Basic Science were initiated, and it was proposed to create a regional fund for Science and Technology aimed to strengthen scientific research, training of human resources and creation of regional research centers. • Constitutional Vice President of the Republic of Guatemala, 16 Sept. 2015 - January 14, 2016 Jointly with President Alejandro Maldonado and his collaborators, facing an unprecedented social, political and economic crisis, he maintained the governability and functioning of the government, carried out austerity measures, and enforced economic compensation measures that had been object of negotiations during four periods of government, led an austere and ordered process of transition and addressed emerging situations such as that of the victims of El Cambray tragedy.
    [Show full text]