Reparations in Guatemala
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Guatemalan Society Faces Difficult Dilemma Electing a President
Guatemalan Society Faces Difficult Dilemma Electing a President Supreme Electoral Tribunal in Guatemala called for general elections officially on May 2, 2015. Ahead of the election, the La Linea corruption case involving high-ranking officials of the outgoing administration, including President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti, was made public. The Vice President resigned in May and was arrested on fraud charges in August. More than a dozen ministers and deputy ministers as well as a number of government officials also resigned. Less than a week before the election, President Pérez was also stripped of his immunity, resigned and was arrested. Alejandro Maldonado Aguirre acts as head of state until a new president is sworn into office. On Sunday, October 25, voters will have to choose between a pallid right wing headed by of the former First Lady Sandra Torres, of the National Unity for Hope, and on the other hand Jimmy Morales, of the National Unity Movement, and puppet of a former military group which still dreams of full control of the nation’s society. In the case of Sandra Torres, she already has had a taste of power when her husband, Alvaro Colom, headed a presidency that promised much but gave virtually nothing, especially to the most needy sectors of the Guatemalan society such as the indigenous peoples, with the highest indicators of disease, ignorance and malnutrition and poverty. On his part, candidate Morales is benefiting from the corruption scandal that sent to prison President Otto Pèrez Molina and his wife, Roxana Baldetti. As a new face in the Guatemalan political scene, candidate Morales has grabbed the intention to vote from tens of thousands of indignant Guatemalan voters over prevailing corruption and open graft, which also extends to the congressional ranks. -
Ethnic Images and Strategies in 1944 Ethnic Images and Strategies in 19441
TEXAS PAPERS ON LATIN AMERICA Pre-publication working papers of the Institute of Latin American Studies University of Texas at Austin ISSN 0892.3507 Ethnic lmages and Strategies in 1944 Richard N. Adams Rapoport Centennial Professor of Liberal Arts University of Texas at Austin Paper No. 88-06 http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/etext/llilas/tpla/8806.pdf Richard N. Adams Ethnic Images and Strategies in 1944 Ethnic Images and Strategies in 19441 by Richard N. Adams Guatemala in 1944 was on the verge of a great transition that was to continue over the next several decades. Since independence it had experienced a long, if irregu- lar, era of liberal expansion, marked most clearly by the adoption of coffee cultivation and its conversion into a country dedicated to the export of that crop. While historian s may disagree on periodization, it is not misleading to see the general society as evolv- ing under a nineteenth-century liberal economic framework that continued up through World War 11.The period from 1944 to 1954 (the tlRevolutiontl) was an era of signifi- cant reform but terrninated in failure and thus marked no significant divergence from the liberal framework. Despite some well-ensconced myths about its love for Indians, the dictatorship of Jorge Ubico (1931-1944) followed the track of the classic liberal state; it did noth- ing to alleviate the economic and social repression of the Indian. Its vagrancy law put an end to debt servitude, but simply took the control exercised by landowners over Indians and placed it more directIy in the hands of the state. -
Download File
A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War. Juan Carlos Mazariegos Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2019 Juan Carlos Mazariegos All Rights Reserved Abstract A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War During the Guatemalan civil war (1962-1996), different forms of anonymity enabled members of the organizations of the social movement, revolutionary militants, and guerrilla combatants to address the popular classes and rural majorities, against the backdrop of generalized militarization and state repression. Pseudonyms and anonymous collective action, likewise, acquired political centrality for revolutionary politics against a state that sustained and was symbolically co-constituted by forms of proper naming that signify class and racial position, patriarchy, and ethnic difference. Between 1979 and 1981, at the highest peak of mass mobilizations and insurgent military actions, the symbolic constitution of the Guatemalan state was radically challenged and contested. From the perspective of the state’s elites and military high command, that situation was perceived as one of crisis; and between 1981 and 1983, it led to a relatively brief period of massacres against indigenous communities of the central and western highlands, where the guerrillas had been operating since 1973. Despite its long duration, by 1983 the fate of the civil war was sealed with massive violence. Although others have recognized, albeit marginally, the relevance of the politics of naming during Guatemala’s civil war, few have paid attention to the relationship between the state’s symbolic structure of signification and desire, its historical formation, and the dynamics of anonymous collective action and revolutionary pseudonymity during the war. -
Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE
Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America in Latin America Power and Political Evangelicals JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE We are a political foundation that is active One of the most noticeable changes in Latin America in 18 forums for civic education and regional offices throughout Germany. during recent decades has been the rise of the Evangeli- Around 100 offices abroad oversee cal churches from a minority to a powerful factor. This projects in more than 120 countries. Our José Luis Pérez Guadalupe is a professor applies not only to their cultural and social role but increa- headquarters are split between Sankt and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico Augustin near Bonn and Berlin. singly also to their involvement in politics. While this Postgraduate School, an advisor to the Konrad Adenauer and his principles Peruvian Episcopal Conference (Conferencia development has been evident to observers for quite a define our guidelines, our duty and our Episcopal Peruana) and Vice-President of the while, it especially caught the world´s attention in 2018 mission. The foundation adopted the Institute of Social-Christian Studies of Peru when an Evangelical pastor, Fabricio Alvarado, won the name of the first German Federal Chan- (Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos - IESC). cellor in 1964 after it emerged from the He has also been in public office as the Minis- first round of the presidential elections in Costa Rica and Society for Christian Democratic Educa- ter of Interior (2015-2016) and President of the — even more so — when Jair Bolsonaro became Presi- tion, which was founded in 1955. National Penitentiary Institute of Peru (Institu- dent of Brazil relying heavily on his close ties to the coun- to Nacional Penitenciario del Perú) We are committed to peace, freedom and (2011-2014). -
Institute on Religion and Public Policy Report
GUATEMALA COUNTRY REPORTS 2019 Human rights Watch 2017/2018 Amnesty International The institute 2019 – Freedom House WORLD REPORT 2019 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Guatemala three branches of government, and prompting the resignation and arrest of the country’s then-president and vice-president in 2015, for their alleged participa- Progress in prosecuting corruption and abuse made in recent years is at risk due tion in a scheme to defraud the customs authority by collecting bribes instead of to serious obstruction from the government. This progress was the result of the customs duties. collaboration of the Attorney General’s Office with the United Nations-backed In- Prosecutors also pressed charges against scores of officials—including more ternational Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), established in than a dozen current and former members of Congress from six different political 2007 to investigate organized crime and reinforce local efforts to strengthen the parties—for hiring people in Congress who never performed any work for the in- rule of law. At time of writing, CICIG and the Attorney General’s Office were pros- stitution (or already received a salary from another employer) and pocketing the ecuting more than a dozen current and former Congress members, as well as for- wages for those “phantom jobs.” mer President Otto Pérez Molina and former Vice-President Roxana Baldetti, who In October 2018, former Vice-President Baldetti was sentenced to 15 years and were arrested on corruption charges in 2015. six months in prison for her role in a scheme to defraud the state for US$18 mil- In August, President Jimmy Morales announced that he would not renew CICIG’s lion. -
Eta Y Iota En Guatemala
Evaluación de los efectos e impactos de las depresiones tropicales Eta y Iota en Guatemala México Belice Petén Huehuetenango Guatemala Quiché Alta Verapaz Izabal Baja Verapaz San Marcos Zacapa Quetzaltenango Chiquimula Honduras Guatemala Sololá Suchitepéquez Jutiapa Escuintla El Salvador Nicaragua Gracias por su interés en esta publicación de la CEPAL Publicaciones de la CEPAL Si desea recibir información oportuna sobre nuestros productos editoriales y actividades, le invitamos a registrarse. Podrá definir sus áreas de interés y acceder a nuestros productos en otros formatos. www.cepal.org/es/publications Publicaciones www.cepal.org/apps Evaluación de los efectos e impactos de las depresiones tropicales Eta y Iota en Guatemala Este documento fue coordinado por Omar D. Bello, Oficial de Asuntos Económicos de la Oficina de la Secretaría de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), y Leda Peralta, Oficial de Asuntos Económicos de la Unidad de Comercio Internacional e Industria de la sede subregional de la CEPAL en México, en el marco de las actividades del Programa Ordinario de Cooperación Técnica implementado por la CEPAL. Fue preparado por Álvaro Monett, Asesor Regional en Gestión de Información Geoespacial de la División de Estadísticas de la CEPAL, y Juan Carlos Rivas y Jesús López, Oficiales de Asuntos Económicos de la Unidad de Desarrollo Económico de la sede subregional de la CEPAL en México. Participaron en su elaboración los siguientes consultores de la CEPAL: Raffaella Anilio, Horacio Castellaro, Carlos Espiga, Adrián Flores, Hugo Hernández, Francisco Ibarra, Sebastián Moya, María Eugenia Rodríguez y Santiago Salvador, así como los siguientes funcionarios del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID): Ginés Suárez, Omar Samayoa y Renato Vargas, y los siguientes funcionarios del Banco Mundial: Osmar Velasco, Ivonne Jaimes, Doris Souza, Juan Carlos Cárdenas y Mariano González. -
Mayan Q'eqchi' Voices on the Guatemalan National Reparations
The International Journal of Transitional Justice, Vol. 4, 2010, 4–25, doi: 10.1093/ijtj//ijp024 Advance Access publication: 9 December 2009 Life Is Priceless: Mayan Q’eqchi’ Voices on the Guatemalan National Reparations Program Lieselotte Viaene∗ Abstract1 Little in-depth research has been conducted on or attention paid to the experience and opinions of survivors regarding issues such as reparation, justice, reconciliation and truth in dealing with the aftermath of atrocities. Less still has been said of the way in which vic- tims’ identities impact on these views or are considered in the design of programs aimed at redress for past violations. This article focuses on Guatemala’s National Reparations Pro- gram (PNR) as critically viewed by Mayan Q’eqchi’ victims. The Q’eqchi’ are the second- largest Mayan group in the country and among the most severely affected by the internal armed conflict of 1960 to 1996. In Guatemala, the dominant culture is nonindigenous, al- though the majority of the population is indigenous Maya. This raises the complex issue of the actual and potential role of cultural context in dealing with grave human rights violations. In this regard, it is pertinent to establish how reparation is understood in differ- ent cultural contexts and to question how governmental reparations programs take these contexts into account. The results of extensive ethnographic field research conducted be- tween 2006 and 2009 reveal the need for a locally rooted and culturally sensitive PNR. Introduction We want the president to listen to us, that our words may reach him, that he may know what happened. -
Truth Commissions and Reparations: a Framework for Post- Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Honors Theses (PPE) Philosophy, Politics and Economics 5-2021 Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post- Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru Anthony Chen Student Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International Law Commons, International Relations Commons, Latin American History Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Law and Philosophy Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Models and Methods Commons, Other Political Science Commons, Political History Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Chen, Anthony, "Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post-Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru" (2021). Honors Theses (PPE). Paper 43. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/ppe_honors/43 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Truth Commissions and Reparations: A Framework for Post-Conflict Justice in Argentina, Chile Guatemala, and Peru Abstract This paper seeks to gauge the effectiveness of truth commissions and their links to creating material reparations programs through two central questions. First, are truth commissions an effective way to achieve justice after periods of conflict marked by mass or systemic human rights abuses by the government or guerilla groups? Second, do truth commissions provide a pathway to material reparations programs for victims of these abuses? It will outline the conceptual basis behind truth commissions, material reparations, and transitional justice. It will then engage in case studies and a comparative analysis of truth commissions and material reparations programs in four countries: Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, and Peru. -
The International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala Wola a Wola Report on the Cicig Experience
THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION AGAINST IMPUNITY IN GUATEMALA WOLA A WOLA REPORT ON THE CICIG EXPERIENCE THE CICIG: AN INNOVATIVE INSTRUMENT FOR FIGHTING CRIMINAL REPORT ORGANIZATIONS AND STRENGTHENING THE RULE OF LAW 6/2015 THE WASHINGTON OFFICE ON LATIN AMERICA KEY FINDINGS: FORCES THAT OPERATED DURING THE 1960-1996 ARMED CONFLICT. The Guatemalan state did not dismantle these counterinsurgency forces after the 1996 peace accords, allowing for their evolution into organized crime and organized corruption. These transformed entities co-opted state institutions to operate with impunity and achieve their illicit goals. They continue to threaten Guatemalan governability and rule of law. UNIQUE TO GUATEMALA. These parallel structures of repression have morphed into organized crime groups in many countries that have endured armed conflicts. LA COMISIÓN INTERNACIONAL CONTRA LA IMPUNIDAD EN GUATEMALA, CICIG) IS A UNIQUE MODEL OF COOPERATION FOR In contrast to other international mechanisms, the CICIG is an independent investigative entity that operates under Guatemalan law and works alongside the Guatemalan justice system. As a result, it works hand in hand with the country’s judiciary and security institutions, building their capacities in the process. The CICIG has passed and implemented important legislative reforms; provided fundamental tools for the investigation and prosecution of organized crime that the country had previously lacked; and removed public officials that had been colluding -
Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala
8/1/2016 Refworld | Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala Publisher Freedom House Publication 29 June 2016 Date Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2016 Guatemala, 29 June 2016, available at: Cite as http://www.refworld.org/docid/577a615011.html [accessed 1 August 2016] This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily Disclaimer endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States. Freedom Status: Partly Free Aggregate Score: 54 Freedom Rating: 4.0 Political Rights: 4 Civil Liberties: 4 Ratings Change: Guatemala's Political Rights rating declined from 3 to 4 because of the increasing influence of organized crime and business interests in campaign funding, as well as the murder of municipal office candidates and their family members during the campaign. Quick Facts Capital: Guatemala City Population: 16,183,752 GDP/capita: $3,667 Press Freedom Status: Partly Free Net Freedom Status: N/A OVERVIEW Months of protests over a corruption scandal as well as an investigation jointly carried out by Guatemala's Public Ministry and the UNbacked International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) led to the resignations and arrests of dozens of government and private sector officials, including President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice President Roxana Baldetti Elías. The multiple graft schemes cost Guatemala more than $200 million in lost revenue and resulted in the medicalmalpractice deaths of at least 10 patients at staterun hospitals. -
Organized Crime, Including Drug Traffickers, Linked to Repressive
Rights Action June 7, 2019 ******* Organized crime, including drug traffickers, linked to repressive Guatemalan president and government https://mailchi.mp/rightsaction/organized-crime-including-drug-traffickers-linked-to-repressive-guatemalan-president-and-government Another “open-for-global-business” regime that is a “democratic allie” of the U.S. and Canadian led efforts to illegally oust the government of Venezuela ******* US Drug Probe Lands Guatemala President in Hot Water by Parker Asmann, April 25, 2019 https://www.insightcrime.org/news/analysis/us-drug-trafficking-probe-lands-guatemala-president-hot-water/ Guatemala President Jimmy Morales stepping off a plane owned by recently arrested presidential candidate Mario Amilcar Estrada Orellana Controversy is swirling in Guatemala after evidence emerged showing that President Jimmy Morales used a helicopter owned by a presidential candidate recently arrested in the United States on drug charges — a case that has turned up the heat significantly on the Central American nation’s head of state. President Morales, who will be replaced after elections this year, reportedly used a helicopter owned by candidate Mario Amilcar Estrada Orellana for official business in January 2018 and possibly on at least one other occasion, Prensa Libre reported. Morales claimed in an April 23 press release that the helicopter was contracted by his government with a company called Maya World Tours, which brokers helicopter flights. However, a legal representative for Maya World Tours said that the company never provided the use of Estrada’s helicopter to Morales, and that the president used the aircraft through some other arrangement, according to Prensa Libre. Just last week, US authorities arrested Estrada, a former presidential candidate with the center-right National Change Union (Unión del Cambio Nacionalista — UCN) political party, on drug and firearms charges. -
REPORT No. 2/16 CASE 12.484 MERITS LUIS ROLANDO CUSCUL PIVARAL ET AL (PERSONS LIVING with HIV/AIDS) GUATEMALA APRIL 13, 2016
OEA/Se r.L/V/II.157 REPORT No. 2/16 Doc. 6 CASE 12.484 April 13, 2016 Original: Spanish REPORT ON MERITS LUIS ROLANDO CUSCUL PIVARAL ET AL (PERSONS LIVING WITH HIV/AIDS) GUATEMALA Approved by the Commission at its Session No. 2060, held on April 13, 2016 157 Regular Period of Sessions Cite as: IACHR, Report No. 2/16, Case No. 12.484, Merits, Luis Rolando Cuscul Pivaral et al (Persons Living with HIV/AIDS), Guatemala, April 13, 2016. www.cidh.org REPORT No. 2/16 CASE 12.484 MERITS LUIS ROLANDO CUSCUL PIVARAL ET AL (PERSONS LIVING WITH HIV/AIDS) GUATEMALA APRIL 13, 2016 CONTENTS I. SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................................................... 2 II. PROCEEDINGS BEFORE THE COMMISSION ..................................................................................................... 3 III. POSITIONS OF THE PARTIES .................................................................................................................................. 3 A. Position of the petitioners ........................................................................................................................................ 3 B. Position of the State .................................................................................................................................................... 7 IV. ANALYSIS OF THE MERITS ....................................................................................................................................10