136 Nicola Jennings 1377 Materialkonzepte zweier spanischer Grablegen im Spiegel von 84. Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, ‘Generación y semblanza’, Claus Sluters Werken für die Kartause von Champmol’, in B. p. 196. Borngässer Klein, H. Karge & B. Klein (eds.), Grabkunst und Sepulkralkultur in Spanien und Portugal. Arte funerario y cultura sepulcral en España y Portugal (Frankfurt am Main; Madrid: Vervuert, Iberoamericana, 2006), p. 95n13. 67. The Castilian convention of decorating tomb chests with narrative imagery, saints, weepers, and heraldry is demons- trated, for example, in María Jesús Gómez Bárcena, Escultura gótica funeraria en (Burgos: Diputacíon Provincial de Burgos, 1988). 68. See, e.g., K. Woods, ‘The Master of Rimini and the Tradition of Alabaster Carving in the Early Fifteenth-Century Netherlands’, in A. S. Lehmann, F. Scholten and P. Chapman (eds.), Meaning in Materials: Netherlandish Art, 1400-1800 (Leiden: Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 2012), p. 62. 69. S. Nash, ‘«The Lord’s Crucifix of Costly Work- manship»: Colour, Collaboration and the Making of Meaning on the Well of Moses’, in V. Brinkmann, O. Primavesi, & M. Hollein (eds.), Circumlitio: The Polychromy of Antique and Me- dieval (Munich: Hirmer, 2010), pp. 356-381. New Functions, 70. See, e.g., Molina de la Torre, , pp. 40-41. The ongoing debate over the quatrain on the Ghent Altarpie- ce illustrates the difficulties inherent in evaluating medieval inscriptions. 71. Caja 7, Expt. 13, ASCT, and Caja 2, Expt. 22, New Typologies: ASCT. Villaseñor claims that construction must have been en- ded by 1431 on the basis the bull, but it seems more likely that of the bull was obtained in advance of the chapel’s completion. See Villaseñor Sebastián, ‘Nuevas aportaciones’, p. 1039.

72. See above and note 28. Inventio in 73. Nicolás Francés, to whom the Saldaña Retable is attributed, is documented as having completed the huge retablo mayor of León Cathedral by 1434, making another commission in the run up to its completion unlikely. See Sánchez Cantón, Valladolid’s Nicolás Francés, p. 9. 74. These children were Pedro Vélez de Guevara, circa 1442-1477; and Constanza Vélez de Guevara, circa 1443- 1505. 75. My thanks to Javier Martínez de Aguirre and Tom College of San Nickson, whose explanations about the construction process and possible revisions to it have been extremely helpful. 76. The shields are unlikely to have been commissioned after Luna’s return to court in 1443 as by then Saldaña had gone over to the rebels. Gregorio 77. Clementina Julia Ara Gil, ‘El siglo XV. Influencia europea y singularidad castellana’, in A. García Simón (ed.), Historia de una cultura: Castilla y León en la historia de España (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1995-1996), p. 115. DIANA OLIVARES MARTÍNEZ 78. It may be that Pedro’s and/or Ferrando’s bones were interred in the crypt where at least five skulls have been found. UNIVERSIDAD DE SEVILLA Only the arms of Fernán López de Saldaña and his two wives appear on the stairs leading down to the crypt. 79. García de Salazar, Las bienandanzas e fortunas, p. 58. 80. Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, ‘Generación y semblanza’, pp. 181-83 and 188-90, notes 101-9. 81. This is documented in F-6, fols. 1-42v, CSyC RAH; M-71, fols. 214-218, CSyC RAH; and M-108, fol. 14, CSyC RAH. 82. Gonzalo de la Hinojosa, Continuación de la crónica de España, ed. Feliciano Ramírez de Arellano (Vaduz: Kraus Reprint, 1966), p. 137. A Castilian dobla was worth 200 maravedis, and it was clearly considered at the time to be an extraordinary sum. 83. The right spandrel displays the arms of the Vélez de Guevara and Ayala families impaled dexter with the castle and lion of the monarchy. As this quartering is not found elsewhere in relation to Isabel Vélez de Guevara, these arms are likely to belong to Pedro, perhaps granted to him on account of the mi- litary service which led to his premature death in 1477. On this type of concession, see A. García Carraffa, Enciclopedia heráldica y genealógica hispano-americana (Madrid, 1919), 9: p. 204. These arms to do not appear on the steps leading down to the crypt. 138 Diana Olivares Martínez New Functions, New Typologies: Inventio in Valladolid’s College of San Gregorio 139

of Paris, Oxford or Cambridge, but also in Italy, and Portugal.2 Moreover, the officers, ecclesiastical dignitaries and regents who founded these colleges regarded their foundations as charitable and pious ventures that would enshrine their memory.3 These privileged institutions also guaranteed their members the best conditions for work and study, provided they were prepared to tolerate the highly disciplined environment.4 In other words, colleges aimed to establish a scholarly elite. Until the fourteenth century, students lived where they could find accommodation compatible with their means. As this posed a major problem of discipline for university authorities, they decided that the long-term solution was to house them in purpose-built colleges where a strict way of life was imposed. Whereas previously classes had taken place in cloisters or in the naves and chapels of churches or cathedrals, new and specialised teaching spaces were built, and libraries became increasingly important. Wisdom was progressively building its own house. At first, extant buildings were reused as colleges, but gradually, buildings organised around a central courtyard came to be preferred, such as those founded by Robert Sorbon in Paris (1257), Walter de Merton in Oxford (1263) or

Fig. 7.1 Hugo de Balsham at Peterhouse, Cambridge (1284). Over the following decades, other College of San important colleges in France and England started to erect new buildings. Gregorio, Valladolid (1488–1496), main According to Michael Kiene’s studies, the variety of local conditions resulted in multiple courtyard. different solutions.5 The common element to collegiate across Europe was not unity of type or style but the desire to create a functional space. Prototypes in England, Despite the considerable quantity of colleges built across Europe in the fifteenth France and Italy appeared almost simultaneously around 1370, giving importance to century, no standard typology had been established when in the 1480s Alonso de Burgos, scholars’ lodgings, the library and, particularly after construction of the College of Spain bishop of Palencia, decided to endow his great foundation in Valladolid, the College of San in Bologna, classrooms. Functional challenges were met in similar ways, all aimed at Gregorio (Fig. 7.1). Yet, as I will show, the layout of this purpose-built Dominican college separating collective and residential spaces to guarantee silence for studying.6 differs significantly from other university buildings in late Gothic Castile. It was probably planned by the knowledgeable and experienced architect Juan Guas, who devised a new English colleges have their own special features, but even there, no model was uniformly distribution of rooms based on a ‘double-L’ structure. Moreover, in order to meet the followed. Generally, small and medium colleges were built in parts at different times, needs of the students and ensure the preservation of his own memory, Alonso de Burgos until a quadrangle—more or less square—was achieved.7 The most significant elements provided his foundation with the best artists in Castile, who lavished the college with a were the chapel and the hall. At Merton College in Oxford—whose first quadrangle was façade that truly celebrates inventio, and a magnificent decorative scheme that makes it finished in 1379—the hall was not integrated into the courtyard, but it was an integral one of the most important late Gothic buildings in Castile. element of the courtyard of New College in Oxford (1380-1400) and in Queen’s College, Inventio is one of the five steps needed to elaborate speech according to the art of rhetoric, a discipline that was essential to the education of every medieval student. It was a creative process which consisted in discovering (rather than creating ex nihilo) the most appropriate arguments in order to compose a speech that could charm, persuade or unsettle. Rhetorical notions of inventio may also help to understand the creative process that produced some of the architectural and sculptural novelties at the College of San Gregorio in Valladolid, a beautiful late Gothic building that now houses the Museo Nacional de Escultura.1 Much of the inventio identifiable at San Gregorio stems from the fact that it represents a relatively new architectural type, the university college.

University colleges and architecture

In the fifteenth century university colleges were private educational institutions, generally founded by prelates or town councils to meet students’ need for housing. Colleges enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy in selecting their own members and managing their financial affairs. The European collegiate movement is a theme of cardinal importance Fig. 7.2 College of San for the history of medieval universities: colleges became a cornerstone for university Clemente, Bologna development during the late Middle Ages, not only in the well-known universities (1367), main courtyard. 140 Diana Olivares Martínez New Functions, New Typologies: Inventio in Valladolid’s College of San Gregorio 141

Cambridge (1448). Colleges spread in the fourteenth century to southern European universities. The evolution of French and Italian models is closer to those in Castile than the English prototypes. In 1359, the now destroyed College of Saint Martial in Toulouse was commenced, supported by Pope Innocent VI. Its regular plan included rooms on two floors around a courtyard with galleries, and it has been considered an important antecedent of the Spanish College in Bologna.8 Founded by the Spanish cardinal Gil de Albornoz in 1367 and designed for Spanish and Portuguese students, the College of Spain or of San Clemente in Bologna was a key reference for later university buildings across Europe.9 It was a new and regular building designed by Matteo Gattapone da Gubbio to meet all the needs of students. Its simple structure is organised around a central courtyard with galleries, two floors, and an axis of symmetry marked by a double-height chapel (Fig. 7.2). Scholars have not yet come to an agreement about the origin of this architectural prototype, and its innovative and functional constructive plan has been connected with monastic buildings, as well as with secular architecture such as urban palaces.10 Recently Amadeo Serra has proposed a link between the concept of cloister developed in the charterhouses and the individual collegiate Fig. 7.4 Portrait of Alonso 11 cells in Bologna. In any case, the Spanish College became a symbol and reference for de Burgos, College of San Gregorio, Castilian colleges, although its influence was more a question of concept and institutional detail from the layout than a real architectural one. façade (ca. 1499). The College of San Bartolomé in Salamanca was the first in Castile to be provided with a new and specially designed building.12 Founded in 1414 by bishop Diego de Anaya (with the same statutes as the Spanish College), it had fifteen rooms around a courtyard with two floors: a chapel and kitchen on the ground floor, a refectory and library on the first. Although the original construction does not survive, old descriptions show that the layout of this college was different from the Spanish College. In fact, the original layouts first imitated in Salamanca, with the new building of its Estudio General or University, of several colleges founded at the end of the fifteenth century are closer to Salamanca than and later in other university towns. An example can be found in the plan of the College to Bologna. of Santa Cruz in Valladolid, founded for twenty students by Cardinal Mendoza and built The typological experimentation that took place during the first decades of the fifteenth between 1486 and 1491 after the model of San Bartolomé (Fig. 7.3).14 century in France and Italy led to the creation of a model for Castilian colleges that was The College of San Gregorio in Valladolid

The college of San Gregorio, also in the city of Valladolid, was endowed by Alonso de Burgos in 1487 (Fig. 7.4). Although Alonso’s origins are unknown, the assumption that he was a converso has persisted, especially because of his closeness to the Santa María family in Burgos (which includes heraldic similarities).15 Alonso de Burgos professed as a Dominican friar in the convent of San Pablo in Burgos, although he finished his degree in San Pablo of Valladolid where he became master and lecturer of theology. He became one of the confessors and closest collaborators of Queen Isabella when she was a princess, and he would develop an impressive career both at court, as the chief chaplain and Queen’s confessor, and in the Church, as bishop of Córdoba, Cuenca and Palencia. His artistic patronage increased as his career progressed, as can be seen in Cuenca and Palencia.16 His heraldic emblem, the fleur-de-lis, populates keystones and triforium balconies, recording his generous gifts and reforms (Fig. 7.5).17 He nonetheless elected burial in a foundation related to the Dominican Order, the College of San Gregorio in Valladolid. Fig. 7.3 College of Santa Alonso’s choice of Valladolid was not casual. This Castilian city had continued Cruz, Valladolid to grow in importance since the beginning of the thirteenth century.18 Thanks to its (1486–1491), façade. central and strategic position between Burgos, León, Segovia and Toledo (among other 142 Diana Olivares Martínez New Functions, New Typologies: Inventio in Valladolid’s College of San Gregorio 143

between nineteen and twenty-eight and have prior knowledge of grammar, logic, arts and theology, enabling them to follow lectures in theology, logic, and natural and moral philosophy. The statutes also describe parts of the building that have not survived such as the infirmary, lavatories, well and vegetable garden. Thanks to political support in provided by the monarchs, Alonso was able to obtain a papal bull confirming the foundation of a university college for sixteen (ultimately twenty) Dominican observant friars.26 Work on the chapel started in 1487, and construction of the college began in 1488.27 We can assume that it was carefully planned from the start. The college was in use by 1496, although some works were still in progress after the death of Alonso de Burgos in 1499. It is very likely that the college was designed by Juan Guas, who was master of royal works and is documented as working in the chapel in 1488, together with Juan de Talavera.28 As I argue below, the college must have been planned by a knowledgeable and experienced architect who was able to devise an ingenious variation on the distribution of rooms— someone like Juan Guas, with a considerable degree of inventio. Alonso de Burgos also hired many other leading artists for this project: Gil de Siloe created the altarpiece in the college chapel together with Diego de la Cruz, while Simón de Colonia built the sacristy, Alonso’s funerary monument, and the chapel’s internal façade.29 The absence of documentation concerning construction, and the college’s uncertain position between Gothic and Renaissance, probably explain the relative scholarly neglect of San Gregorio. It has traditionally been understood as an example of the Gothic tradition, Fig. 7.5 whereas similar and closely contemporary buildings such as Santa Cruz were identified Alonso de Burgos’ 30 coat of arms, with the ‘revolution’ represented by the Renaissance (Fig. 7.6). With no obviously College of San Gregorio, detail Italianate features, San from the façade (ca. Gregorio was described 1499). by early twentieth- century scholars as reasons), it was frequently visited by members of the royal family, and was the target of ‘decadent’ or ‘motley’.31 19 important endowments from the most prominent religious orders. All these elements However, analysis of the motivated the frequent presence of the court, which contributed to the development of an Dominican foundation aristocratic neighbourhood close to the Plaza de San Pablo and to the installation of the reveals that it can claim a 20 Royal Chancery in the Vivero Palace in 1485. number of innovations, These circumstances propelled the development of the University of Valladolid, which especially in terms of was first established in the thirteenth century, largely to satisfy the need for administrators its architectural layout. for the court and lawyers for the chancery.21 New university buildings (demolished in Its decoration shows 1909) were built there in the last decades of the fifteenth century, and the Colleges of Santa the impact of new Cruz and San Gregorio became the first university colleges in the city.22 The foundation artistic vocabularies of these colleges belongs to a wider political project initiated by the Catholic Monarchs brought by architects in the effort to control key institutions with close allies educated in their ideals and goals. and artists from The endowment of these colleges thus implied a decrease in both power and autonomy for northern Europe, who the university. had recently established workshops in Castile, The origins of San Gregorio go back to 1486, when the Dominican convent of San especially in Burgos Pablo donated the land as an expression of gratitude for the ‘many honours and favours and Toledo, and created they had received from the most illustrious lord Dr Alonso de Burgos’, and for Alonso’s decorative schemes financial support for the convent’s refurbishment.23 The College of San Gregorio did with an unprecedented not have the category of a studium of the mendicant order; it was a university college Fig. 7.6a. College of richness that did not devoted to Theology.24 In the statutes drafted by Alonso de Burgos in 1499, he stated that San Gregorio, main go unnoticed (Fig. courtyard (above). his aim was to improve the clergy’s learning by encouraging wisdom, preaching ability, 7.7). Contrary to the and knowledge of the Scriptures in those with a natural talent for studying but a lack Fig. 7.6b. College judgement of twentieth- of Santa Cruz, main of economic resources.25 To be eligible to study at San Gregorio, friars had to be aged courtyard (below). 144 Diana Olivares Martínez New Functions, New Typologies: Inventio in Valladolid’s College of San Gregorio 145

Fig. 7.8 College of San Gregorio, ground floor, mezzanine and first floor. Notes from the author over plans from Nieto Sobejano Arquitectos published in http://arqa.com/ arquitectura/ internacional/ ampliacion-del- museo-nacional- de-escultura-de- valladolid-espana. html.

century historians, this creative atmosphere was far from the cliché of decadence and exhaustion that was traditionally linked to the Spanish Gothic style.32 In fact, if we turn to sixteenth-century travellers’ accounts, the Italian elements incorporated into certain buildings as an erudite form of quotation—as boasted for Santa

Fig. 7.7 Cruz by some historians—were not seen as something novel, but as a point of continuity College of San in the development of a local and eclectic tradition.33 What is more, some of those who Gregorio, façade (detail) (ca. 1499). travelled to Valladolid gave similar descriptions for both colleges. For example, in 1517, Laurent Vital—a member of the party of Charles V—praised San Gregorio for its beauty and resemblance to the ‘tall and bright’ buildings of Flanders, making no equivalent comment about the Italianate features of Santa Cruz although he praised the latter’s library for being finer and richer than San Gregorio’s.34 The layout of this purpose-built Dominican college differs significantly from other university buildings in late medieval Castile (Fig. 7.8). This is partly due to the fact that the college chapel, which was also the bishop’s funerary chapel, lies outside the courtyard and is connected to the church of San Pablo. However, its main novelty is in the layout of the buildings around the courtyard, which, as we will see, represents inventio in response to the building’s functions and patron’s brief. The façade of the College of San Gregorio leads to the Patio de Estudios, one of the courtyards around which the quarters are arranged (Fig. 7.9). The statutes of 1499 distinguish two areas: the escuela or ‘school’, articulated by the Patio de Estudios; and the colegio or ‘college’, by the main courtyard, where the residential quarters were located. In the escuela there were two big lecture rooms with gilded and decorated wooden ceilings, although only the Aula de Cano (a lecture theatre) remains. This small courtyard in turn gave access to the corridor that connected this area with the chapel, a lower hall and the chaplains’ chambers. This distinction between the teaching area and the lodgings was 146 Diana Olivares Martínez New Functions, New Typologies: Inventio in Valladolid’s College of San Gregorio 147

Fig. 7.11 College of San Gregorio, entrance to Alonso de Burgos’ chamber (1488–1496).

36 Fig. 7.9 the most important. They were also embellished with beautiful wooden ceilings (Fig. College of San 7.10). Gregorio, Patio de Estudios. A great staircase was located between these monumental spaces, providing access to the unparalleled in other university colleges, notably the Spanish College in Bologna or Santa first floor. As on the ground floor, both the southeastern and southwestern sides house the Cruz in Valladolid. most important rooms, notably the magnificent library (which was already commonly located on the upper floor in other convents and colleges) and a room whose tripartite The most striking aspect of this layout is the ground plan of the main courtyard 35 distribution brings to mind a monastic chapter house (Fig. 7.11). José Ignacio Hernández and its remarkable distribution of spaces, functions, and levels. Superficially it seems Redondo has recently made the convincing suggestion that these were Alonso de Burgos’s homogeneous, with four galleries around a square courtyard, famous for its characteristic private chambers.37 twisted columns and decorated first floor. However, the courtyard contains a double-L structure that is quite different from what was usual in contemporary secular and religious buildings. The rooms in the southeastern and southwestern sides of the ground floor are high and have richly ornamented entrances. They include the archive, the assembly hall, the Aula de Cano with access from the Patio de Estudios, the refectory, the kitchen and the fireplace. Given that these two sides of the courtyard are widest, it follows that they were

Fig. 7.10 Fig.7.12 College of San College of San Gregorio, window Gregorio, interior and doors from of the Assembly the spiral staircase Hall (1488–1496). (1488–1496). 148 Diana Olivares Martínez New Functions, New Typologies: Inventio in Valladolid’s College of San Gregorio 149

Fig. 7.15 Fig. 7.13 College of San College of San Gregorio, first Gregorio, main floor of the main courtyard (1488– courtyard (detail) 1496). (1488–1496).

located. It was conceived as a place of representation which invited recreation, reflected In contrast to the two-floor arrangement of the southeastern and southwestern sides refinement, and flaunted the patron’s social power (Fig. 7.14). But its relationship to the of the courtyard, the other two sides have three storeys: the ground floor, mezzanine and building typology and distribution of rooms has not always been understood. Although first floor. They housed the chambers of the students, rector and lecturers, all behind the emergence of a first floor in monastic cloisters has been interpreted as a response to the humbly but individually decorated doors. There were twenty-four cells with a study change from common dormitories to individual cells brought on by the mendicants, they and a bedroom in each one, although the original arrangement of the cells, especially did not generate substantial staircases before the sixteenth century. In secular architecture, in the mezzanine, is still unknown. however, the notion of planta noble (piano nobile) led to the development of monumental Obliquely placed doors and windows staircases in French palaces, a structure that soon spread to other regions.40 Through in one corner reveal the existence of the course of the fifteenth century, the palaces of the Castilian nobility increasingly a now missing spiral staircase, which incorporated large and regular courtyards, with ceremonial chambers and galleries on the gave access to this residential area first floor, as at the Casa del Cordón (Burgos) or Cogolludo Palace (Guadalajara), and (Fig. 7.12). The use of these oblique suitably grand staircases leading up to them. elements was an architectural boast (indeed, it may be one of the first San Gregorio was neither a monastic nor a domestic building. Thanks to the three- examples in Castile), which implies storey arrangement, the residential cells could be incorporated in one of the ‘L’s described not only the designer’s knowledge of above, leaving the remaining areas available for public spaces, including the staircase. This recent architectural innovations in arrangement was similar to that developed contemporaneously in such noble palaces and Valencia, but also his desire to make castles as Manzanares el Real, el Infantado in Guadalajara and la Casa del Cordón in an erudite quotation referring to the Burgos. Indeed, the residential area might be best compared with the efficient use of space fenestras obliquas of Solomon’s Palace in conventual architecture, whereas ceremonial areas more closely recall palaces.41 (1 Kings 6:4), together with the torch Hernández Redondo’s idea that the bishop’s chamber at San Gregorio was located on columns and the simulated textiles of the first floor, linked to the library and near the staircase, would justify the palatial nature 38 the main courtyard (Fig. 7.13). of the first floor. The entrance to the chamber is formed by a very ornate door between The main staircase is therefore late Gothic windows, making this space stand out from the rest of the building (Fig. located in the area of greater 7.11). The bishop’s room would be located in the west corner, connected to the rest of the importance, with access from the main chamber and built over the archive room, which is covered with a stone vault. The layout courtyard, and beside the vestibule and decorative richness of the first floor, dominated by the fleur-de-lis, further suggests 39 Fig. 7.14 that connects both courtyards. It that this room could have been used mainly as Alonso de Burgos’ chambers (Fig. 7.15). College of San constitutes a magnificent space, the The structure of these chambers—with a large hall and smaller, more private retrete— Gregorio, main recalls a number of palaces in Castile and Navarre, and ultimately their French models.42 staircase (1488– sole entrance to the main floor, where 1496). the most important rooms were Alonso de Burgos, who moved to Valladolid and even lived in the college, played an 150 Diana Olivares Martínez New Functions, New Typologies: Inventio in Valladolid’s College of San Gregorio 151

active role in its construction.43 One of the few surviving documents pertaining to San Gregorio is a protest from the bishop against the masons before the Royal Council: asking for an inspection of the works by other masons, Alonso de Burgos claimed that ‘the works in the chapel are bad and false, there are many holes and cracks; the chapel has so many flaws that it is in danger’.44 The most striking feature of the chapel, built by Juan Guas and Juan de Talavera from 1487 to 1490, is perhaps the aisleless nave, covered by an innovative ribbed [left] Fig. 7.17 vault. Here, on the vault, the ribs of the College of San Gregorio, façade western bay create a pattern of rotating (ca. 1499). squares, whilst the masonry is set concentrically in the vault webs of the [right] Fig. 7.18 unusual and irregular septagonal eastern College of San 45 Gregorio, façade bay (Fig. 7.16). The keystones of the (detail) (ca. 1499). Fig. 7.16 vault are decorated with the heraldry of College of San the bishop and of the Dominican order, Gregorio, vaults 46 covering the chapel and an inscription covers the walls. (1488–1496). Besides the magnificent altarpiece by In my opinion, it is possible to identify a consistent and coherent iconographic Diego de Siloe and Diego de la Cruz,47 programme in the portal that relates to the function of the building behind it, and the greatest innovation in the chapel was, in all likelihood, the now missing funerary that spells out a specific monument of Alonso de Burgos, carved by Simón de Colonia, who also designed the programme related to science, façade of the chapel that faces San Pablo. the acquisition of knowledge and virtue, constructed from The choice of funerary monument was one of the most important decisions made literary metaphors, popular by princes, nobles and prelates, who sought materials, designs and artists of the highest culture and visual models.53 quality.48 Described in the sixteenth century by Antoine de Lalaing and Laurent Vital, This programme, which I the funerary monument of Alonso de Burgos was unique in Castile.49 Made of alabaster have explored elsewhere, (the stone of choice for elite tombs) and with an unusual design comparable to the must have been devised by ensemble of Miraflores, it consisted of a seven-metre tall monument featuring a portrait Gil de Siloe—drawing on of Alonso behind a pulpit, in the act of preaching.50 Even more striking is the identity his experience of designing of his listeners, all shown seated: the Catholic Monarchs, Prince Juan with Margaret of altarpieces in Burgos— Austria, and the rest of their daughters (presumably Juana, María and Catalina), together with advice from a learned with other important aristocrats. Bishop Alonso thus employed the greatest artists in the Dominican.54 It would have kingdom to create an extraordinary chapel that would perpetuate his memory by asserting been a creative process that his magnificence, drawing on an Aristotelian concept that was a common mark of power, established a new iconography ethics and virtue in fifteenth-century Castile.51 of wisdom, appropriate to The façade of the college was the last part to be finished, and has also aroused most San Gregorio’s function scholarly interest due to its profuse decoration, complex iconographic interpretations, as a temple of knowledge, and the difficulty of attributing it to particular artists (Fig. 7.17).52 It has generally been and equivalent to the great attributed to Gil de Siloe on account of its vegetal imagery which is similar to other works sculpted façades of cathedrals of vegetal microarchitecture that this artist developed in Burgos. Vegetal forms play a and collegiate churches. It leading role in the façade, composed as an altarpiece in three storeys, and dominated by was the very first time in a huge royal coat of arms over a pomegranate tree emerging from a fountain (Fig. 7.18). Castile that such a façade was Fig. 7.19 It appears to have been conceived as an emblem, where characters such as wild men or created for a building other College of San Gregorio, wild men soldiers stand together with more predictable figures, such as the founder (as donor) along than a church, and, like a from the façade (ca. with saints Gregory, Paul, and Dominic. fine speech, it was intended 1499). 152 153

notwithstanding his patronage at Palencia Cathedral, or even at the convent of San Pablo in Valladolid. The fact that he did not come from a high noble family suggests, perhaps, that the heraldic exuberance of San Gregorio was a form of assertiveness in the sole place where the preservation of Alonso’s memory was guaranteed. He also sought to maintain his memory by means of portraits, at least of four of which were located in the confined perimeter of the college.58 Magnificence was of a great importance in this endowment. It represents a new attitude towards the arts associated with the virtues of nobility, transforming architecture into the material expression of the founder’s splendour.59 Inventio was central to that expression, both in the design of the courtyards and in the overtly rhetorical message of the façade.

1. The building was the main subject of my PhD Dis- dro Bezares and Juan Luis Polo Rodríguez (eds.), Imagen, contex- sertation, ‘Alonso de Burgos y el Colegio de San Gregorio de Val- tos morfológicos y universidades (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad ladolid: saber y magnificencia en el tardogótico castellano’, super- de Salamanca, 2013), pp. 19-38. vised by Javier Martínez de Aguirre and finished in April 2018 at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid. 10. Konrad Rückbrod, Universität und Kollegium. Baugeschichte und Bautyp (Darmstadt: Brepols, 1977), p. 27; J. 2. Alan B. Cobban, ‘The Role of Colleges in the Me- Winckelmann, ‘Universitá e Collegi. Sviluppo e modelli archi- dieval Universities of Northern Europe, with Special Reference tettonici. Nota su un recente libro’, in Emilio Verdera y Tuells to England and France’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 71 (ed.), El Cardenal Albornoz y el Colegio de España (Bologna and (1989): p. 50. Zaragoza: Cometa, 1979), p. 37; Gottfried Kerscher, ‘Palazzi Fig. 7.20 prerinascimentali: la rocca di Spoleto e il Collegio di Spagna a College of 3. A. Gabriel, ‘Motivation of the Founders at Mediae- Bologna. Architettura del cardinale Aegidius Albornoz’, Annali di San Gregorio, val Colleges’, Beiträge zum Berufsbewusstein des Mittelalterlichen architettura 3 (1991): pp. 14-25. ornamental details Menschen 3 (1964): p. 61. (1488–1496). 11. Serra, ‘El Colegio de España en Bolonia’, pp. 22; 29. 4. Jacques Verger, ‘Patterns’, in Walter Rüegg (ed.), A History of the University in Europe, vol. 1, Universities in the 12. Pereda, ‘El estudio y el problema’, pp. 27-31; Al- Middle Ages (Cambridge: University Press, 1992), p. 60. fonso Rodríguez G. de Ceballos, ‘Noticias documentales sobre el Colegio de San Bartolomé de Salamanca’, Archivo Español de 5. Michael Kiene, ‘L’università nelle città europee’, in Arte 302 (2003): pp. 187-205; Nieves Rupérez, El colegio de San to charm, persuade and unsettle those that gazed upon it (Fig. 7.19). The choice of the G. P. Brizzi and Jacques Verger, Le Università dell’Europa dal Ri- Bartolomé o de Anaya (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, nascimento alle riforme religiose (Milan: Silvana, 1993), p. 32. 2003); Nieves Rupérez, ‘El Colegio de San Bartolomé antes de topics and the multiple levels at which it can be read—its dispositio—correspond with the las reformas del siglo XVIII’, in Rodríguez-San Pedro Bezares and characteristics of a persuasive speech according to traditional rhetorical theory. Whoever 6. The topic of university colleges as an architectural Polo Rodríguez, Imagen, contextos morfológicos y universidades (Sa- typology around Europe has been studied by several authors. See lamanca, Universidad de Salamanca, 2013), pp.159-210. designed the façade drew on both popular and high literary culture in order to create a Nikolas Pevsner, ‘Universities Yesterday’, Architectural Review 122 (1957): pp. 235-9; Konrad Rückbrod, Universität und Kollegium. 13. These ideas have been developed by Felipe Pereda. façade that would communicate to different viewers, signalling the existence behind it of Baugeschichte und Bautyp (Darmstadt: Brepols, 1977); Michael See La arquitectura elocuente. El edificio de la Universidad de Sala- Kiene, ‘Die Grundlagen der europäischen Universitätsbaukunst’, manca bajo el reinado de Carlos V (Madrid, Sociedad Estatal para a building dedicated to knowledge. Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 46 (1983): pp. 63-114; ‘Die Bautä- la Conmemoración de los centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, tigkeit in den italienischen Universitäten von der Mitte der Tre- 2000), p.44. As for the choice of architecture, in the period around 1500 this style was not only the cento bis zur Mitte des Quattrocento’, Mitteilungen der Kunsthis- torischen Institut in Florenz 30 (1986): pp. 433-92 and ‘Colleges, 14. This building has been recently studied by Rui Lobo, preference of the majority of European elites but was also one where new forms and design ‘Palaces of Wisdom’ and University Buildings in Europe before although it requires a detailed and an up-to-date analysis. See 55 1500’, in A. Savini (ed.), Collegiate Learning in the Middle Ages Luis Cervera Vera, Arquitectura del Colegio Mayor de Santa Cruz strategies were employed. The imaginative and novel use of ornament was as important and Beyond (Pavia: Monduzzi Editoriale, 2012), pp. 57-68; Fe- de Valladolid (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 1982); Sal- for architects as the revision of spatial properties and structural challenges. The scholarly lipe Pereda, ‘El estudio y el problema de la tipología del colegio vador Andrés Ordax y José Rivera Blanco (eds.), La introducción universitario’, La arquitectura elocuente. El edificio de la Universi- del Renacimiento en España. El Colegio de Santa Cruz (1491-1991) inattention suffered by such buildings stems in part from a long-standing dismissal of dad de Salamanca bajo el reinado de Carlos V (Madrid: Sociedad (Valladolid: Instituto Español de Arquitectura – Universidad de Estatal para la Conmemoración de los centenarios de Felipe II y Valladolid, 1992); Miguel Ángel Zalama, ‘Arquitectura y estilo ornament and from prejudices against rich decoration as a symptom of decadence and Carlos V, 2000), pp. 17-75; Rui Lobo, ‘Urbanismo y arquitectura en la época de los Reyes Católicos’, in La magnificencia de un 56 universitarios en la Península Ibérica. Algunos apuntes’, in Luis reinado. Catálogo de Exposición (Salamanca: Sociedad Estatal de decline. From Paris to Vienna, Prague, Nuremberg, Strasbourg or Düsseldorf, these Rodríguez-San Pedro and José Luis Polo Rodríguez (eds.), Ima- Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2004), pp. 127-40; Salvador An- kinds of ornamental patterns—where microarchitecture achieved a great prominence— gen, contextos morfológicos y universidades. Miscelánea Alfonso IX, drés Ordax, El Colegio de Santa Cruz de Valladolid. Más de qui- 2012 (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2013), nientos años de historia (Valladolid: Diputación y Ayuntamiento mark a resistance to Italian forms that were already known thanks to the circulation of pp. 39-68. de Valladolid, 2015); Rui Lobo, ‘El primitivo edificio del Colegio Mayor de Santa Cruz de Valladolid y la consolidación del tipo prints and portable objects. 7. Robert Willis, The Architectural History of the Uni- colegial castellano, Goya: Revista de arte 352 (2015): pp. 192-207. versity of Cambridge (Cambridge: University Press, 1988); Robin We might say that the decorative idiom of the College of San Gregorio, always Darwal, ‘The Medieval Buildings of University College, Oxford’, 15. Pablo de Santamaría (formerly Solomon Ha-Levi) Oxoniensia 70 (2005): pp. 9-26. and his son Alonso de Cartagena (both of whom were bishops of described as ‘opulent’ and deeply rooted in the Gothic tradition, belongs to the much Burgos) were all members of an extended converso family, most 8. Kiene, ‘L’Università’, p. 27. of whom bore the names Santamaria or Maluenda. All shared wider European phenomenon of Astwerk or ‘branches-work’, the Iberian reception of the same heraldic emblem: a single fleur-de-lis, representing the 57 9. See, amongst others, Michael Kiene, ‘L’architettura Virgin, which Pablo (the initial convert in the family) presu- which remains largely unstudied. The whole college abounds with vegetal imagery, from del Colegio di Spagna di Bologna: organizzazione dello spazio e mably chose to relate to his adopted Christian name. For more the courtyard to the façade, with angels, textile strips, pomegranates, pearls and fleurs-de- influssi sull’edilizia universitaria europea’, Il Carrobbio 9 (1983): information on Alonso de Burgos, see Diana Olivares Martínez pp. 234-42; Ignacio González-Varas, Dietro il muro del Collegio di and Gema Palomo Fernández, ‘Escudos con flor de lis o la huella lis, all covering the stone like a tapestry (Fig. 7.20). Indeed, the choice of this architectural Spagna (Bologna: Clueb, 1998); Amadeo Serra, Matteo Gattapo- de un prelado promotor: Alonso de Burgos, obispo de Cuenca ne, arquitecto del Colegio de España (Bologna and Zaragoza: Pu- (1482-1485)’, Lope de Barrientos. Seminario de cultura 6 (2013): and ornamental style, closely connected with French and German designs, could be said blicaciones del Real Colegio de España, 1992); Amadeo Serra, ‘El pp. 93-124; Jorge Díaz Ibáñez, ‘Fray Alonso de Burgos. Un prela- Colegio de España en Bolonia y la arquitectura universitaria del do al servicio de la monarquía castellana en la segunda mitad del to make San Gregorio a more original or distinct building than the markedly Italianate primer Renacimiento en Italia y España’, in España y Bolonia: siete siglo XV’, in H. Vasconcelos and M. J. Branco (eds.), Ecclesiastics College of Santa Cruz, also in Valladolid. siglos de relaciones artísticas y culturales (Madrid: Fundación Caro- and political state building in the Iberian monarchies, 13th-15th lina, 2006); Amadeo Serra, ‘Bolonia y la definición de un tipo en centuries (Coimbra: Publicaçoes do Cidehus, 2016), pp. 147-82. San Gregorio was arguably Alonso de Burgos’s greatest artistic commission, la arquitectura universitaria europea’, in Luis Rodríguez-San Pe- 155

16. The relationshop between Alonso de Burgos’s patro- siones 31 (1923): pp. 252-7; Filemón Arribas, ‘Simón de Colonia 44. Registro General del Sello, legajo 148812,131. nage and income has been studied in Diana Olivares Martínez, en Valladolid’, Boletín del Seminario de Estudios de Arte y Arqueo- 1488, 12, 4, Archivo General de Simancas. García Chico, ‘Juan ‘Los Reyes Católicos y la financiación de las empresas arquitec- logía 5 (1933-1934): pp. 153-66; Manuel Gómez-Moreno, ‘A Guas y la capilla’, p. 201. tónicas de Alonso de Burgos’, in María Dolores Teijeira et al. propósito de Simón de Colonia en Valladolid’, Archivo Español de (eds.), Reyes y Prelados. La creación artística en los reinos de León y Arte y Arqueología 30 (1934): pp. 181-4; Isabel Fuentes Rebollo, 45. Juan Guas also set masonry concentrically in the Castilla (1050-1500) (Madrid: Sílex, 2014), pp. 417-35. ‘El maestro Simón de Colonia en San Pablo y San Gregorio (Nue- vaults of San Juan de los Reyes in Toledo. va lectura documental)’, Boletín del Museo Nacional de Escultura 3 17. Fleurs-de-lis can be found in the keystone of the (1998-1999): pp. 7-10. 46. See note 27 above. transept vault in the cathedral of Palencia, as well as in the dis- mantled balcony from the triforium in the cathedral of Cuenca, 30. See Zalama, ‘Arquitectura y estilo’. 47. The altarpiece was made of walnut and included among other locations. ‘twenty-two stories and effigies of saints’. Its cost was comparable 31. Vicente Lampérez y Romea, Arquitectura Civil Es- to Luis de Acuña’s altarpiece in . See Códices, 18. Julio Valdeón, ‘Valladolid de Villa a Ciudad’, in pañola de los siglos I al XVIII, vol. 2, Arquitectura pública (Madrid: L.1260, fols. 263-4, AHN. Valladolid. Historia de una ciudad, vol. 1, La ciudad y el arte. Val- Saturnino Calleja, 1922), p. 156; Manuel Gómez-Moreno, Las ladolid Villa (época medieval) (Valladolid: Ayuntamiento de Val- águilas del Renacimiento español: Bartolomé Ordoñez, Diego Siloé, 48. Milena Bartlova, ‘In memoriam defunctorum: visual ladolid, 1999), pp. 181-92. Pedro Machuca, Alonso Berruguete (Madrid: Xarait, 1941), p. 185. arts as devices of memory’, in L. Dolezalová (ed.), The Making For the historiography, see Diana Olivares Martínez, ‘“Del más of Memory in the Middle Ages (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2010), pp. 19. Adeline Rucquoi, Valladolid en la Edad Media, vol. abigarrado y barroco estilo Isabel”. La historiografía como condi- 473-86. 2, El mundo abreviado (1367-1474) (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla cionante para el estudio del tardogótico hispano: el colegio de San y León, 1987), pp. 519-24; Pascual Martínez Sopena, ‘La capital Gregorio de Valladolid’, in Fernando Grilo et al. (eds.), Da traça 49. García Mercadal, Viajes de Extranjeros, pp. 423 and del rigor. Valladolid y los movimientos observantes del siglo XV’, à edificaçao: a arquitetura dos sèculos XV e XVI em Portugal e na 674. in Javier Burrieza (ed.), La ciudad del Regalado (Valladolid: Ayun- Europa (forthcoming). tamiento de Valladolid, 2004), p. 39. 50. See Ethan Matt Kavaler, Renaissance Gothic (New 32. See especially Begoña Alonso Ruiz, Arquitectura Tar- Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), p. 194. 20. María Antonia Varona, La Chancillería de Valladolid dogótica en Castilla: los Rasines (Santander: Universidad de Can- en el reinado de los Reyes Católicos (Valladolid: Universidad, 1981); tabria, 2003); Alonso, ‘Los tiempos y los nombres del tardogótico 51. C. Stephen Jaeger (ed.), Magnificence and the Su- Jesús Urrea, La plaza de San Pablo: escenario de la Corte (Vallado- castellano’, in La arquitectura tardogótica castellana entre Europa y blime in Medieval Aesthetics. Art, Architecture, Music (New York: lid, Diputación de Valladolid, 2003). América (Madrid: Sílex, 2011), pp. 43-80. Pallgrave Macmillan, 2010); Begoña Alonso Ruiz, ‘La nobleza en la ciudad: Arquitectura y Magnificencia a finales de la Edad Media’, 21. Elena Sánchez Movellán, ‘La Universidad Medie- 33. Zalama, ‘Arquitectura y estilo’, p. 139. Studia Historica. Historia Moderna 34 (2012): pp. 215-51. val’, in José María Palomares (ed.), Historia de la Universidad de 34. José García Mercadal, Viajes de Extranjeros por Es- 52. See especially María Lozano de Vilatela, ‘Simbolis- Valladolid (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 1989), 1: pp. paña y Portugal. Desde los tiempos más remotos hasta comienzos del mo de la portada de San Gregorio de Valladolid’, Traza y Baza 25-72. siglo XX (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León – Consejería de 4 (1974): pp. 7-15; Clementina Julia Ara Gil, ‘Las fachadas de Educación y Cultura, 1999), 1: p. 672. San Gregorio y San Pablo de Valladolid en el contexto de la ar- 22. Amalia Prieto Cantero, ‘El antiguo edificio de la quitectura europea’, Actas del Coloquio La arquitectura gótica en Universidad’, in Historia de la Universidad de Valladolid, 2: pp. 35. I have studied this in relation to the main staircase España (Göttingen: Vervuert, 1999) pp. 317-34; Felipe Pereda, 645-8; María José Redondo Cantera, Una casa para la sabiduría. in more detail. See Diana Olivares Martínez, ‘La escalera del cole- ‘The Shelter of the Savage: From Valladolid to the New World’, El edificio histórico de la Universidad de Valladolid (Valladolid: gio de San Gregorio de Valladolid, espacio y representación’, in Medieval Encounters 16 (2010): pp. 268-359. Universidad de Valladolid, 2002). Sevilla, 1514: arquitectos tardogóticos en la encrucijada (Seville: Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, 2016), pp. 369-81. 53. For the notion of a ‘programme’, see B. Boerner, 23. Libro Becerro del colegio dominico de San Gregorio de ‘Sculptural Programs’, in Conrad Rudolph (ed.), A Companion Valladolid, códices, libro 1260, fol. 263, Archivo Histórico Na- 36. The southeast and southwest sides are wider than to Medieval Art (Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), pp. 557- cional, Madrid (henceforth AHN). The donation became effec- the northeast and northwest ones, giving clear proof of the diffe- 76; Michel Pastoreau, ‘Programme. Histoire d’un mot, histoire tive from 9 January 1487. See Clero secular-regular, legajo 7872, rent importance given to each area. For instance, the southwest d’un concept’, in Jean-Marie Guillouët and Claudia Rabel (eds.), AHN. side measures 10.6 metres in width whereas the northwest is 9.8 Le Programme. Une notion pertinente en histoire de l’art médiéval? metres. (Paris: Le léopard d’Or, 2011), pp. 15-25. 24. Traditionally, the Dominican friars studied at the 37. José Ignacio Hernández Redondo, ‘El Colegio de universities of Paris, Oxford and Cambridge, but during the fif- San Gregorio, fundación de fray Alonso de Burgos: reflexiones y 54. I give a fuller account of the iconography in my teenth century, students elected to study across Europe. The Wes- propuestas’, in Conocer Valladolid (Valladolid: Real Academia de doctoral dissertation which I hope to publish shortly. tern Schism forced the Observant friars to register in universities Bellas Artes de la Purísima Concepción, 2014), p. 101. other than Paris, such as the Bologna Theology Faculty. With 55. Kavaler, Renaissance Gothic, p. 4. the Hundred Years’ War, however, Spanish and Portuguese stu- 38. Based on Arturo Zaragozá, ‘Inspiración bíblica y dents were granted permission to register at Valladolid University, presencia de la Antigüedad en el episodio tardogótico valenciano’, 56. Ethan Matt Kavaler, ‘Renaissance Gothic: Pictures of where theology was taught from 1418. See Santiago Aguadé, ‘Las in Historia de la Ciudad, vol. 2, Territorio, sociedad y Patrimonio: Geometry and Narratives of Ornament’, Art History 29 (2006): universidades y la formación intelectual del clero castellano en la una visión arquitectónica de la historia de la ciudad de Valencia p. 4. Edad Media’, in Universidad, cultura y sociedad en la Edad Media (Valencia: Colegio de Arquitectos, 2002), pp. 165-83. I have ex- (Alcalá de Henares: Universidad, 1994), p. 192. plored this more deeply in ‘Sapientia aedificavit sibi domum: el 57. See Pereda, ‘The Shelter’, p. 269. Colegio de San Gregorio de Valladolid y el imaginario salomóni- 25. The statutes (Clero secular-regular, carpeta 3500/5, co’, in Alexandra Uscatescu and Irene González (eds.), En busca 58. On the façade, the altarpiece of the chapel, the tomb pos. 3125, AHN) have been transcribed and studied in Jorge del saber: arte y ciencia en el Mediterráneo medieval (Madrid: Edi- monument, and the door which linked the chapel to the church Díaz Ibáñez, ‘Alonso de Burgos y la fundación y primeros esta- ciones Complutense, 2018), pp. 367-79. of San Pablo, as well as on the façade of San Pablo. tutos del colegio de San Gregorio de Valladolid. La regulación de la vida religiosa y académica de los dominicos observantes en la 39. See Diana Olivares Martínez, ‘La escalera del cole- 59. Alonso Ruiz, ‘La nobleza en la ciudad’, p. 216. Castilla del siglo XV’, Cuadernos de historia del derecho 23 (2016), gio’. pp. 41-100. 40. Jean Guillaume, ‘Genèse de l’escalier moderne’, in 26. The bull was granted by Pope Innocent VIII on 15 Jean Guillaume (ed.), L’Escalier dans l’architecture de la Renais- December 1487 and is transcribed in Gonzalo de Arriaga, His- sance (Paris: Picard, 1985), p. 10. toria del Colegio de San Gregorio de Valladolid (Valladolid: Tipo- grafía Cuesta, 1928), 1: pp. 68-9. See R. J. Clemente y B. Hidal- 41. The idea of specialization in fifteenth-century Cas- go, ‘Colección diplomática del Archivo Histórico Dominicano de tilian palaces has been developed by Elena Paulino Montero. See la Provincia de España, Archivo Dominicano. Anuario 34 (2013), especially ‘El Alcázar de Medina de Pomar y la Casa del Cordón. p. 97n25. La creación de un palacio especializado nobiliario, en Anales de Historia del Arte 23 (2013): pp. 521-36. 27. The chapel’s construction is recorded in an inscrip- tion. See Francisco Javier Molina de la Torre, ‘Los estudios epigrá- 42. For Castilian examples, see the Casa del Cordón ficos desde la teoría de la comunicación: el friso de la capilla del and the so-called Felipe el Hermoso rooms; the ‘retrait’ had been Colegio de San Gregorio de Valladolid’, Documenta & Instrumen- used in the palaces of Olite and Pamplona in Navarre since the ta 11(2013): pp. 141-70. fourteenth century. See Paulino Montero, ‘El Alcázar de Medina de Pomar’, p.553; Javier Martínez de Aguirre, ‘Lancelot en Olite: 28. Registro General del Sello, legajo 148812,131. paradigmas arquitectónicos y referentes literarios en los palacios 1488, 12, 4, Archivo General de Simancas. See Esteban García de Carlos III de Navarra (1387-1425)’, Anales de Historia del Arte Chico, ‘Juan Guas y la capilla del Colegio de San Gregorio’, Bo- 23, número extraordinario 2 (2013): pp. 191-218. letín del Seminario de Estudios de Arte y Arqueología 16 (1949- 1950): pp. 200-1; María López Díez, Los Trastámara en Segovia. 43. In his will he refers to the sale of the houses where he Juan Guas, maestro de obras reales (Segovia: Caja Segovia, 2006). had lived before his move to the college. See Jorge Díaz Ibáñez, ‘El testamento del obispo Alonso de Burgos: religiosidad, construc- 29. Libro Becerro del colegio dominico de San Gregorio de ción de la memoria y preeminencia eclesiástica en Castilla a fines Valladolid, Códices, L.1260, fols. 263-4, AHN; Anton Mayer, ‘El del siglo XV’, Estudios de historia de España 10 (2017): p. 134. escultor Gil de Siloe’, Boletín de la Sociedad Española de Excur-