The Past and Future of Deobandi Islam
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Stephen Philip Cohen the Idea Of
00 1502-1 frontmatter 8/25/04 3:17 PM Page iii the idea of pakistan stephen philip cohen brookings institution press washington, d.c. 00 1502-1 frontmatter 8/25/04 3:17 PM Page v CONTENTS Preface vii Introduction 1 one The Idea of Pakistan 15 two The State of Pakistan 39 three The Army’s Pakistan 97 four Political Pakistan 131 five Islamic Pakistan 161 six Regionalism and Separatism 201 seven Demographic, Educational, and Economic Prospects 231 eight Pakistan’s Futures 267 nine American Options 301 Notes 329 Index 369 00 1502-1 frontmatter 8/25/04 3:17 PM Page vi vi Contents MAPS Pakistan in 2004 xii The Subcontinent on the Eve of Islam, and Early Arab Inroads, 700–975 14 The Ghurid and Mamluk Dynasties, 1170–1290 and the Delhi Sultanate under the Khaljis and Tughluqs, 1290–1390 17 The Mughal Empire, 1556–1707 19 Choudhary Ramat Ali’s 1940 Plan for Pakistan 27 Pakistan in 1947 40 Pakistan in 1972 76 Languages of Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Northwest India 209 Pakistan in Its Larger Regional Setting 300 01 1502-1 intro 8/25/04 3:18 PM Page 1 Introduction In recent years Pakistan has become a strategically impor- tant state, both criticized as a rogue power and praised as being on the front line in the ill-named war on terrorism. The final report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States iden- tifies Pakistan, along with Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia, as a high- priority state. This is not a new development. -
The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924)
The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924) The Role of Deobandi Ulema in Strengthening the Foundations of Indian Freedom Movement (1857-1924) * Turab-ul-Hassan Sargana **Khalil Ahmed ***Shahid Hassan Rizvi Abstract The main objective of the present study is to explain the role of the Deobandi faction of scholars in Indian Freedom Movement. In fact, there had been different schools of thought who supported the Movement and their works and achievements cannot be forgotten. Historically, Ulema played a key role in the politics of subcontinent and the contribution of Dar ul Uloom Deoband, Mazahir-ul- Uloom (Saharanpur), Madrassa Qasim-ul-Uloom( Muradabad), famous madaris of Deobandi faction is a settled fact. Their role became both effective and emphatic with the passage of time when they sided with the All India Muslim League. Their role and services in this historic episode is the focus of the study in hand. Keywords: Deoband, Aligarh Movement, Khilafat, Muslim League, Congress Ulama in Politics: Retrospect: Besides performing their religious obligations, the religious ulema also took part in the War of Freedom 1857, similar to the other Indians, and it was only due to their active participation that the movement became in line and determined. These ulema used the pen and sword to fight against the British and it is also a fact that ordinary causes of 1857 War were blazed by these ulema. Mian Muhammad Shafi writes: Who says that the fire lit by Sayyid Ahmad was extinguished or it had cooled down? These were the people who encouraged Muslims and the Hindus to fight against the British in 1857. -
Bangladesh Decision – 28Th July 2018
Bangladesh Decision – 28th July 2018 Today on 28th July 2018 under the guidance of the Ulama of Bangladesh, the elders of the effort and the government of Bangladesh, approximately 600,000 to 700,000 people gathered in Dhaka. The following six matters were agreed: 1) Jamhoor Ulama are unanimous that because of three reasons, following Moulana Muhammad Saad Kandhlawi is not permissible. a) Incorrect and personalised interpretations of the Quran and Hadith. b) To enhance the importance of the effort of Dawah, resorting to degrading other efforts of Deen. c) Moving away from the methodology of the previous three elders; Hazrat Moulana Muhammad Ilyas (R), Hazrat Moulana Muhammad Yusuf (R) and Hazrat Moulana Inamul Hasan (R). 2) The disregard of Moulana Muhammad Saad of the Shura methodology adopted by Hazrat Moulana Inamul Hasan (R) and his insistence upon being Amir. This will not be accepted in Kakrail in any form. 3) Darul Uloom Deoband’s fear that Moulana Muhammad Saad has moved away from the ideology of Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama’ah and has resorted to create another group. Therefore, at the moment it is strongly advised that no Bangladeshi Jamat etc travels to Nizamuddin. Similarly, no Jamat from Nizamuddin will be allowed a route in any area of Bangladesh. 4) The effort of Dawah has gained acceptance as per the methodology adopted by the previous three elders. Therefore, this effort will continue on this methodology and under the guidance of the elders of Deoband. No new methodology will be adopted. Kajrail, Tongi an all other Marakiz will work accordingly only. -
From the Editor
EDITORIAL STAFF From the Editor ELIZABETH SKINNER Editor Happy New Year, everyone. As I write this, we’re a few weeks into 2021 and there ELIZABETH ROBINSON Copy Editor are sparkles of hope here and there that this year may be an improvement over SALLY BAHO Copy Editor the seemingly endless disasters of the last one. Vaccines are finally being deployed against the coronavirus, although how fast and for whom remain big sticky questions. The United States seems to have survived a political crisis that brought EDITORIAL REVIEW BOARD its system of democratic government to the edge of chaos. The endless conflicts VICTOR ASAL in Syria, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Afghanistan aren’t over by any means, but they have evolved—devolved?—once again into chronic civil agony instead of multi- University of Albany, SUNY national warfare. CHRISTOPHER C. HARMON 2021 is also the tenth anniversary of the Arab Spring, a moment when the world Marine Corps University held its breath while citizens of countries across North Africa and the Arab Middle East rose up against corrupt authoritarian governments in a bid to end TROELS HENNINGSEN chronic poverty, oppression, and inequality. However, despite the initial burst of Royal Danish Defence College change and hope that swept so many countries, we still see entrenched strong-arm rule, calcified political structures, and stagnant stratified economies. PETER MCCABE And where have all the terrorists gone? Not far, that’s for sure, even if the pan- Joint Special Operations University demic has kept many of them off the streets lately. Closed borders and city-wide curfews may have helped limit the operational scope of ISIS, Lashkar-e-Taiba, IAN RICE al-Qaeda, and the like for the time being, but we know the teeming refugee camps US Army (Ret.) of Syria are busy producing the next generation of violent ideological extremists. -
Islamic Education in Myanmar: a Case Study
10: Islamic education in Myanmar: a case study Mohammed Mohiyuddin Mohammed Sulaiman Introduction `Islam', which literally means `peace' in Arabic, has been transformed into a faith interpreted loosely by one group and understood conservatively by another, making it seem as if Islam itself is not well comprehended by its followers. Today, it is the faith of 1.2 billion people across the world; Asia is a home for 60 per cent of these adherents, with Muslims forming an absolute majority in 11 countries (Selth 2003:5). Since the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, international scholars have become increasingly interested in Islam and in Muslims in South-East Asia, where more than 230 million Muslims live (Mutalib 2005:50). These South-East Asian Muslims originally received Islam from Arab traders. History reveals the Arabs as sea-loving people who voyaged around the Indian Ocean (IIAS 2005), including to South-East Asia. The arrival of Arabs has had different degrees of impact on different communities in the region. We find, however, that not much research has been done by today's Arabs on the Arab±South-East Asian connection, as they consider South-East Asia a part of the wider `East', which includes Iran, Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent. Indeed, the term `South-East Asia' is hardly used in modern Arab literature. For them, anything east of the Middle East and non-Arabic speaking world is considered to be `Asia' (Abaza 2002). According to Myanmar and non-Myanmar sources, Islam reached the shores of Myanmar's Arakan (Rakhine State) as early as 712 AD, via oceangoing merchants, and in the form of Sufism. -
Making Sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: a Social Movement Perspective
\ WORKING PAPER 6\ 2017 Making sense of Daesh in Afghanistan: A social movement perspective Katja Mielke \ BICC Nick Miszak \ TLO Joint publication by \ WORKING PAPER 6 \ 2017 MAKING SENSE OF DAESH IN AFGHANISTAN: A SOCIAL MOVEMENT PERSPECTIVE \ K. MIELKE & N. MISZAK SUMMARY So-called Islamic State (IS or Daesh) in Iraq and Syria is widely interpreted as a terrorist phenomenon. The proclamation in late January 2015 of a Wilayat Kho- rasan, which includes Afghanistan and Pakistan, as an IS branch is commonly interpreted as a manifestation of Daesh's global ambition to erect an Islamic caliphate. Its expansion implies hierarchical order, command structures and financial flows as well as a transnational mobility of fighters, arms and recruits between Syria and Iraq, on the one hand, and Afghanistan–Pakistan, on the other. In this Working Paper, we take a (new) social movement perspective to investigate the processes and underlying dynamics of Daesh’s emergence in different parts of the country. By employing social movement concepts, such as opportunity structures, coalition-building, resource mobilization and framing, we disentangle the different types of resource mobilization and long-term conflicts that have merged into the phenomenon of Daesh in Afghanistan. In dialogue with other approaches to terrorism studies as well as peace, civil war and security studies, our analysis focuses on relations and interactions among various actors in the Afghan-Pakistan region and their translocal networks. The insight builds on a ten-month fieldwork-based research project conducted in four regions—east, west, north-east and north Afghanistan—during 2016. We find that Daesh in Afghanistan is a context-specific phenomenon that manifests differently in the various regions across the country and is embedded in a long- term transformation of the religious, cultural and political landscape in the cross-border region of Afghanistan–Pakistan. -
Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’S Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center
JANUARY 2011 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship between Aid and Security in Afghanistan’s Faryab Province Geert Gompelman ©2010 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu Author Geert Gompelman (MSc.) is a graduate in Development Studies from the Centre for International Development Issues Nijmegen (CIDIN) at Radboud University Nijmegen (Netherlands). He has worked as a development practitioner and research consultant in Afghanistan since 2007. Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank his research colleagues Ahmad Hakeem (“Shajay”) and Kanishka Haya for their assistance and insights as well as companionship in the field. Gratitude is also due to Antonio Giustozzi, Arne Strand, Petter Bauck, and Hans Dieset for their substantive comments and suggestions on a draft version. The author is indebted to Mervyn Patterson for his significant contribution to the historical and background sections. Thanks go to Joyce Maxwell for her editorial guidance and for helping to clarify unclear passages and to Bridget Snow for her efficient and patient work on the production of the final document. -
Muslim Sexuality in Secular and Religious Legal Discourse in India
Muslim World Journal of Human Rights Volume 4, Issue 1 2007 Article 7 THE TRANSNATIONAL MUSLIM WORLD,HUMAN RIGHTS, AND THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN AND SEXUAL MINORITIES Dual Subordination: Muslim Sexuality in Secular and Religious Legal Discourse in India Aziza Ahmed∗ ∗[email protected] Copyright c 2007 Berkeley Electronic Press. All rights reserved. Dual Subordination: Muslim Sexuality in Secular and Religious Legal Discourse in India∗ Aziza Ahmed Abstract Muslim women and Muslim members of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) community face a specific form of dual subordination in relation to their gender and sexuality. A Muslim woman might seek solace from India’s patriarchal religious judicial structures only to find that the secular system’s patriarchal structures likewise aid in their subordination and create a space for new forms of such subordination. Similarly, a marginalized LGBT Muslim might at- tempt to reject an oppressive religious formulation only to come to find that the secular Indian state might criminalize a particular form of sexuality. This analysis explores how Indian laws “give meaning” to sexuality through the legal structures manifested by state and religious regula- tory bodies and argues that both religious and state legal institutions need to be reformed to create a legal environment that furthers rather than inhibits a full realization of sexual rights. KEYWORDS: India, Islamic Law, LGBT rights, human rights ∗Aziza Ahmed holds a law degree from the University of California, Berkeley and a MS in Popu- lation and International Health from the Harvard School of Public Health. She has worked with the Planned Parenthood Association of South Africa and was a former consultant for the United Na- tions Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and Development Alternatives with Women in a New Era (DAWN) in the Eastern Caribbean. -
Global Extremism Monitor
Global Extremism Monitor Violent Islamist Extremism in 2017 WITH A FOREWORD BY TONY BLAIR SEPTEMBER 2018 1 2 Contents Foreword 7 Executive Summary 9 Key Findings About the Global Extremism Monitor The Way Forward Introduction 13 A Unifying Ideology Global Extremism Today The Long War Against Extremism A Plethora of Insurgencies Before 9/11 A Proliferation of Terrorism Since 9/11 The Scale of the Problem The Ten Deadliest Countries 23 Syria Iraq Afghanistan Somalia Nigeria Yemen Egypt Pakistan Libya Mali Civilians as Intended Targets 45 Extremist Groups and the Public Space Prominent Victims Breakdown of Public Targets Suicide Bombings 59 Use of Suicide Attacks by Group Female Suicide Bombers Executions 71 Deadliest Groups Accusations Appendices 83 Methodology Glossary About Us Notes 3 Countries Affected by Violent Islamist Extremism, 2017 4 5 6 Foreword Tony Blair One of the core objectives of the Institute is the promotion of co-existence across the boundaries of religious faith and the combating of extremism based on an abuse of faith. Part of this work is research into the phenomenon of extremism derived particularly from the abuse of Islam. This publication is the most comprehensive analysis of such extremism to date and utilises data on terrorism in a new way to show: 1. Violent extremism connected with the perversion of Islam today is global, affecting over 60 countries. 2. Now more than 120 different groups worldwide are actively engaged in this violence. 3. These groups are united by an ideology that shares certain traits and beliefs. 4. The ideology and the violence associated with it have been growing over a period of decades stretching back to the 1980s or further, closely correlated with the development of the Muslim Brotherhood into a global movement, the Iranian Revolution in 1979 and—in the same year—the storming by extremist insurgents of Islam’s holy city of Mecca. -
Central Asian Jihadis 'Neglect' Their Neighbour
To Syria, not Afghanistan: Central Asian jihadis 'neglect' their neighbour Author : Christine Roehrs Published: 8 October 2014 Downloaded: 7 September 2018 Download URL: https://www.afghanistan-analysts.org/to-syria-not-afghanistan-central-asian-jihadis-neglect-their-neighbour/?format=pdf Since the American and Northern Alliance defeat of the Taleban and their Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) allies in northern Afghanistan in late 2001, the arrival of would-be fighters from the former Soviet countries of Central Asia to Afghanistan has been a very small trickle. And yet, over the last year, the number of Central Asians travelling to far-off Syria to join insurgent groups has been a comparative flood. The study of this phenomenon is just beginning, and massive gaps in the available information exist. However, while the reasons for Central Asians favouring the war in Syria over the war in Afghanistan are debatable, the obvious trend is not. In this dispatch, AAN guest analyst Christian Bleuer discusses the possible reasons for Central Asian jihadis neglecting to join an insurgency in a neighbouring country in favour of going to a distant battle in Arab lands. Over the last decade, numerous analysts, government officials and journalists in Central Asia, Afghanistan and the West have made claims of significant contributions by Central Asian fighters to the insurgency in Afghanistan. These claims have been discounted by many analysts, including by AAN. In reality, very few fighters make the trip from the countries of Central Asia (Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan) to join the fight in Afghanistan. The dead insurgents identified by Afghan police and military as being from 1 / 8 Central Asia are eventually identified as local Afghans of Tajik, Uzbek or Turkmen ethnicity. -
7 Modernity and ... Ulum Deoband Movement.Pdf
Modernity and Islam in South-Asia Journal of Academic Research for Humanities Journal of Academic Research for Humanities (JARH) Vol. 2, No. 1 (2020) Modernity and Islam in South-Asia: Approach of Darul Ulum Deoband Movement Published online: 30-12-2020 1st Author 2nd Author 3rd Author Dr. Muhammad Naveed Dr. Abul Rasheed Qadari Dr. Muhammad Rizwan Akhtar Associate Professor Associate Professor, Assistant Professor Department of Arabic and Department of Pakistan Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamic Studies, Studies, Abbottabad University of Science University of Lahore, Lahore Abbottabad University of and Technology, (Pakistan) Science and Technology, Abbottabad (Pakistan) Email: [email protected] Abbottabad (Pakistan) [email protected] drmuhammadrizwan_hu@yah oo.com CORRESPONDING AUTHOR 1st Author Dr. Muhammad Naveed Akhtar Assistant Professor Department of Pakistan Studies, Abbottabad University of Science and Technology, Abbottabad (Pakistan) [email protected] Abstract: The response of South Asian Muslims to the British occupation of India and the socio-cultural and institutional reforms that they induced were manifold. The attempts by the British to inculcate modernism in Indian societies was taken up by the Muslims as a political and cultural challenge. Unlike the Muslim ideologues such as Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-18), who launched Aligarh Movement adopting progressive and loyalist approach, the exponent Deoband Movement showed militant resistance towards British imperialism and by sticking to their religious dogmas attempted to reform the society along with orthodox lines. Yet, they afterwards modernized their educational institutions which appeared to be one of the dominant set of Islam and made seminary second largest religious educational institution in the Muslim World. -
Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan
Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan in Pakistan and Militancy Religion a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review 1800 K Street, NW | Washington, DC 20006 Project Director Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Robert D. Lamb E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org Author Mufti Mariam Mufti June 2012 ISBN 978-0-89206-700-8 CSIS Ë|xHSKITCy067008zv*:+:!:+:! CHARTING our future a report of the csis program on crisis, conflict, and cooperation Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan a literature review Project Director Robert L. Lamb Author Mariam Mufti June 2012 CHARTING our future About CSIS—50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed practical solutions to the world’s greatest challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars continue to provide strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and de- velop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Since 1962, CSIS has been dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. After 50 years, CSIS has become one of the world’s pre- eminent international policy institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global development and economic integration.