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Social Sciences Master Dissertations

2020 The value of Flora, Fauna and gender differences in Matengo names and address terms

Kapinga, Selestin Gabriel

The University of Dodoma

Kapinga, S. G. (2020). The value of Flora, Fauna and gender differences in Matengo names and address terms (Master's dissertation). The University of Dodoma, Dodoma. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12661/2838 Downloaded from UDOM Institutional Repository at The University of Dodoma, an open access institutional repository. THE VALUE OF FLORA, FAUNA, AND GENDER DIFFERENCES IN MATENGO NAMES AND ADDRESS TERMS

SELESTIN GABRIEL KAPINGA

MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS THE UNIVERSITY OF DOODOMA DECEMBER, 2020 THE VALUE OF FLORA, FAUNA AND GENDER DIFFERENCES IN MATENGO NAMES AND ADDRESS TERMS

BY SELESTIN GABRIEL KAPINGA

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS

THE UNIVERSITY OF DOODOMA DECEMBER, 2020

DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT I, Selestin Gabriel Kapinga, declare that this dissertation is my own original work and that it has not been presented and will not be presented to any other university for a similar or any other degree award.

No part of this dissertation may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the author or the University of Dodoma. If transformed for publication in any other format, it shall be acknowledged that this work has been submitted for degree award at the University of Dodoma. i CERTIFICATION The undersigned certifies that he has read and hereby recommends for the acceptance by the University of Dodoma, a dissertation entitled The Value of Flora, Fauna, and Gender Differences in Matengo Names and Address Terms, in Partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Linguistics of the University of Dodoma.

ii ACKNOWLEGMENTS The accomplishment of this study could not be possible without moral and material support that I have been offered from various people. I therefore, sincerely acknowledge all people who have assisted me. For those whose names do not appear in this document, it is just the lack of space but their contributions are of important and valued.

I humbly thank the Almighty God for giving me health body and mind that successfully helped me to understand this study.

My warmest thanks go to Dr. Eliakimu Sane, the lecturer of the University of Dodoma for his advice, suggestions and recommendations. It is through his superb supervision this work has been successful.

I although thank Dr. Sebonde Y., Dr. Biseko J., Prof. Lakshmanan V., Dr. Chrispina A., Dr. Stanslav B., Dr. Selestino A., Dr. Magashi, and Dr. Stansalav B., for their lectures, encouragement and inspiration that made me to reach this stage. I thank them all!

I owe my special gratitude to my fellow MA Linguistics students for their collective support they shown to me from the beginning to the end of the coursework and during preparing this document. I really appreciate their meaningful contributions .

I also give many thanks to the Director of the Mbinga District Council for giving me permission to collect data in the council. The same gratitude is owed to the Cimatengo speakers in Mbinga District for their maximum cooperation especially in the wards and the villages which this research was conducted. My gratitude is granted to them as they shared their understanding on naming and Matengo personal names.

My gratitude is also directed to my employer (The Director of Mbeya District) for giving me permission to study a master course in the University of Dodoma. The gratitude is directed to my staff members for their support and cooperation they have shown to when I was out of the work station.

iii Lastly, but not in the order of the importance, my special thanks go to my wife and my children. My grateful is directed to my wife for her tolerance and taking care of our children when I was away and busy for my studies. My children inspired me to work hard and accomplish my studies.

iv DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my father, the late Gabriel Selestin Kapinga for he always insisted that education sets a person free from unnecessary problems. I should not let it go.

v ABSTRACT This dissertation informs about the value of the flora, fauna, and, gender differences in Matengo names and address terms. It specifically informs about the naming act by reviewing the objects used, time for naming, necessary conditions for naming, and people involved in the naming act. It further informs how personal names are drawn from flora and fauna. The dissertation is furthered into a description and discussions of the gender markings on the use of personal names. Data were obtained from eight (8) wards of the Mbinga District, namely Kipapa, Maguu, Kitumbi, Mikaranga, Litembo, Langiro, Mpapa and Nyoni. Qualitative approach was employed in which 75 Cimatengo speakers participated in the study through interviews and focus group discussions. Analysis of the information obtained from the field reveals that Cimatengo naming and personal names portray political and social values of the society, family history and identity. Further, analysis revealed that each surname in Matengo has substitute names for males and females to mark gender. There are limitations and norms on the use of Cimatengo personal names which all Cimatengo speakers are subjected to adhere to convey respect to each other. However, the Cimatengo personal names are used along with Christian names. The domains of use of Matengo personal names are used in homes and market settings while the Christian names are used in formal settings, like in schools and public offices. Deliberate initiatives are recommended to educate the new generations to understand the values of traditional names as a way to protect and preserve culture.

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION AND COPYRIGHT ...... i CERTIFICATION ...... ii ACKNOWLEGMENTS ...... iii DEDICATION ...... v ABSTRACT ...... vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vii LIST OF TABLES ...... xi LIST OF FIGURES ...... xii LIST OF APPENDICES ...... xiii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ...... xiv

CHAPTER ONE ...... 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.0 Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Background of the Problem ...... 2 1.2 Statement of the Problem ...... 3 1.3 Objective of the Study ...... 4 1.3.1 General Objective...... 4 1.3.2 Specific Objectives...... 4 1.4 Research Questions ...... 5 1.5 Significance of the Study ...... 5 1.6 Scope of the Study ...... 5 1.7 Chapter Summary...... 5

CHAPTER TWO ...... 6 THEORETICAL FRAME WORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 6 2.0 Introduction ...... 6 2.1 Theoretical Framework ...... 6 2.1.1 The Speech Act Theory ...... 6 2.1.2 The Descriptive Theory of Proper Names ...... 7 2.2 Review of the Literature Related to the Study ...... 8 2.3 Naming Act ...... 8

vii 2.4 Gender Differences in the Use Personal Names ...... 10 2.5 Limitations and Taboos of Personal Names...... 11 2.6 Names and Identify ...... 12 2.7 Connection between the Name and Behaviour ...... 12 2.2.1 Empirical Literature ...... 13 2.2.2 Names Drawn from Wild Animals and Plants ...... 13 2.2.3 Names Drawn from Domestic Animals ...... 14 2.2.4 Names Taken from Ancestors ...... 15 2.2.5 Names Taken from Religions...... 17 2.2.6 Naming Practices ...... 17 2.2.7 Naming Ceremony ...... 19 2.8 Research Gap ...... 20 2.9 Chapter Summary...... 21

CHAPTER THREE ...... 22 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 22 3.0 Introduction ...... 22 3.1 Research Design ...... 22 3.2 Research Approach ...... 22 3.3 Location of the Study ...... 22 3.4 Targeted Population ...... 25 3.4.1 Sampling Techniques ...... 25 3.4.2 Sample Size ...... 26 3.5 Techniques of Data Collection ...... 28 3.5.1 Interviews ...... 28 3.5.2 Focus Group Discussion ...... 29 3.6 Data Analysis ...... 30 3.7 Validity and Reliability of the Study ...... 31 3.8 Research Ethics ...... 31 3.9 Chapter Summary...... 32

viii CHAPTER FOUR ...... 33 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ...... 33 4.0 Introduction ...... 33 4.1 Informants’ Socio-Economic Features ...... 33 4.1.1 Gender ...... 34 4.1.2 Age ...... 34 4.1.3 Education...... 34 4.1.4 Occupation ...... 34 4.2 Research Findings ...... 35 4.2.1 Naming Act of the Matengo ...... 35 4.2.2 Name Givers and Sources of the Names ...... 35 4.2.2.1 Objects Used for Naming a Baby ...... 40 4.2.2.2 Words Uttered and Naming Procedures ...... 43 4.2.2.3 The Time of Naming a Baby ...... 45 4.2.2.4 Multiple Personal Names ...... 47 4.2.2.5 Discussions ...... 49 4.3 Re-interpretation of the Cimatengo Personal Names Drawn from Flora and Fauna ...... 51 4.3.1 Personal Names Drawn from Flora ...... 52 4.3.2 Names Drawn from Fauna ...... 56 4.3.3 Discussions ...... 65 4.4 Gender Differences in the Use of Personal Names ...... 66 4.4.1 Common Surnames for Males and their Substitute Females Surnames in Matengo and the Meanings Conveyed...... 66 4.4.2 Identifying Different People Who Share Similar Names ...... 77 4.4.3 Domain of Use of the Matengo Personal Names ...... 78 4.4.4 Norms and Limitations on the Use of Matengo Personal Names ...... 80 4.4.5 Discussions ...... 82 4.5 Chapter Summary...... 83

ix CHAPTER FIVE ...... 84 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 84 5.0 Introduction ...... 84 5.1 Summary of the Study ...... 84 5.2 Conclusions ...... 84 5.3 Recommendations for Action ...... 86 5.4 Recommendations for Further Study ...... 87 5.5 Chapter Summary...... 87 REFERENCES ...... 88 APPENDICES ...... 95

x LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Summary of Informants Involved in the Study...... 27 Table 2: Informants’ Socio-Economic Features ...... 33 Table 3: Common Matengo Personal Names Drawn from Fauna ...... 56 Table 4: Common Surnames for Males and Females in Matengo ...... 67

xi LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: A Map of Mbinga District Showing Wards Setting ...... 24 Figure 2: A Tool Used by Traditional Religious Leaders to Search Names ...... 43

xii LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix 1: Guiding Questions for Interviews and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) ...... 95 Appendix 2: Clearance Letter from the University of Dodoma Error! Bookmark not defined. Appendix 3: Permission Letter from Regional Administrative Officer ...... Error! Bookmark not defined. Appendix 4: Permission Letter from District Executive Director ... Error! Bookmark not defined. Appendix 5: Informed Consent Form ...... 96

xiii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS FGDs Focus Group Discussions UNESCO United Nation Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization IR Informants Responses … Laughter . Pause

xiv CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.0 Introduction This study illuminates the naming act and address terms used in Matengo society of Tanzania. The dissertation pays attention on gender differences in the society and the value of fauna and flora in the society drawing on the data from Mbinga District of Ruvuma Region. However, some important terms require definitions before proceeding any further. First, Matengo as opposed to Cimatengo is a society where Cimatengo is the language; Ci is the prefix which is derived from Kimatengo, a class four singular noun classes /ki- vi/ to show a tool. Matengo are the people found in the southern part of Tanzania. Most of them are found in Ruvuma Region, particularly Mbinga District. The subject of this study is the Cimatengo speakers from Mbinga District in the Ruvuma region. The Cimatengo speakers share the region with other societies namely: Ngoni, Ndendeule, Nyasa, Manda and Kisi. Perception in this study has been used to mean all attributes and attitudes which are considered and agreed to be right in Matengo; it is all about the association of people with wild animals and plants in the social realities such as norms and beliefs. This is because the society has for a long time drawn personal names from them. Also, gender is used to mean social and cultural roles, responsibilities and behavior of females and males in daily life or activities of Matengo society. Each society in the world categorises activities, roles and behaviors for men and women.

The motivation to conduct this study came from researcher’ personal history, 33 years back. I was named after two different names before the current name in use. My Christian current name is Selestin and my Matengo name is Kakonda sengo - which is a name derived from a famous place where family members usually men used to meet and eat food together. Before I was named Kakonda sengo, I was named Loboi which means ‘success’. The name Loboi was perceived rejected by the family ancestors following the continuous cries I made for several consistent nights after I was named. Thus, the naming act was repeated by a traditional religious leader to rescue the situation and find out the correct name from the family forefathers. The society believes that a name connects the referent with their ancestors who form the family members of the family. The assumption is held that the practice in the

1 researcher’s family reflects the practice of whole society. Thus, the naming act in the family reflected the society’s naming act. Austin (1962) reinforced research in societies to reveal the force behind in uttering speech act in the society “… it is of interest and important in the philosophy of the language to study speech acts, or, as they are sometimes called, language acts or linguistic act …” The production of tokens under certain conditions is the illocutionary act which intends to achieve a certain purpose (Searle, 1968). Looking at this assertion by Austin, it is clear that society performs certain acts with a certain force. The fact that the Matengo society uses suitable personal names after wild animals and plants is a message that needs to be researched to be understood.

Another characteristic of the Cimatengo personal names is that gender is marked in the names drawn from flora and fauna. In the Matengo, names for women are prefixed and suffixed with prefixes Chi-/ Ki- and suffix-la or, sometimes, a different name is used. Therefore, specifically this study explored the gender differences in the use of personal names, leadership in the family, the value of flora and fauna, and how the naming act is performed in Matengo society. However, much of the focus has been made to the Cimatengo personal names drawn from wild animals.

1.1 Background of the Problem Naming practice is crucial and important to differentiate one person or object from another. Names display social values, like the history of family and beliefs (Rymes, 1996; Obeng, 1998; Lieberson and Alford, 1990; Bright, 2003; Agyekum, 2006; ; Pitman and Payne, 2006; Moyo, 2009; Bamidele, 2010; Ngade, 2011; Chauke, 2015; Mensah & Mekamgoum, 2017) . Mensah and Mekamgoum (2017) and Ngade (2011) elaborate this arguing that personal names are alternatives which show the conflict encountered by the name giver, an uninterrupted succession of family society, natural environment and gender which generally form the relationship between power and culture. The history of naming in Matengo is intertwined to the origin of the society itself. Tracing the naming practice in Matengo is, therefore, tracing the history and traditions of the society itself. The society names individuals using wild animal names for a long time. For example, Mapunda is an animal name which means donkey, Matembo – means an Elephant, Hyera – means birds flying in a group. These names in Matengo are used along with Christian names. 2 However, the uniqueness of personal names in Matengo is that each male surname has a female substitute names. For example, Mapunda (male or masculine name) is for males and Ngindo for female; Komba (male surname) and chiitonda for females, etc. Therefore, the assumption from the interpretation of this observation was that Cimatengo personal names have gender identity. Also, Cimatengo speakers have taboos and limitations on the use of personal names. The assumptions held that among other reasons for these taboos and limitations were for respect for each other and to show power. The literature available revealed several limitations on the use of personal names to avoid breaking taboos. People use substitute names to address a particular person. Avoidance and limitations of personal names is a universal phenomenon to all languages, usually to show respect to the addressed person. These traditional names are socially used along with religious names. The religious names being specifically used in public settings, like schools. For example, researchers, like Sane (2016; forthcoming), the value of domestic animals and gender differences in Maasai names, points out that young brothers in Maasai abstain from addressing their old brothers by their first names instead teknonmy is used to address them and this depicts that there are meaningful social and political values which are embedded in personal names.

The use of some names in the society is not random but they are systematic to some established norms. Such adherence has created taboos and limitations in the use of personal names among the members of the family or society. Therefore, this study on naming and address terms in Cimatengo society is intended to illustrate the importance of the naming practice and the value of Cimatengo personal names which are drawn from the flora and fauna.

1.2 Statement of the Problem Names are common in every language (Bowman, Debray, and Peterson, 1993; Lieberson and Alford, 1990). However, the Matengo naming system is peculiar in that people are given names of wild animals and plants to refer to them as animals or plants in question. Knowledge of this naming practice is important to explore not only to illuminate on the practice but it is a basis to document it amid the growing social transformations of societies. The assumption held before this research was that there are social and political meanings and values attached to these names that need a 3 detailed exploration through research. The uniqueness of personal names to Cimatengo speakers is that males are differentiated from female names by using substitute names though they refer to the same wild animal. For example, Mapunda (male or masculine name) has its female or feminine name which is Ngindo; Komba (male surname) has its substitute female surname which is Chitonda, etc. Unfortunately, information on what Matengo reflects by this kind of naming was little and anecdote. Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritages held in Paris 1972 by UNESCO calls for deliberate measures to rescue the cultural deterioration in any country (UNESCO,1972). An interpretation of this call by UNESCO is that identification, protection, and preservation of the cultural and natural heritage is of the outstanding value to humanity. There are accumulation of social and cultural values of Matengo personal names which would remain unknown and ultimately get lost if such study was not conducted. This could also mean the loss of humanity of the Cimatengo speakers. All these understandings necessitated this research to reinterpret the Matengo personal names drawn from fauna and flora and explore gender differences in the use of personal names.

1.3 Objective of the Study The study focused on both general and specific objectives.

1.3.1 General Objective The overarching goal of this study was to illuminate on the naming act and address terms in Cimatengo speakers and identify the gender differences and the value of fauna and flora.

1.3.2 Specific Objectives The study had the three following specific objectives i. To review the naming act of the Matengo ii. To re-interpret the Matengo personal names drawn from flora and fauna as they are interpreted by the society members iii. To explore gender differences in the use of personal names in Matengo

4 1.4 Research Questions i. How is the naming act performed in Matengo? ii. How do Matengo reinterpret the personal names drawn from flora and fauna? iii. What are the gender differences in the use of personal names in Matengo?

1.5 Significance of the Study The significance of this study is seen in the empirical knowledge it adds on the literature. Knowledge about the naming practices in the society is useful to illuminate the history, tradition, and values of the Matengo as embedded in their personal names. This benchmark is a jumping-off point for further research to examine what is embedded in Matengo naming practice and their culture. Lastly, to the non Cimatengo speakers, the publication of the research results will help them better understand the Matengo culture as well as for the sustainability of the practice as UNESCO encourages the preservation of cultural and natural heritages.

1.6 Scope of the Study This study confined solely to the naming practice of the Cimatengo speaker by reviewing the naming act, descriptions, and gender markedness of personal names in Matengo. Only Matengo personal names drawn from flora and fauna were the centre of the analyses in this study. Foreign names from other societies were excluded from this study. The study was conducted in Matengo in Mbinga District. The study included Cimatengo speakers of different sex with knowledge about naming babies, being a parent and a permanent native speaker of the identified places. Further, the study investigated social and political values disguised in Cimatengo personal names.

1.7 Chapter Summary This chapter has highlighted the naming practice, personal names, and gender markerdenes by looking to the various societies. It has been observed that each society has a way of naming babies and drawing personal names. Therefore, there was a need for this research to be conducted to review the way Matengo names their babies. The research is necessary to reveal social and political disguise embedded in personal names and add knowledge to the body of literature.

5 CHAPTER TWO THEORETICAL FRAME WORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction This chapter presents the theoretical frame work underpinnings the study. It also presents the prevailing literature from different contexts focusing on the naming practices, gender markedness, and values of personal names. It further points out the gap that the body of literature has not covered for this study sought to address.

2.1 Theoretical Framework The study is built on the knowledge generated from two theories, namely the Speech Act Theory by John Langshaw Austin in 1962 extended by John Rogers Searle in 1968 and later Grice Herbert Paul in 1989, and Descriptive theory of proper names by Gottlob Frege (1948) whose arguments suitably account for the addressing terms in gender differences and the value of personal names in a society.

2.1.1 The Speech Act Theory The Speech Act Theory proposes that, in speech situation involving a speaker, a speaker and hearer, there are many acts that are associated with the utterance; among the acts named by Austin include informing the hearer, referring to people or direction, making statement or warning (illocutionary act). What Searle reinforces here is that utterances by people or society perform certain actions through utterances. There are common utterances in Cimatengo that are seen in the naming and addresses of people in the society. This dissertation establishes their illocutionary force in the utterances made by people. There are a lot of values and history that is carried in personal names (Suzman, 1994; Bright, 2003; Agyekum, 2006; Chauke, 2015; Mensah & Mekamgoum, 2017). Studies of personal names in societies are of worth to unearth the history and values of the society and this study is an attempt into that direction drawing references from the Cimatengo speakers.

Searle further postulates that speech acts are characteristically said to mean something by those sounds or marks. This gave a need to research what Matengo speak mean by when they name their people. As for Searle, there is a relationship between the notion of meaning and the notion of intention a speaker speaks to communicate things to the hearer by means of getting them to recognize the

6 intentions. This gave to the fortiori that there is a relationship between names of animals and the people named after these names in Matengo. It was the role of research like this to uncover this relationship.

The Speech Act Theory well informed the researcher on how to go about making an exploration of the circumstances under which naming is done for one to give an account of the naming process in a society. Grice says, for a speech act to be performed, certain circumstances must be available. This, therefore, forms a basis to understand the circumstances under which the naming act is performed in Matengo; i.e. who makes the naming act, when, and how for the purpose of giving an account of the naming process in the Matengo. Preparatory felicity condition and the maxim of the quality allowed the researcher to investigate the qualities of a person to be named after fauna and flora such as wild animals. The theory further postulates that meaning is beyond the view of the words that are communicated. This is to say that the names that are given to people in Matengo do not merely refer to animals identified by the names but the social and political values of the society. All these required a thorough investigation through a research like this for one to be able to give detailed explanations of the same.

While the Speech Act Theory suitably gives an account of the performance of naming in societies, the theory still couldn’t explain what causes the differences in the names between men and women in the society, and social and cultural norms attached to those flora and fauna. Further, social, political, and values of the names of the Matengo can hardly be explained through the Grecian Theory. This being the weakness of the theory, the researcher borrowed some knowledge from Descriptive Theory of Proper Names to complement the Speech Act Theory.

2.1.2 The Descriptive Theory of Proper Names The Descriptive Theory of proper names by Gottlob Frege (1948) in addition to having referents, describe or present them as being as certain way. This additional function is termed as “sense” of a name that serves as a “mode of presentation” of its referent. Sense of a name by Frege determines or uniquely identifies its referent. Frege argued that senses may vary from one speaker to another.

7 In supporting Frege’s views, Russell (1905) believed that the information associated and attached to a name could be expressed as a definite description. However, Russell claimed that most names are “abbreviated” or disguised with descriptions. He then agreed with Frege that names are associated with different definite description for different times, which he calls them as “denoting expression” and the object satisfying the properties expressed by a definite description, the description’s “denotation.” On other hand, Searle (1968) points that object possess some of the attributes expressed by the cluster of definite descriptions. Thus, arguments presented in the theory focus on revealing the meaning of names by looking at the description embodied in the personal name. Thus, the theory informed the researcher to explore and find out what social and cultural norms of Cimatengo personal names are attached to wild animals and plants to uncover advantages and disadvantages of Cimatengo personal names. Therefore, the researcher was able to investigate information which is tied in substitute personal names. Thus, the theory guided the researcher to ask informants to give some meaningful descriptions of the names drawn from wild animals and plants. Lastly, by referring to Frege’s views that a sense of a name may vary from one speaker to another, the researcher examined how sharing of the same name by large group of the people vary in meaning among families.

In this case, in the account of all arguments raised in favour of the above two theories the researcher found them to be valid for this study so as to uncover all issues related to naming in Matengo.

2.2 Review of the Literature Related to the Study This part reviews the existing literature on naming practices from various societies. Concentration to the literature review was made to observe the overview of the problem across the world. The focus was made to gain greater understanding of how different societies practice naming acts, means of drawing personal names and the meaning portrayed by these personal names at the level of the society.

2.3 Naming Act Reading through literature, it is revealed that naming in most of African societies is not just a matter of uttering the name that is given to the newborn but there are some

8 certain objects that must be present in the naming act (Akinnaso, 1980; Graham, 2011; Jayaraman, 2005; Pitman and Payne, 2006; Mwaniki, 2013). The objects that came across all the literature during this study were water, colored stones, wine, plants, seeds and clothes. This observation from literature is reinforced by the practices in the religion taking an example from Roman Catholic religion where naming is also done in the presence of certain objects like candles, water, a cloth, and oil. This being the case in all literature, it was therefore safe to say that Matengo also involves some objects in naming newborns but these were just assumptions which needed research, and it was the purpose of this research too.

Further analysis from the literature revealed that naming act must be performed by authorized people in the society (Bart et al., 1997; Mandende, 2009; Moyo, 2009; Ọnụkawa, 2000, etc). The literature has generally shown that the people involved in the naming act are fathers, mothers like Amharic, elders, traditional religious leaders and senior people appointed by the family. This also gave fortiori for this research to investigate the people who are involved in naming practice in Matengo. This became important in Matengo given the fact that, Cimatengo speakers draws personal names from wild animals and the name may be shared by many people in the family.

Meanings of names also have characterized the literature reviewed. The literature has emphasized that names are given to people to portray history, culture, tradition, gender, belief and behavior or characteristics of the fore bearer (Rymes, 1996; Blum, 1997; Lieberson & Alford, 1990; Mandende, 2009; Agyekum, 2006; Pitman & Payne, 2006). Taking an example from Maasai society the research conducted by (Sane, 2016) reveals that people are named after domestic animals, such as goats, cows, and sheep. The connection is laid on social economic basis where animals are used to accumulate wealth. Maasai also employs the use of animals as a means of teaching children the importance of keeping animals. Contrary to societies which connect domestic animals for generating wealth and social matters, it is not known why Matengo exhibit the use of wild animal names and plant names. This research therefore, sought to find out if the Cimatengo personal names are in the same line to as other societies.

9 Moreover, the analysis from literature shows that naming of a baby in some societies involves the preparation of ceremony (Agyekum, 2006; Bamidele, 2010). The naming ceremony is meant to present the baby to the family members. Tracing an example from Burundi, parents present newborns to the family members through the naming ceremony commonly known as Gushohora Umwana. The family together with other members rejoices by shouting as the way of welcoming the new baby (Le Page, 1997). From this view, the researcher found it right to observe if these naming ceremonies are conducted in Matengo.

Also, the knowledge from reviewed literature revealed that naming of a newborn in most of societies is performed in the specific accepted time. Literature in common points out that the naming act is performed within the third and ninth day from the birth (Mphande, 2006; Pitman & Payne, 2006; Roberts & Mbiti, 1972). The best example is drawn from Yoruba society found in Nigeria where naming act is done in the early morning from the seventh to ninth day of the birth (Bamidele, 2010). Bamidele, further explains that the number of days in Yoruba are determined based on the sex of the newborn. It is a common practice in Yoruba to name the female baby on seventh day than males who waits until the ninth day. The fact behind this difference is that females are believed to grow faster than males. The research was therefore needed to find out what exact time is the naming act being done, and what perceptions are attached to that time in Matengo.

2.4 Gender Differences in the Use Personal Names The reviewed literature insist that in many societies personal names are more useful in denoting gender. Information observed from various studies indicates that female names differ from male’s names. It has been observed that different linguistic prefixes and suffixes of morphemes are added to the root of a personal name to mark gender (Ngade, 2011; Akinnaso, 1980; Botelho, 2007; Agyekum, 2006; Keene, 2013; Olatunji, Issah, Noah, Muhammed & Sulaiman, 2015). It is further shown that gender construction in societies is mostly done using personal names. Thus, in the process of choosing a name for a newborn (babies) society pays attention to the names that mark baby’s gender. This can well be observed from Tshivenda society found in South Africa where morphemes are either added before or after the root of the personal name mainly to indicate gender (Mandende, 2009). While that happens 10 in Tshivenda society the experience from the researcher was that Matengo denote gender more differently from what is being done in other societies. The fact that names from fauna and flora have substitute names for both males and females that mark gender and during addressing one another gender is highly observed. However, further observation from researcher’s experience shown that affixation is also practical in Cimatengo whereby morphemes are either attached before or after the root of a name. For example, Ma- and Ka- can be attached to the root of word – pund – a, to form a name Mapunda and Kapunda which are both male names. There was no literature that explains why these morphemes are attached to and the meaning conveyed. Therefore, this research becomes of important to address all these matters, to find out meanings, attitudes, and perceptions tied to these personal names.

2.5 Limitations and Taboos of Personal Names The information gathered from reviewed literature shows that in almost every society there are limitations and taboos on the use of personal names. Scholars commonly agree to this assertion that limitations and taboos on the use of personal names are meant to respect the named person (Akinnaso, 1980; Lieberson and Alford, 1990; Agyekum, 2006; Allan and Burridge, 2006; Fleming, 2011; Chauke, 2015) . Scholars say that there are some names which are not given or used by certain members in the society; teknonmy is rather used to avoid harming their relatives. In some societies, wives are restricted on calling their in laws names even if that name has been given to her son, or daughter while in some societies, men address married women using animal names or object until when the women has given birth to the first baby. It is in this time when the women are addressed using her baby’s name. Sane (2016) has indicated that Maasai people do abstain from addressing their brothers and sisters mainly to avoid threatening them. It is then their custom to rename their relative using domestic animals like goats and cows. Therefore, absence of freedom in the use of personal names among people in different societies stimulated the researcher to research on Cimatengo personal names exploring what limitations and taboos are associated with Matengo personal names or if there are avoidance of names that people do adhere to. The observation from the field show that there a lot of limitations and norms that Cimatengo speakers adheres to them when addressing each other.

11 2.6 Names and Identify Scholars from different literature have broadly studied names in relation to identity. The consensus is that personal names are typically playing the role of identifying and distinguishing an individual person in the society (Bart et al., 1997; Jayaraman, 2005; Mphande, 2006; John Algeo, 2008; Olatunji, Issah, Noah, et al., 2015 ). The identification is well seen under the aspect of the, ethnicity, culture, relief and economy. Looking an example from (Jayaraman, 2005) that names in India are chosen by depending on the religion and the place of birth. It is for this reason easy to trace the origin of people through their personal names. Experience of the researcher indicated that Cimatengo personal names are shared by the large group of people from one generation to another; researches do not postulate the reason of sharing these names for a long time; one may ask himself or herself, how these names identify an individual person in the society? Therefore, this research was of vital important to come up with the realities that prevail in the society

Furthermore, Martin (2000) argues that names are used as the way of constructing the social reality since to name is also to classify, and therefore to assign a position. The individual named is situated in the order of the world; in the structures of meaning invested in by a particular collectivity. Then, he claims that naming plays a significant role in the production of the power and privileges within the social world. Therefore, personal names are meant to establish identity among the given population.

2.7 Connection between the Name and Behaviour Exploration from the literature reviewed for this study revealed that there is a connection between the name and the behaviour of the person named in the course of his/ her life (Allerton, 1996; Lieberson and Alford, 1990; Batoma, 2009; Bright, 2003; Alia, 2005; Burt, 2009). The practice of naming a baby involves choosing good names. In most cases, newborn inherit names from their grandparents. The common belief which name givers associates with inherited names is that a baby named after the grandparent will replicate the behaviors of the ancestors. This notion is also reinforced from some religions. Taking an example of Roman Catholic religion, a name used for baptism is chosen from saints in the bible. In fact, Christians believe the behavior and personality of the named baby will resemble to 12 that of the named saint. This being a case, the experience from researcher indicated that Matengo name babies after a name of a wild animal with various characteristic. For example, Komba- is a small animal taking much alcohol (usually bamboo liquid). It is not known whether or not people named after that animal portray the particular animal behavior. This research clearly intended to find the reality behind these personal names.

Further analysis from literature suggests that names decide the fate of an individual (Olatunji, Issah, Noah, et al., 2015). It is argued that the success and failures of an individual person is in reflected on personal names.

2.2.1 Empirical Literature This section presents empirical literature reviewed for this study to find out what other scholars have done and what has not dealt with. The researcher has surveyed from various studies around the world.

2.2.2 Names Drawn from Wild Animals and Plants Reading from the literatures it has been revealed that naming systems in some societies involve drawing of personal names from wild animals and plants (Lieberson & Alford, 1990; Guma, 2001; Borkfelt, 2011; Ngade, 2011). Scholars agree that names drawn from wild animals convey various messages of the family. It has been observed that societies which draw names from wild animals and plants compare their physical structures and characteristics to the human being. For example, Akan people are one among the societies which draws personal names from wild animals. The result of the study by Agyekum (2006) postulates that name givers in Akan society use physical structure of the fauna that are compared to human being. This is to say that animals in such society portray human behaviors. Some of the Akan personal names which are common used by family members, include, Kwaku sono to mean ‘elephant’; Yamoa poko to mean ‘horse’ and Abenaa koo to mean ‘buffalo’. Further, Agyekum denotes that Akan people also draw names from flora. The same as being done in wild animals the society concentrates on identifying the physical features of plants and latter name after their baby. The study by Agyekum has identified some of the Akan personal names drawn from plants which include Oduma, Dwuma, Onyina and Badom to mean red colour.

13 Apart from the Agyekum’s findings is the observation made by Mphande (2006) on naming and linguistic Africanisms in African American culture who reports that some of the African American personal names portray plants and animals names as the history of Africans. Africans who were taken as slaves had a lot of surnames which have been drawn from flora and fauna. For example, names like Kuta for ‘tortoise’; Kandi for ‘Rabbit’; and Kamba boli for ‘a gray bird’. Also, the names drawn from flora or plants are practical in African American people. The study points out names, like Tshuba for ‘coffee’; Kato for ‘Banana’; Zinka for ‘Okra’ and Tenah for ‘Cucumber’. These names are said to have originated from western African societies. However, the choice of names in these societies was influenced by many factors in which environment is included.

Not only that, in Zulu society, the use of personal names especially names drawn from animals are meant to express certain messages which the family wants to convey to the whole society. Turner (1992) explains that the intention of the name giver to use wild animal names is to make others aware of the problem or with the aim of correcting an undesirable situation in the society. The qualities and behaviors of the animals are taken into consideration to present certain messages of family to other members of the society.

2.2.3 Names Drawn from Domestic Animals The literature have also indicated that names in other societies are drawn from domestic animals to present socio cultural experiences of the society or family (Guma, 2001; Mandende, 2009; Sane, 2016). Scholars in common have identified some of experiences such as history, repeated deaths, economic situations, and taboos. Few examples can be cited from societies around the world. In Basotho society, personal names are drawn from domestic animals to present families experiencing the recurrence of the deaths in the same family especially of children. A new child is named after a name that portray (meaning) opposite result from the literal meaning of the given name. For example, the name Moselantja which means ‘a dog’ is a name for a boy, and Moselantjaa which means ‘a dog’s tail’ is a name for a girl (Guma, 2001). These names are used to denote unusual things which happened during other births. The society believes that no other death will occur to the family

14 after a child has been named after the name with opposite meaning drawn from domestic animals.

Moreover, the Maasai society of Tanzania draws names from domestic animals, like, sheep and cows which are used as substitute names among members of the society to avoid threating one’s face. Maasai men substitute names of their old brothers by a domestic animal’ names and, in reciprocal the old brother will address the younger brother by the same initiated animal’s name (Sane, 2006). It is the custom of the Maasai young brother to offer a domestic animal to his old brother so as to get the name which in turn both an old brother and young brother will tend to address each other after the offered animal. For example, the following names are used as substitute names in Maasai society, Stima/ ngine to mean ‘a he goat’ a name is used when one has given a he goat to his brother, Supen for ‘a she goat’ when one has given ‘a she goat’ to his brother, Paing’oni which means ‘a bull’; it is used when one has offered a bull to father in law and Olahe to means ‘a male calf’ when one has offered a male calf to his brother. Domestic animals remain to be important for a Maasai person since naming after these animals entails the source of wealth.

2.2.4 Names Taken from Ancestors In most societies ancestors are believed to be part of the society and have the power to control the future life of the society members (Roberts & Mbiti, 1972 Batoma, 2009;). The literature points that families which believe in ancestors tend to respect them by naming their children after ancestors’ name. Taking examples from African societies a study by Herbert (1995) in South Africa societies reveals that in Tshivenda, names are given to children after the diviner has been consulted for the cause of the illness. The belief of the society is that ancestors cause illness and troubles. Therefore, children are named after that ancestor’s name as the way of pleasing them not to cause problems again. The society prepares ceremony as an important event to report to the ancestors on the bestowal of a baby. The society held that the ancestors control future of any person and it is the task of the members of the society to respect them.

Similar to the above findings is the findings by Batoma (2009) which teaches that among the Kabre of Northern Togo, names of babies are drawn from dead people.

15 However, family members concentrate on finding the name of the successful deceased person. Bad names and dangerous names, that in Cimatengo means unpleasant names are not inherited by any person. The expectations of the name giver are that children named after the dead person to replicate good behaviors and as the way of maintaining identity.

Also, Zulu people names babies after dead people to escape problems. Ngidi, (2012) gives that the society believes that dead people have the power of controlling the descendants such that living dead are closer to the God. Therefore, the living dead control the life of the society and those who are not behaving in an acceptable manner are likely to face problems from these living dead who are part of the society. Apart from naming after living dead, Zulu society performs other rituals as the means of appeasing the living dead.

Identical to the above findings is the observation made by Chauke (2015) in his study about personal names and practice among the Vatsonga and revealed that the Vatsonga name their children after their dead ancestors. The Vatsonga believe that when a baby is named after a dead or ancestor that child will be near with such ancestor and will be protected from evils. Vatsonga expect the child to receive blessings by naming after ancestors. He further argues that naming in Vatsonga is an important event of which the society carefully thought out in advance. A name giver in that society strongly considers the closes ties between naming and identity.

Brokensha (1972) reveals that drawing of personal names is all about inheriting important names from predecessor. In his study about the personal names of Mbeere society Brokensha argues that Mbeere people depend on the sex and the order of the birth of the baby so as to inherit a name from grandparents. The first born boy is named after a father’s father; a second boy is named after mother’s father and the third boy is bestowed after the paternal kin who was in father’s generation. However, when a child is born before the marriage has taken place, that baby will be named after the mother’s mother; her father calls her not by his actual name but by the little of Muthoni as a respect to for his mother in law. Muthoni is a name derived from Nthoni to denote shyness.

16 2.2.5 Names Taken from Religions A close analysis of the literature regarding names taken from religions teaches that names are drawn from both formal and informal religions to abide with the belief of that religion (Suzman, 1994; Jayaraman, 2005; Mandende, 2009). Naming practices in the world are influenced by religions, for example, Africa societies have for a long time been drawing names after the traditional religions to seek the power of their gods before the western religions came into practical to many of African families. In that case most of African societies have altered their ways of naming so as to attract the power of religions. For example, a study by Mandende (2009) about the Tshivenda personal names shows that before introduction of western religions in Africa, Africans used to worship the ancestors through the use of traditional religious leaders and doctors. Therefore, personal names drawn during that time were intended to appease particular ancestors. This is because African societies including Wahvenda people believed on the power of ancestors. Each name giving ceremony had to involve the performance of rites in which new person was introduced to the ancestors. While that happened during that time, after the introduction of the western religions especially Christian religion, African societies were forced to change personal names. The belief that western names are holy names circulated all over the African societies. This time, personal names were to reflect western culture so as to be identified as a civilized person. The influence of the religions therefore made Africans to have many ways of drawing personal names.

2.2.6 Naming Practices Naming practices in African society is mostly determined by the socio cultural, environmental, and circumstances surrounding the birth and a society. It is difficult to for one to understand the implications of society’s naming practices until one peeps into it so as to explore the meaning. Thus, in Africa, naming practices is dynamic in nature to suit the culture and history of a given society. For example, a study about personal names and naming practices of the Vatsonga by Chauke (2015) unveiled that the Vatsonga people bestow their children depending on the circumstances surrounding the birth of a child, social aspects of the family, hope, traditional beliefs and wishes for the child. The study also points out that the Vatsonga people names their children after late people or relatives as a means of

17 remembering them. This includes expressing the love which the parents had for them. Also, naming after relative’s names may be due to the physical resembling with physical appearance. Generally, in the Basotho of the southern Africa, names play the basic role of remembering and keeping records of the society both for a named person and the family in particular.

Similarly to the findings by Chauke is the findings by Guma (2001) on the cultural meaning of the names among the Basotho of southern Africa. The findings revealed that naming a child after kinsmen of the society serves religious and political functions. Also, he explains that naming a child after pretrial or material relatives is meant to perpetuate the names of the ancestors and it brings grandparents or grandchildren closer to one another. Name givers believe that a child named after them is likely to inherit virtues of this grandparents. Moreover, to honor the powers of the ancestors for the influence upon the living, a child is named after one of them. The findings for study also report that children are named after prominent Basotho chiefs such that name givers expect good future and blessings from these prominent chiefs. The common personal names of the prominent chiefs that are used include, Letsie, Seeiso andBereng.

Furthermore, Bartle (1978) raise an argument about naming systems in Ghana. The result of his findings show that naming system in Ghana is very unique compared to other societies in the world. A new baby is held in reserve indoors for at least seven days before the baby has been named. The naming of the baby can’t be performed before the eight day because during that period a stranger from the ancestral world has to come to pay visit for a baby. However, anciently, the mortality rate mostly happened in the first week of the birth. Therefore, Ghanaians believe from the eight days after the birth has happened that child is rarely to die. Also, it is believed that naming a baby who is going to die within a week is not ok, it is better to die nameless since for them before the eight day a baby is not considered to be a human kind. Moreover, in Ghana everyone is supposed to have a name which is drawn from the day he or she was born. For example, it is common in Ghana to find a name Kofi a male name for a child born on Friday and for a female is Afua.

18 2.2.7 Naming Ceremony The literature about naming practices postulates that naming of a baby in some societies involve preparation of naming ceremonies (Burt, 2009; Bamidele, 2010; De grave, 2011; Olatunji, Issah, Noah, et al., 2015). The society which prepares a ceremony considers the naming event as happiness and rejoices among the family members. Other societies believe that naming ceremonies are prepared to welcome the new baby to the family ancestors and other members. Few examples are picked from African societies to explain in details the way naming ceremonies are conducted. A study by Samaki, (2001) points out that Yoruba tribe in southern part of Nigeria prepares naming ceremony during naming any baby. After parents have prepared a name for their new baby such name is painted on around stone in black or red. The stone is further kept as long as the life of the named person until the stone has been broken ceremoniously after the death of that person. In regard to the naming of the new baby, Yoruba conducts the ceremony in the morning. Usually, naming of the baby is done in the seventh to the ninth day depending on the sex of a baby. In Yoruba, males are bestowed in the ninth day and females in the seventh day because Yoruba believe that males grow slowly than females. Therefore, the ceremony takes place in the six or seven o’clock in the morning and must be attended by the principle member of the family and other friends to rejoice together. Samaki, further explains that, a baby is held by the elderly female member of the family in such a way that a child is grabbed in the spray of water. The baby then screams in shock and all relatives attended the ceremony shout for happiness. The new baby is given a name by the parents.

Also, Newman (1990) reports the findings about the naming ceremony among the Igbo society. In his study about personal names in Igbo society results indicate that naming ceremonies usually take place on the eight day depending on the health of the mother and the child. The ceremony in that society begins with the divination and recognition of the ancestors by giving of the name and planting alive plant to symbolize life and survival, next the prepared wine is poured to share child’ name with ancestors after the ‘kola’ has been broken and the prayers. The ceremony usually last for the entire day.

19 On top of that, in Zambia, a study by DerKlerk and Bosch (1996) postulates that naming ceremony is conducted after the navel of the child finally fall off. The maternal grandmother conducts the naming ceremony and maternal sides of the family take the responsibility of asking the mother who she dreamt of during her pregnancy. After the mother has provided the name, elders also ask the child when he or she smiles they believe to have found the right name for the baby. If the baby cries continuously in the night, elders carry on selecting other names until the right name has been obtained. The society believes that if a child has been given a right name such child usually sleeps peacefully without making any troubles. Derklerk and Bosch further explains that names which are given children results according to the cultural belief which help to maintain socio- cultural virtues of the tribe.

While the above findings are practical examples in African societies, in Indian societies naming ceremonies are also prepared in some societies. For example, Jayaraman (2005) points out that among Kashmiri Hindu, naming of the baby is done during the ceremony of Sendor, the ceremony of cleaning the mother and the child. The findings further report that the ceremony is done on the seventh day from a mother gave birth to a baby. However, the affection nick name is given to the baby by elders immediately after the birth and its real name is bestowed latter on by either his parents or other relatives, usually elders.

2.8 Research Gap The review of the literature has put, in a display, various studies conducted in relation to the naming practices in various societies around the world (Nelson, 2003; Jayaraman, 2005; Agyekum, 2006; Pitman and Payne, 2006; Mandende, 2009; Bamidele, 2010). In Tanzania, a study conducted by Sane (forthcoming) “the value of domestic animals and gender differences in Maasai names” has revealed that personal names in society may be a means of gender differences. However, it has been realized that there is no even a single study that discusses naming practices in Matengo by reviewing the naming act, reinterpreting Matengo personal names as society interprets itself, and revealing how gender differences is marked using personal names. Therefore, this study was of important to explore whether the Cimatengo naming practice is set in the same direction of accumulating of wealth and privileges. 20 2.9 Chapter Summary This part has constituted the theoretical frameworks and literature review. Theoretical frames-work employed in this study were meant to guide the researcher on exploring information about naming act, necessary conditions and objects required for naming babies, the values and meaning of the personal names by revealing the meaningful description portrayed by Matengo personal names. The literature has indicated that names are meaningful. They convey different messages like history of the society, and gender marking. However, the peculiar way of drawing names from flora and fauna, gender marking and naming act in Matengo lacked in the literature thus giving the need for this study.

21 CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.0 Introduction This chapter presents the methodology employed in the study. Smith (2012) defines research methodology as a plan of work explaining exactly how the research will be carried out. It includes the location of the study, significance of the study, target population, research design, research approach, sampling and sampling techniques, sample size, data collection methods, data analysis, validity and reliability, ethical consideration of the study.

3.1 Research Design This study used a case study research design to collect information from family members such as mothers and fathers. Using case study design, in-depth information related to naming act, gender differences and perception attached to the flora and fauna were collected within its real life context. Thus, the selection of the case study suitably represented a broader area of the society. This was achieved through data collection techniques, namely focus group discussion and interviews. Creswell (2007) argues that research design is a frame work or plan for the study to be used.

3.2 Research Approach This study is predominantly qualitative. Thus, qualitative techniques were used to generate and analyses data. The qualitative approach in this study sought to seek and collect information related to naming practice, beliefs, and gender differences. Through interviews and FGDs data collection method the researcher collected primary data from Cimatengo parents. The findings from the interviews and FGDs are presented thematically and descriptively.

3.3 Location of the Study This study was conducted at Mbinga District of the Ruvuma Region found in the southern part of Tanzania. The study involved eight wards namely Kipapa, Maguu, Kitumbi, Mikaranga, Litembo, Langiro, Mpapa, and Nyoni. Mbinga District is one of the councils of Ruvuma Region in Tanzania. According to the Kothari (2004), the quality of information to be generated by the study will be determined by selection of the area where the data are to be obtained. The district was chosen since it is

22 predominantly the homeland of Cimatengo speakers; parents who are native speakers of different sex and background were found so as to participate in the study. Geographically, the district is located in the North East of Lake Nyasa, which is characterized by steep mountains and rolling hills ranging from 600- 2000 meters from the sea level (Kato, 2001). Tanzania National Census of 2012 shows that the District has the population size of 353,683. There are roughly 160,000 of Cimatengo speakers. Matengo speakers making it as one of the Language with a moderate sized population in Tanzania (Lewis, Fennig & Simons, 2009). The District is formed by four ethnic groups namely Matengo, Ngoni, Nyasa and Manda. It is estimated that Matengo people constitutes large part of population of the District.

23 Figure 1: A Map of Mbinga District Showing Wards Setting

Source: http://ontheworldmap.com/tanzania/tanzania-regions-map.html

24 3.4 Targeted Population Population is conceptualized as the total collection of elements about which we make some inferences whereby a sample consists some of the elements in a population we wish to make conclusion about the entire population ( Kothari, 2004). Therefore, the target population of this study is Matengo native speakers found in Mbinga District. The research incorporated native parents with the knowledge about naming, wild animals’ names and their habits, and gender. Parents with no or little knowledge on the above issues were not used in this research to avoid getting unauthentic data. The target was to collect the valid and natural data.

3.4.1 Sampling Techniques Two sampling techniques were used, namely purposive sampling and snow ball sampling. Snowball sampling technique was used because the researcher did not know the best people to interview. It is argued that snowball sampling is a form of purposive sampling that typically proceeds after a study begins and occurs when the researcher asks participants to recommend other individuals to be sampled (Creswell, 2009). Therefore, the researcher after the end of each interview asked the participants to recommend the person with knowledge about Cimatengo personal names and naming practice. However, consideration of the sex of the informant was observed to involve equally both male and female’s views in the study. Also, informal conversations with individuals in the area of the study facilitated the recruitment of the informants to be sampled in this study. For example, traditional religious leaders were easily obtained since they are very known by the society members.

In this study, purposive sampling was used to select eight wards from Mbinga District, namely Kipapa, Maguu, Kitumbi, Mikaranga, Litembo, Langiro, Mpapa and Nyoni, from which indigenous Cimatengo people are found. The selection of these wards was due to the fact that native speakers with different names, social, and political background are predominantly their resident areas. The researcher insured the incorporation of the knowledgeable informants from the selected wards in this study who were used to give information related to the naming personal names and gender.

25 3.4.2 Sample Size According to Ashes and Miler (n.d as cited by Sane, 2016) even a small sample provides useful and politically actionable information in qualitative research. Therefore, based on this reason 75 informants were consulted to participate in this study depending on the saturation point which was used as a guiding tool to get the sample size for this study. Many scholars argue that the saturation point is reached between 12 and 60 interviews (Morse, Lowery & Steury, 1994; Mark Mason, 2000) cited in (Hancock, Ockleford, and Windridge, 2009; Mason, 2011; Thomson, 2011; Morse et al., 2014). Therefore, the sample for this study comprised of 27 female’s informants and forty-two (48) male informants making the total of 75 informants for both interviews and focus group discussions. In this, 10 female informants and 17 male informants participated through face to face interviews and 20 female informants and 28 male informants participated through FGDs. There were six FGDs that were conducted in this study.

26 Table 1: A Summary of Informants Involved in the Study Village of Sex Occupation Frequency Method of Residence Data Collection Male 2 Peasants 3 Face to face Ilela Females 1 Business interviews

Males 4 Peasants 2 Traditional religious 8 FGD leaders Female 2 Peasants

1. Male 2 Traditional religious 3 Face to face 2. Maguu leaders interviews Females 1 Peasants Males 4 peasants 8 FGD Females 4 Peasants

Kipapa Male 2 Traditional religious Face to face leaders 5 interviews 1 Peasants Females 2 Teachers 8 FGD Males 2 Peasants 3 Peasants Females 1 Business

Male 2 Traditional religious 3 Face to face Langiro leaders interviews Females 1 Peasants Males 4 Peasants 8 FGD Females 4 Peasants

3. Male 1 Peasants Face to face 4. Mikaranga 2 Traditional religious 4 interviews leaders Females 1 Peasants Males 5 Peasants 8 FGD Females 3 Peasants

Male 2 Traditional religious 4 Face to face Litembo leaders interviews Females 1 Businessman 1 Peasants Males 0 FGD Females

Male 2 Traditional religious 3 Face to face Nyoni leaders interviews Female 1 Peasant 27 Male 0 FGD Female Male 1 Peasant 2 Face to face Kigonsera Female 1 peasant interviews

Male 2 Traditional religious 8 FGD leaders 3 Peasants Females 3 Peasants Total Female 30 75 Males 45 Source: Field Data (2020)

3.5 Techniques of Data Collection This research used interviews and focus group discussion (FGD) methods of data collection. These qualitative data collection techniques enabled the researcher to collect diverse information from informants.

3.5.1 Interviews Face to Face Interviews were conducted with both males and females with knowledge about Cimatengo personal names drawn from wild animals and plants. Informants were asked to tell about necessary conditions that must be present during naming a baby, objects used when naming act is performed, specific time especially how long does a baby waits until receives a name, time in regard of hours whether morning, noon or evening for the naming act to be done, and people involved in the whole process of naming. Also, the interviews sought to answer questions about what flora and fauna names (wild animal names) are commonly used by males and females, the values of names, how substitute names are used and the reasons behind so, what norms are associated with these names. Further, informants were asked to tell the perceived relationship of people and the wild animals and limitations of the use of Cimatengo personal names were be collected. Dawson (2002) asserts that in the use of this method there is a flexibility to probe by asking more questions. Thus, the process was done face to face in which the researcher was able to ask supplementary questions to collect in depth information relating to the study. Sessions were administered at the home of each informant or any convenient place where the informants were able to give views freely. Audio recording device and notebook were used by the researcher to record and write down the important points

28 captured from the informants. This helped much the researcher to trace information even when the session was stopped due to the interference of the intruders or participants’ other duties.

3.5.2 Focus Group Discussion Focus group discussion (FGD) as a data collection method in research involves selecting a set of participants with unique knowledge and information gathering together to peep up issues related to the topic (Bojlén & Lunde, 1995). From this understanding, the researcher decided to use this method to investigate and find out clarifications on how naming act and gender markedness is done. It was further used to examine the perceived relationship of Matengo and flora and fauna especially wild animals. Responses with multiple views were generated using this method. Moreover, the association and interaction of participants allowed the researcher to obtain trustful data which were noted down. The researcher deliberately selected six informants with enough knowledge about naming practice, being a mother or father to form a focus group discussion for this study. Six group discussions were conducted in the area of the study. The total of 48 participants were used in the focus group discussion. Sessions were conducted in convenient places were both participants were able to express their views and recordings of the conversation was also done i.e. outside the participant’s house compounding of which informant found it comfortable for the session to take place etc. The researcher carefully observed to the number of the participants to form the focus group discussion as authenticated by many scholars. Generally, the number of the participants per group ranged from six to twelve members. This was possible through snowball technique. Participants in the focus group discussion were members who did not participated in the interviews and comprised both males and females. Communication with the researcher or among the participants was done using Cimatengo and Kiswahili language for participants to express well their views. Since the researcher is a member of the Cimatengo language there were no communication bearers that happened in the process of collecting data from both focus group discussions (FGD) and interviews between the researcher and participants.

29 3.6 Data Analysis Hitchcock and Hughes (1995) posit that data analysis is the ways in which a researcher moves from prescription of what is the case to the explanation of what is the case. In this study, the thematic analysis was used to analyze the qualitative data. The following steps were employed to analyze the data.

Firstly, the data were transcribed (written) from the audio recorded devices, this included both data collected through interviews and FGD in this stage the researcher used English language to translate the audio recorded data from Cimatengo and Kiswahili. The researcher listened to audio files carefully to put into writings all information given by the informant. This involved putting into written form all non- verbal signals like tone, laughter, pauses, etc. to capture exact meaning which informants intended to communicate to the researcher. The transcription of the audio data is well known practice in qualitative research as the accepted norm in the first step of the analysis to ensure the accuracy of data (Padgett, 2009; Stuckey, 2014) However, alternative approach was adopted by listening multiple times to reflect on the data in its original audio form. The approach allowed the researcher to become more involved in the research.

Secondly, the transcribed data from Cimatengo and Swahili language into English were coded into themes. The researcher carefully organized and put together similar themes and concepts to find the relationship between the data. In this step, the researcher concentrated on defining the data to link with specific objectives of this study. All transcripts were reviewed to find similar thoughts and ideas from informants’ responses.

Thirdly, the researcher, in this stage used thick prescriptions of the themes to describe in details concepts and ideas to produce good understanding of the naming and personal names. Since this study dealt with cultural issues, the researcher found it right to use simple tables and pictures to elaborate various issues relating to the naming and Cimatengo personal names.

30 3.7 Validity and Reliability of the Study Validity can be defined as a measure of how well a test measure what is supposed to measure (Kirk and miller, 2012). To collect accurate data, the researcher used multiple data collection techniques that enabled the collection of rich data to cover all objectives of this study. The data were collected in the natural setting by involving knowledgeable informants about the subject of this study. Also, the researcher sought detailed descriptions from informants to the point where saturation point was reached. The researcher adhered to ethical issues to ensure that each stage of the study has been done thoroughly well. Moreover, the researcher accounted for personal bias to avoid influencing the findings.

3.8 Research Ethics In this study, ethics is viewed as a matter of principled sensitivity to the rights of others, and that while truth is good: respect for human dignity is better (Cohen, Manion & Morrison, 2007). The researcher observed ethical issues during conducting the research from the beginning to the end of research. He asked the permission from the director of the postgraduate studies that issued the introductory letter. The issued letter deliberately introduced the researcher to the authorities in Mbinga District where the study was conducted; these included being introduced to the District Administrative Secretary (DAS), respective ward and village officers from each the study was done.

As the means of encouraging the informants’ participation, the researcher informed all informants about the nature of the study, objectives, and the data to be collected. Also, the researcher observed to the desire and the willingness of the informants on participating in the study. The researcher asked the permission from the informant when to record and take pictures was necessary. This involved signing of the informed consent by all informants who participated in this study, refer to the attached consent form appendix 5. Furthermore, while analyzing the data the researcher has not displayed names of the informants without their consultations and no pictures of any informant has been used so as to comply with anonymity and confidentiality of the participants as the central to ethical practice in research. Moreover, the researcher observed to respect society culture. For example, the prior experience of the researcher shows that it is unethical to stay longer with women 31 privately or in a hidden place this was also maintained by the researcher from the beginning to the end of the researcher. Thus, all interviews sessions were conducted in the convenient and open place which made informants to express their views freely without any fear.

Lastly, the acknowledgement of other consulted works; citations, quotations, and referencing have been observed during writing of the report to distinguish this study from those of others.

3.9 Chapter Summary This chapter has comprised the research methodology. The qualitative research approach was used to conduct the study as it was aimed at exploring information about naming acts, gender differences in the use of personal names, and reinterpret the meaning of Matengo personal names as interpreted by the society itself. This was achieved through interviews and focus group discussion as a means of collecting data. The choice of the area of the study was due to the presence of the Matengo natives in the area with the required knowledge.

32 CHAPTER FOUR FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION 4.0 Introduction This chapter presents the results/ findings and discussions of the data obtained from the field. To quickly point it out, the data of this study were collected from Mbinga District of Ruvuma Region located in the southern part of Tanzania to meet the overarching objective of this study. The chapter is, therefore, organized into three broad themes: interpretations of the Cimatengo personal names drawn from flora and fauna as they are interpreted by the society, gender differences in the use of personal names in Matengo. However, socio-economic characteristics of the society which includes informants’ gender, age, education, and means of living are presented to show the informants’ background from which these data were collected, since they have impacts on interpreting and discussing the findings of the study.

4.1 Informants’ Socio-Economic Features The socio economic characteristics of the informants give an overview of the informant’s background to create an understanding of their knowledge about the naming and the value of personal names. It was found that all people in the society adhere to such naming practices, regardless of their means of living, i.e. education, economic status, or religions. The gender, age, education and means of living are summarized in the Table number one

Table 2: Informants’ Socio-Economic Features Educational level Gender Age Occupation Male Female - Educated: - - Primary education 39 26 18- 35 Famers - - Secondary education 4 36- 45 Business - 2 46 -59 Teachers - Illiterate: - - Lack of primary education 0 4 60+ Famers

Total 45 30

33 4.1.1 Gender Most of the research informants in this study were men. Out of 75 participants who participated in this study only 30 informants were women. This variation was never intentional but stems from the snowball method that was employed in the study. The society is not only patriarchy but men are regarded to be knowledgeable about naming practice stemming from their involvement in the rituals of the society, naming included. However, females recommended in the study were knowledgeable about the practice.

4.1.2 Age The research included informants of the age ranging from 18+ years old and the maximum age of the participant was above 80+ years old. The use of informants with the mentioned age was meant to find the natural data from the real residents found in the area of the study. It was also meant to obtain authentic data from experienced informants. These people are considered matured and to have been exposed to the Matengo cultural practices.

4.1.3 Education Most of the informants for this study were people who got Tanzania primary education. Therefore, they had the ability to read and write. These people are common in Matengo. Though, few of the informants are those who attained secondary education, like teachers. However, the education of the informants was never a required criterion in this study since the study required only people who are knowledgeable of the naming practice.

4.1.4 Occupation This study used informants of different occupations to collect diverse information. Most of them were farmers who engage themselves in farming activities including producing coffee as a cash crop, cassavas and maize as subsistence crops, and keeping few domestic animals, like, cows, goats and chickens. These crops are chiefly produced in Matengo. However, few of the informants were business people who had shops and others were teachers. These informants were knowledgeable about their culture and naming system.

34 4.2 Research Findings 4.2.1 Naming Act of the Matengo This study employed two research tools to collect data related to the naming issues of the Matengo. The research tools used are interviews and focus group discussion. The findings of this study were obtained from the natural setting of the Cimatengo speakers whereby the researcher had consulted them.

4.2.2 Name Givers and Sources of the Names One of the major issues in performing acts in every society or religion is the presence of the authorized name giver (Searle, 1976). This is the quality of the person to perform the naming act. From this view, the observation from the informants of this study indicates that not all people are allowed to name a baby in Matengo. Only the father, paternal grandparents, and a traditional religion leader are allowed to name babies. This is based on the reason that these are considered to be important people in each family or clan; they are subjected to develop and keep their family as heads of the family. Informants explained that grandparents –paternal are involved in the naming. A traditional religious leader is only called in when the name provided to a child is rejected by the ancestors. It is believed that a traditional leader can communicate with ancestors, prepares, and knows various traditional medicines required by the society members. The society believes that ancestors are the living dead and are still connected to the family but, above all, they have the power to decide on the future of the family and perform other rituals. One of the informants responded it well when asked to tell about the people who are allowed to name a baby. …actually (…) grandparents and fathers are allowed to name our babies (.) for me, my first child name was suggested by our grandfather and it is the one who performs the naming act for my children. He names them (…) but when your baby cries for a name (.) our traditional religious leader repeats the naming act (.) yes they rename our babies (…). IR, February 2020

The quote supplied by the informant above concurs with below quote given by another informant who supports the same logic. The informant said that:

…you don’t just name any person (.) every clan or family has an authorized person who is allowed to perform this activity. Elders (...) you consult them very soon. Even when your baby is seriously crying 35 for a name you will be subjected to face them (.) traditional leaders to see why your child is crying. They will rename him or her. IR, February 2020

The father and his parents are primarily allowed because they know and understand the history of the family and their ancestor names. Therefore, any of them can perform the act at any time. If a baby is given a name and gives continuous cries for several days, the Matengo considers a baby to have been given a name that ancestors do not want. There are two kinds of names that may be selected following such continuous cries. When a child cries continuously during the day time, such a baby wants to inherit a name from the person who is alive. Conversely, night cries imply that the baby wants a name from the dead ancestors. Thus, in such circumstance, a traditional leader is called to search for a new name using his supernatural power. The following three quotes serve to illustrate when the traditional religious leader is called to name a child.

…When you find your baby crying continuously during the day time, your baby wants to inherit a name from the living person, while those who cry during the night your baby wants to inherit a name from a dead ancestor (…) ask me again (…) IR, February 2020

…they cry for a long time, in the night or during the daytime (.) they cry very seriously (…) when you find your child crying continuously means that you have given a wrong name. Therefore, we go to find the right name from our traditional experts who assist us obtaining right name using a special traditional tool (.) we call it Linjengesu. A traditional leader after he has obtained the name, orders you that (.) you need to repeat the naming act and you must give a hen as you did it before and know that (.) When your child cries during the daytime a name must be from a living person (.) and when a baby cries during the night your baby wants to inherit a name from a dead person. IR, January 2020

… for those children who cry for a name (.) you must consult our traditional leaders(.) they have their instruments which produce a certain sound ndendendendende (sound) for example, here we face our famous traditional leader known as Lejanila to find the right name; he helps us to obtain our names, he search names from all side of your family, he may ask the instrument to observe from all angles of your relatives, from your mother and your father ( yeah), therefore, this is what happening (…) IR, February 2020

36 An interpretation of the above quote is that traditional religious leaders bestow children with natural power. They can nullify all naming acts that an authorized family member has performed which including fathers and grandparents from father’s side. Though women may participate in the naming process, they can only participate in the naming of their grandchildren born by their male children. Put it in other way round, women will never get involved in naming if they were not luck to have male children. The following are some of the explanations that were taken from the informants:

…(.) Wives are not allowed to name (…) you will just suggest (.) (…) it is very impossible (..) You wait until you have grandchildren (.) Because they say (.) you still have not mastered their family rituals and norms (…) even other relatives are not allowed. They decide all things. IR, February 2020

…a wife is a newcomer (.) you brought her from a certain family (.) she requires a time to learn the way of doing these things. For example, she can’t be able to know our ancestors. Then she must wait until she has obtained grandchildren. IR, March 2020

…we elder, like parents (...) We want to maintain the identity of our family (…) A wife is not aware of our basic principles of the family (.) for example, some wives are very young (…) they don’t have the history of your family. They know nothing (.) she is just there because you have married her. Children are our property (.) the family property. IR, March 2020

It was further reported that wives are newcomers brought from other families. Therefore, they can’t know all names of the ancestors and other means of naming any baby. By that, wives in Matengo are excluded from naming babies. The researcher was told that each family in the Matengo uses authorized people to name their children so that they can maintain their family or clan generations. It was found that names are very useful in differentiating one clan from another clan. Therefore, the presence of the special peoples entails the need of keeping their culture and history of the particular family.

It was found that child aunts are not qualified to name a child because they ought to master the norms and customs of the clans they will be married. The fear of the family is that such aunts will be required to master other customs and norms from another family when they get married there. It is impossible to allow a person who is 37 not going to be a blood member of the family to involve in traditional activities. The claim postulated above means that the power of females in Matengo is limited by several issues existing in the society.

Further analysis of the data obtained through interviews indicated that the society has many ways of drawing names for people. For example, babies inherit names from fore parents of both father and mother based on the hierarchy of birth. The informants had the following to explain about sources of names.

…actually (.) a first child receives a name from husband’s relatives (.), especially from his father (.) grandparents and a mother, for example, you, Kakonda is a name from your grandfather (.) Kakonda Sengu, you see! IR, March 2020

…because your father paid a dowry when he married your mother (…) therefore, to show a respect and maintains identity they must give you their name (.) but for the third child you give a name that comes from your mother’s side. (.) They just suggest a name. (…) in laws must be remembered at this time. IR, March 2020

The findings show that it is the custom of the society that when the family gets a first child to inherit names from husband’s parents. This is to say that when the first child is a male, that child will receive a name of the grandfather and when the baby is a female such baby will inherit a name of the grandmother from husband side as important people in the family their names must be inherited by children to show respect and identity but they cannot draw names from maternal grandparents. The society believes that since the husband’s family pays a dowry, children are considered to be the fruits of the family such that receiving names from grandparents is also taken as a means of maintaining and developing the clan, either, it is for the family identity. All children inherit a surname of the clan or family. They added that surnames are common in the society for all people. These quotes elaborate the practice. …My grandson let me tell you this; (…) here in our society we are having many surnames. Each family has its surname both for male and female just for identity. Not as to some societies as you know (…). February 2020

38 …you know (.) here (.) our ancestors were very brave. They introduced systems of having surnames just for identity (.) there is no family without a surname here in Matengo. (.) And see this (.) all families use them. A surname is given (.) you must have it. IR, February 2020

It was found that each clan has its surname of which all members of the family use for identity. In Matengo, all people are well addressing each other using their surnames; however, each surname has its substitute for both males and females. Therefore, during naming a new baby, the focus is made to give the first name not otherwise because it is the system of the Matengo that all children will inherit a surname from the father’s family.

Moreover, it is the practice of the Matengo to draw names from flora and fauna. It was explained that other people in the family are given names drawn from animals and plants; taking an example from fauna. Informants reported many names that are drawn from wild animals, insects, amphibians, reptiles, birds and mammals. Some of personal names drawn from flora and fauna identified by informants in the field of study are prefixed with ka- to show diminutive. For example, names like Kabwea, Kajuni, Kahimba, Kalipa, etc. are the Matengo personal names drawn from animal names which mean small hyena, small bird, small lion, and small monkey respectively. Some of the names do not have prefixes are Ngusila, Kobera and Chibela. These names mean small goose, tortoise, and hyrax respectively. These personal names do not show the diminutive role. The society tends to draw personal names from such animals by looking to their characteristics and behaviour, which are compared to human being to reflect certain messages in the society.

Furthermore, it was found that the society draws personal names from flora especially trees. Few names were identified by the informants, these include Kamboa, which means ‘a small tree’ producing wild fruits of which the Matengo use them as food and Kakongu is just ‘any small tree’.

…. You know we have some names that are actually plant names for example, Kamboa and Kakongu. These names mean small trees, not big trees. IR, February 2020

…Actually Kamboa and Kakongu are plants (…) they are small plants. Not big plants but after small plants. IR, January 2020 39 The above names have also prefixes /Ka-/ which denote diminutive function. The reason behind the use of these plants names is that a person named after these names seem to be very tough and tolerance in activities and even when he gets challenged by problems tend to remain static.

4.2.2.1 Objects Used for Naming a Baby Interviews and observations revealed that Matengo uses some objects and body fluid that the society associates with certain values and actions. These are a hen or a feather from a hen, saliva, special flour made from cassava, and in case a traditional leader is involved, a wooden tray (called Linjengesu). A hen is an animal that is used to conduct various rituals in the society. It is an animal that is valued and given to special people, thus since the naming or any ritual is believed to be authenticated by ancestors, a chicken is an offering to honour them but also to request them to accept the new member in the family. This quote below serves to illustrate this significance of a hen.

(…) of course (.) you must have a hen, it is very important (.) you spit a saliva on the hands of a baby, you throw on the air a flour made from cassava and you say some words to connect your baby with ancestors. For example, you can say these words, as an example, (.) I give you this hen; you will now be called Kupoteka. May the ancestors keep you safe and don’t cry and make trouble. You are the part of this family. IR, February 2020

It was further revealed that, before an authorized name giver performs the naming act, a parent is ought to have a chicken to accomplish the ritual. The name giver hands a hen to the baby. Even when the traditional religious leader has to repeat the naming act following the continuous cries of the baby, another hen is ought to be used by the traditional leader.

But sometimes, a parent of the baby to be named may not have a chicken to provide during the naming act; instead, a chicken feather is used. The researcher further inquired to know the possibility of performing the naming act without a hen.

…yeah, (.) however, sometimes you may lack a hen (…). If you honestly don’t have it, (.) you can promise the ancestors that you will accomplish it and if you don’t do it (.) your child will cry again. You will hand a feather as a promise. IR, February 2020

40 However, the informants could not explain the exact time when the problem would occur since people adhere to the ritual by seeking a hen for the function, even by asking from relatives.

Saliva is also used in naming the baby. The name giver spits some saliva on the hands of the child as a way of cleansing the baby and also to wish good will to the child.

…Yes they spit at on the child’s hands (.); you must spit your saliva on the hands of the baby (.) to complete the naming act. It is very important (…). IR, February 2020

…saliva (.) is useful when you need to name a baby, (.) we spit just a little of it (.) on the hands of the new baby. It is common to do so (.). We do that as a means of wishing a good future a baby or blessings. IR, January 2020

The information obtained revealed that the process of spiting on the child’s hands is repeated when a traditional leader renames the baby.

Another object used for naming babies in Matengo is special flour made from cassava. Cimatengo speakers use cassavas as an important crop for subsistence food. This is used as a means to inform ancestors that there is a new baby who is to be accepted in the family. The flour is sailed out to the sky for the ancestors to get the ancestors’ attention that there is a ritual being performed by family members. The ancestors are believed by the family to exist somewhere in the sky, thus sailing out the flower to the sky will make them look what is been done on the ground. The following are some of the quotes that elaborate on this ritual.

… Yes we use flour made from cassavas. (.) We throw out the flour in the air with a left hand as a means of communicating to ancestors. To inform them that there is a newcomer (…) every head of the family must keep a little amount of flour from cassava because it may be required at any time for rituals. IR, January 2020

… (mm) cassava flour is very important. There is a way to prepare it we call it Masuha or Kondagola. Cassava is put into water for some days before we process it to get the flour (.)You throw it in the air to inform the ancestors. IR, January 2020

41 … It is very important to use cassavas flour (.). It is important to throw it out with the left hand to inform the ancestors that a ritual is being performed (.) that there is a new baby in the family. IR, February 2020

There is a special way of preparing the cassava to get the accepted form of the flour of which the ancestors do accept. Firstly, cassavas are pealed and immersed in water for some days to get rid of all rubbishes on it. The washed cassavas are then dried and milled to produce flour. All these preparations are done carefully because it is intended to be offered to very special people. The reason why the left hand is used is that the hand is believed not to be contaminated as it does not touch many things. Thus, ancestors are honoured by handing things to them using the left hand.

Lastly, it was found that traditional religious leaders use Linjengesu as a special tool for renaming babies. Consultations with some traditional religious leaders obtained many quotes which some of them are cited here.

(…) listen (.). It is not me (.) my tool directs me (.) I just mention names from every angle of their family (…) let say (…) does the child wants a name from the aunt, (…) grandfather, grandfather of the grandfather, etc. (…) while mentioning the names my tool produces sound. There is a bell that rings only when the required name is mentioned. (.) All people who get troubles consult us and this is the solution and many of them follow us to solve the problem. It is not a joke you may have a child who continues to the point where the child’s health is affected. This is why they follow us. IR, February 2020

…There is no joke here, (….) your parents may not remember or understand the proper name for your baby. This tool will direct me and provide you the required name. It makes sound when the right name has been obtained. (…) if children cry for names they bring them here. No problem again. IR, March 2020

The society believes in the tool used by the traditional leader that it can trace the names of the people. The researcher further inquired to know how family members recognise that the child cries because of the name and not any other problem. The explanation given was that a baby cries continuously for a long time in a consecutive number of days and at the same time, it is an indicator to know that such a baby cries because of the name and, thus, a traditional religious leader is consulted. It is the fears of the society that, when the baby is renamed, his or her health is affected.

42 Children who cry for names and remain unnamed won’t grow healthily. The traditional leader is directed by the tool to survey all names of the ancestors, including dead and living ones to retrieve the required name.

Figure 2: A Tool Used by Traditional Religious Leaders to Search Names

Source: Field Data (2020)

4.2.2.2 Words Uttered and Naming Procedures The findings through interviewing informants indicated that the naming of a baby in Matengo involves uttering of certain words along with using the tools presented in the section above to accomplish the naming act. The following are the quotes of the utterances performed in the naming.

I give you this hen from today you will be named a certain name, you should not cry and make troubles, and you (ancestors) please accept, guide, and protect this baby from diseases; let the baby sleep and grow well, this name is from you (ancestor) (…)” this is the way I have seen naming our babies. It is very simple any way (…).IR: we say that from today you will be called Nyandamwoju, I give you this hen and spit saliva (...) you must be quite (.) stops crying. Your

43 ancestor we beg you to guide and protect this baby, not to let her face problems (.). IR, February 2020

…you want to know the way we name (..) ok (.); for example, after you have all other necessary tools and conditions we just say that (.) you baby from today we will call you Chelubina. I give you this hen, don’t cry and make troubles and please your ancestors protect the baby from all evils and disease. IR, January 2020

These words are uttered to please the ancestors to accept the baby to become a good member of the family, and easy to be identified by others. Also, a name giver asks the ancestors to protect a baby from evils and diseases such that may grow and live well without facing any problems. Family members believe that ancestors take the responsibility of guiding and protecting the particular immediately after the name giver has pleased them. The above responses concur with the information obtained from one of the informants who acted to the researcher on the way naming act is performed by authorized people.

…oh! We just say that you baby, I give you this name you should not cry and make trouble to our family. You will play with other people here and our ancestors will guide you no problem will face you (.) this is how we name (…). IR, January 2020

The interpretation of the clause above is that what is uttered by name givers are almost the same words, the focus of name givers is to make a baby become a good person in society. The researcher was interested to know whether the traditional leader repeats the same words when a name is repeated. The findings of the study revealed that the utterance is nearly similar. The following are some of the quotes of the words uttered by traditional leaders when repeating the same.

IR: yeah (.) the traditional leader says that, if you are crying for a name (.) receive this hen and let you not cry again, and for the ancestor (.) let the baby not cry again. From now you are known as Nyandamwoju as an example of a name, we spit saliva on the baby’s hand. IR, February 2020

(…) yes, he must use cassava flour. A person who names a baby must sail out the flour in the air with the left hand since the flour connects the living people and the dead ancestors. It is a means of communicating with our ancestors. IR, March 2020

44 There are no major differences observed from the data on the process of naming and the words uttered. Both the traditional religious leader and parents speak words that convince ancestors to recognise the baby and protect it from troubles, like diseases and evils.

4.2.2.3 The Time of Naming a Baby Most of the researches reviewed in the course of conducting this study argue that, in naming a baby, time is an important aspect that is considered in most of the societies (Guma, 2001; Agyekum, 2006 Olatunji, Issah, Yusuf, Muhammed & Sulaiman, 2015). Some societies have been naming their babies during the morning time or night. Some of them wait for number of days to pass before they have named a new baby. For the Matengo, naming a baby is done immediately after birth to register the child in the family. The dead ancestors are immediately asked to accept and bless the baby before evils attack the baby. The following quotes serve to illustrate this finding.

…we (.) when a child is obtained from a mother and we name him/her very immediately on the same day. I tell you even in the night or day time (.) we just name. Yeah a mother gets birth soon a baby must be named. IR, March 2020

…when they tell us that a new baby is presented to us, we just name her or him immediately on the same day we can’t wait some days to pass. Ancestors are informed soon. IR, March 2020

By immediate, it is means the same day in which a baby is brought to the family house from the area of the birth or hospital. A person who nurses the mother informs the elders or father of a particular baby that the child is ready for naming and, thus, the process starts soon by making the availability of all necessary conditions and objects. The process may, however, wait for some days depending on the availability of a chicken in the family but it can’t take too long to avoid evils against the child.

…truly, it is in the same day that those relatives who escorted the mother to hospital inform the elders or a father of such baby, hence the naming process is done, for example, when they say that we have got a male baby (.) it is the time when a grandfather or mother names the baby. IR, February 2020

45 …on the same day (.), you inform the name giver (.) and arrange everything required (.). We cannot live with unnamed person (.). We can name them any time; it can be during day time or night. Just naming, a baby must have a name to be identified. IR, March 2020

… No it can’t happen like this, it is within the same day a child must be named. For example, do you see that baby (.) I named her the same day. I requested the grandfather to name her. (…) ancestors will punish you. Not our tradition. IR, March 2020

…we don’t live with a baby unnamed for a week. What will we be waiting for? We inform each other immediately in the same day after birth. No more days are waited (…). You just prepare the objects and the name before (…) to facilitate the naming of your baby. IR, February 2020

After she has given birth, their role is to determine the sex of the new baby before they inform the family authorized name givers for the preparation of the naming act. Matengo do not prepare any naming ceremony because naming of a baby is an urgent event, they don’t like to be late to stay with a baby unnamed. All informants said that the naming ceremony has never been part of their naming practice. This is contrary to other societies which prepare a ceremony during naming the baby. For example, the Burundi parents present new-born to the family members through the naming ceremony commonly known as Gushohora Umwana. The family together with other members rejoices by shouting to welcome the new baby (Le Page, 1997).

However, when a baby is baptized in the church, especially in the Catholic Church, preparation of naming ceremony is allowed. Even when the baby has to be baptized in the church, the baby is initially named traditionally according to the Matengo naming practice without any naming ceremony. It was found that Matengo adhere to their way of naming a baby before the church renames the particular baby basing on the Christian norms. Therefore, a family commits a mistake by not informing ancestors about the newcomer in the family through naming.

The informants added that naming of a baby can be done in the morning, noon, evening or the night of the day since communication between the ancestors and other family members is not restricted to the time of the day. Below are some of the quotes to confirm this finding.

46 (…) when naming them very immediately weather in the morning, noon, or evening even in the night sometimes you find your child cries for the name in the night. You wake up and face the traditional religious man for assistance. On the same night the name is recognised when you have all requirements you let your baby (…) named. IR, March 2020

…time is not a problem even in the night (.) is like sickens you don’t wait a certain time to get treated, even in the morning you can prepare everything needed and name your baby. IR, February 2020

Further, the findings revealed that the naming place should be in the family’s compound and it should be in the husband’s family compound because the dead ancestors, though they live in the sky, are not far from the family compounds.

4.2.2.4 Multiple Personal Names One of the notable characteristics of the Matengo personal naming is the presence of many names which are owned by an individual. That is because society has many ways of drawing and inheriting names. It is very common for an individual to have more than three names, which include names received basing on the Matengo traditional naming system. These names are first personal names and a family surname which has its substitutes for both males and females to differentiate one person from another person at the level of clan or family. Also, there are names received in the Church, especially Catholic Church when baptizes people after Christian names. Moreover, Matengo have alternative names, which are very common during the adolescent period and even in the course of the life. Informants reported that, alternative names result due to the behaviours, jokes, and the life style of the people. One of the informants claimed that.

(…) we have many alternative names (.) you know in our society people change or are given names due to some reasons (.) jokes, behaviour of that person (...) and adolescent (…) I remember (…) they used to call me Ngusila (.) just because working hard. IR, February 2020

The above response resembles that of another person who was asked to tell about the presence of alternatives names. The grandmother explained it well by drawing examples from herself and her husband. The grandmother’s response was as follows:

47 …yeah we have alternatives names for example; for me, I was named Tailawa (…) when I entered the adolescent period (…) I had to add that name for my friends to address me well. IR, February 2020

…Even your grandfather here (.) he has an alternative name yes (.) you call him Balagasa, Kunani. These names are very meaningful some are just for jokes. But people receive these names (.) to reflect certain behaviours and messages. For example, they say your grandfather to be very talkative like a bird when in the sky. IR, February 2020

The interpretation from the above quotation is that Matengo tend to add names on top of those names given after birth. These names, as reported by the informant from the data above, result from some factors. These could be because some are teasing names and others develop from one’s behavioural practices. For example, the Ngusila is an animal which makes holes and destroys crops. For this reason, a person who works hard, especially digging land is named after that animal to reflect his hard working habit. Kahimba is a small lion; means a person named after this name is considered to be very strong; Kajuni is a small bird whereby a person named after this bird is considered to be lazy person with no permanent settlements. Also, one of the informants gave the reasons why people draw personal names from flora and fauna:

… for example, Katembo – a small Elephant. It is a person who boasts himself and is rich. (.) Kapunda – donkey, this is a person who works hard and they don’t get success (.) Komba - (Nkomba) a small animal drinking bamboo liquid, they drink alcohol. IR, February 2020 Considering the example given by the above informant, it is clear that alternative names of a person are also shared from one person to another. This means that suggesting name for a baby is not freely sometimes parents are forced to name their baby after alternatives names. But this is very common when the child cries for such a name. Alternative names are common and popular in society and do not replace the prior names; they are used parallel to other personal names. Alternative names may in sometimes in life perish depending on the life style and the behavioural change of the person. For example, a person who is a hard worker or lazy will receive a name to portray such behaviour.

48 4.2.2.5 Discussions Some issues have been identified to be very critical of the naming in Matengo. Firstly, naming of a baby is done by specifically authorized people, like fathers, paternal grandparents and a traditional religious leader. Other members of the family may suggest names in some circumstances. A similar practice is observed in religious practices, especially in Catholic Church where parents and church followers must be available to witness and ensure that a name given is appropriate (MCMXXVII, 1917, p. 14-15). While in religions the practice is intended to maintain names and practices of saints, the Matengo intends to maintain the name of ancestors and the family identity. These people in Matengo, in exceptional of traditional religious leaders, are important decision makers in family and the only people who are allowed to participate in rituals in a family.

What is interesting here is that Matengo have their way of solving problems through the involvement of the traditional religious leader through the use of his tools which is very powerful to make a connection with dead people. The main reason why these people participate in naming is because a child should bearer the family ancestor’s names which the maternal side may not know. While other people from outside may look this as a discrimination of the maternal parents/siblings, the practice is intended to maintain the clan or family and for identity. Taking an example of the Roman Catholic which even though church followers are there as witnesses, the actual baptism is done by priests, parents and witness (MCMXXVII, 1917, p. 21). However, there are some cases and circumstances in which other people may suggest and name a child especially when an unbaptized child faces serious sickness that may lead to death (MCMXXVII, 1917, p. 20). This practice is a similar practice in most of African societies where naming is not randomly done for example, Yoruba and in (Adeoye, 1967), and Yoruba (Morning, 1967) The practice of the Matengo indicates that there is a connection between the dead and the living. Matengo substantiates the argument that Mbiti says ancestors are recognised as the living dead family members and they have the power to control the living people (Mbiti, 1969). However, others may think it as honouring of the Matengo sprits. This is a good way to bear a good name that will not harm people in the society.

49 Further observations from the Matengo are that chicken, saliva, special flour made from cassavas, and Linjengesu are basic objects used in naming a baby. Chicken and cassavas are the best food offered for example, when a guest comes as an honour to them. These foods are offered to the ancestors to honour and request them to accept a new comer in the family. The Matengo practice is not quite new. For example, from Mbeere society naming of a baby involves pouring a wine as an offering to the ancestors and to share a child’s name with them (Katakami, 1997). Among Yoruba, for example, stones are useful when naming a baby, they tend to paint the name in black or red and keep the stone as long as the life of the named ones to symbolize life and being broken ceremoniously when the named person dies (Samaki, 2001). Taking a further example, in the Catholic Church, baptizing a person involves the use of clean and white dress to symbolize cleanliness, chrism oil is used as holy oil for confirmation of salvation and to remove away devils, burning candle to symbolize light in the future, water as a means of washing out all dirt, and a cross for salvation. What may be interesting in Matengo is how cassavas flour is used to attract and inform the ancestors about the new event that happen in the family. Saliva is used as a holy fluid that cleans a person from all kinds of dirt and spirits especially when it comes from an adult person. This is similar to a church which uses water to clean sins from a person.

Moreover, Linjengesu a wooden tray is used as a special tool by a traditional religious leader during renaming a baby. It is one of the important objects in Matengo which is believed to keep the record of the ancestor’s names. This is to say that names in Matengo are not chosen randomly and people are named good names of successful ancestors. Therefore, a tool is used as an encyclopaedia that traditional religious leaders use it to retrieve good names required by children from fore parents because sometimes it is very difficult for members of the family to remember all ancestor names. The practice is similar to the western culture which uses writings to keep their records. Taking an example from churches, especially the Catholic Church, names of saints and prophets are retrieved from a bible and other holy manuals of which a person is named after.

The utterance of words by Matengo name givers are meant to ask the powerful ancestors to protect the baby from evils and problems. The practice is also more 50 practical in religions whereby baptizing a person involves uttering words as a prayer to God. For example, a Catholic Church priest utters the words which are similar as postulated by the Mathew in the bible. “Go, therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and the Holy Spirit” (Mathew, 28:19). Therefore, it is common to hear from the authorized person in the Catholic Church when baptizing a person that: “Nakubatiza kwa Jina la Baba na Mwana na Roho Mtakatifu.” (MCMXXVII, 1917, p. 17) which can be translated as “I, baptize you in the name of the Father and of the Son and the Holy Spirit. Amen.”

The time for naming a baby is also an important aspect of naming a baby among African societies in which it is believed that a time denotes a type of a name and the messages to be conveyed (Guma, 2001 & Agyekum, 2006). For Matengo, the naming of a person is immediately performed after the birth has taken place. Further, naming can be done at any time of the day when the baby is brought into the house of the family. It is an immediate event that is meant to inform ancestors very early to enroll the baby as a family member. The belief is that a chance of facing problems from ancestors is very high if naming can’t be performed urgently. Therefore, communication between ancestors and family members is not tied in time. This is a deviation from other societies as the literature reviewed for this study commonly pointed out that naming acts are performed at a specific time. i.e. within the third and ninth day from the birth of the baby depending on the circumstances surrounding the birth (Roberts & Mbiti, 1972; Mphande, 2006; Pitman & Payne, 2006).

4.3 Re-interpretation of the Cimatengo Personal Names Drawn from Flora and Fauna This section describes how the Cimatengo speakers reinterpret names which are drawn from flora and fauna. The re-interpretation is required because names that are drawn from flora and fauna may have the meanings which are different from what outside societies may think of. It is obvious for many societies from outside to rely only on the features and the characteristic of wild animals, like, insects, mammals, birds and plants, and associate them with the human being to get the meaning. But, in Matengo the claim may be different because, sometimes, there is no direct relationship between the name and the behavior of the named. It was discussed earlier that these names are drawn from family ancestors and naming is immediately 51 done after birth. Multiple names are used along with Christian1 names or Muslim names. The Christian or Muslim names are used in formal settings like, in schools, churches, and government offices while the Matengo names are confined to other settings like home and market. The study further revealed that names from flora and fauna are never given to women but women get names from other sources.

4.3.1 Personal Names Drawn from Flora This research revealed that apart from drawing first names from fauna especially wild animals the society has been for a long time giving people names drawn from plants. The informants described that the process of creating names from flora resembles that of fauna. The main thing that society considers to obtain such names is just looking to the distinguishing features of those plants. Therefore, plant features are attributed to the individual named after. When the researcher wanted to know which names are drawn from the flora especially plants, the following were the responses from some of the informants.

...Kamboa (…) there is a wild tree that produces fruits. It is a hard tree (.) very hard to cut by an axe. (.) You see! This is very rigid person, unable to accept change. IR, February 2020

IR: are you not familiar with fruits called Mamboa (...) there is a tree called Umboa now, the name Kamboa means a small tree, actually it is a hard tree to cut. People who are rigid and difficult to accept changes are named after such tree. Only that… IR, February 2020

The name Kamboa is one of the plant names which the Cimatengo speakers use to name their people. The informants from the field areas described that it is very difficult to be cut even by an axe. That is to say that it is a hard tree. The quality of the tree is associated with the behaviour of the human being. In this case, informants confirm that a person who is named after that plant usually is resistant from accepting changes and can tolerate problems. It shows a sense of respect among other members of the family when their behaviours and life style are represented by using hard trees.

1 Cimatengo speakers are usually Christians because Christian missionary was firstly introduced and spread in all the Matengo land than other religions. Therefore, a Muslim in the Matengo is considered as an outlier. 52 Moreover, the findings show that there is also a name called Kakongu which its meaning is any small tree. According to the informant, a person who is named after the name Kakongu is referred to be a very strong and stable person. He depends on his power. This is almost the same as to the name called Kamboa. However, people refer to the term Kakongu to mean a piece of hard tree that has been cut when it is used as a name for human being. It is a hard piece of tree which people are named after. The name may have resulted from a joke from others, but later on children may inherit as a first name. It is considered as a prestige to give that name to the children so as to mark the behaviour of the family. Strong people are admired in the society than weak people.

The fact that, one way of drawing personal names is through inheriting names from dead or living people. The researcher wanted to understand the connection between the behaviors of the ancestors and the person who inherited a name. It was found from the field that there is a group of informants who held that inherited names replicate the behavior of the original ancestor. Some of the responses are:

… yes even the living style (.) they resemble each other for example, when I see my boy has almost the same behaviour which his grandfather has; his grandfather is well known to be working hard especially cultivating land (.) and you find my boy cultivates a lot of crops (…) this is because we have named him the name of a grandfather. IR, January 2020

…you know (.) names are meaningful; they reflect somebody’s behaviour. You will find the name you have named your baby reflect the behaviour of the original owner of that name, for example, if he used to work hard, surely your baby will copy such behaviours. Even evils being done by that person may be seen to your child (.) this is what happens with names. We tend to be careful to choose the name. IR, February 2020

… of course you may have some behaviour that is reflected from the person that you have inherited his or her name (.) it is very obvious. Think of speaking style, working style and other issues. You can’t plan them. You will find people telling you that he is like her grandmother or father. IR, February 2020

53 The above responses concur with the below response of another respondent who told the researcher that:

…That’s why sometimes the behaviour of the person is replicated to the new baby; you may find your child have almost the same behaviour of the person. If you used to hunt animals (.) you will see a baby is interested in hunting animals just like person named after did. (.) Even speaking style and habit they may resemble each other. Sometimes, you may hear somebody speaking as the owner of the name used to the speaker (…) even when you try not to involve in such behaviour (.) knows that one day you will practice it unwillingly. IR, February 2020

The two quotes above represent the group of the informants who held that a person who has inherited a name from a certain individual whether dead or living person renders the behaviours of the original owner of such name. The great expectation is that that person whose name has been inherited decides the future of the new person. However, another group of the informant who participated in this study failed to justify that believe, they held that it is not necessary to observe all behaviour of the past people since Cimatengo speakers tend to draw names from the very fore parents. This becomes difficult to trace the behaviours. The following is one of the informants’ responses who seem to reject the claim that one’s behaviours can’t be inherited by a person named after his or name:

… No (.) it is not well known (.) but others say that, they share some behaviour, but the difficult is that some names are inherited from the very far forefathers whom we can’t even know their behaviour. For example, a traditional leader finds that a child must be given a name afore parent whom you have even not come contact with him or her (…) they want to be remembered. How will you know? It is difficult to make comparisons but maybe we for those who have inherited names of the living people (…) you may try to observe their behaviours. IR, January 2020

Also, the same argument is supported by another informant who opposes that one’s behavior can’t be inherited by another person just because of being named after his or her name. The response was as follows.

… (mm) (…) it can’t be my behavior to be inherited by the granddaughter because of being named after my name. I’m not sure but I see people saying that your behavior resembles your grandfather

54 or mother. (.) Impossible each person has his or her behaviors. IR, February 2020

…May be (.) I have been seeing people arguing that ancestors’ behavior may be replicated to the new person who has received a name from him or her. But I don’t think so may be others may prove to you. IR, February 2020

A close examination of the responses above shows that though Cimatengo speakers tend to inherit names from for fathers. The main intention of such tendency is to create identity and develop the clan. It was found that most of the people don’t concentrate on looking what characteristic behaviors that the child replicates from the name given after a certain person rather, the focus is drawing identity and developing clan. Furthermore, since children cry for a name the role of suggesting names is taken over by the famous traditional religious leaders who are subjected to trace all names through their special instrument. Hence, it is now difficult to trace the behaviors of the person named after especially for those who passed long ago. However, some behaviours are expected by society to be shown by the person named after a certain person’s names. This is according to some informants who claimed that the behaviors of the person named after may sometimes be observed to new babies.

55 4.3.2 Names Drawn from Fauna The table below provides a summary of the names used.

Table 3: Common Matengo Personal Names Drawn from Fauna Matengo English Meaning Meaning Associated Sex Personal Names Kahobi A small leopard Very cruel person and harsh M Kapoku A small rat Poor person M Kajuni A small bird Lack of permanent settlement M Kapai A small grasshopper Instability in life. Can’t stand alone M Kandembu A small elephant Rich person M Kandogwi A small frog Walking very slow i.e. cultivating M Chihoroku An antelope The tendency of walking very fast M Kajoaka A small snake Very harsh; prefers hurting others M Kahimba A small lion Very cruel like lion M Kandindi A small skunk Prostitution M Mbonzu A buffalo Tough person working very hard M Kasungula A small hare A liar; who cheats M Kahomba A small fish Speaking very fast M Kanzusi A small bee Hated person M Kabembe A small fly Unable to travel very far places M Kajusi A small lizard Exploited person M Kapunda A small donkey Walking like Baboon M Kajani A small baboon Walking like Baboon M Kalinga A small centipede Conflict man M Kapesa A small rabbit A liar, who cheats M Kandendi A type of small rat Poor person M Chibela A small hyrax Hunter M Kanzeji A small crab Unwanted and hated M Kabwea A small hyena Unwanted person M Kanzeba A small pigeon No permanent settlement M Ngusira Mongoose Working hard i.e. Digging land M Kalipa A small monkey Walking like monkey M Kanima A small bat A great liar M Kobera Tortoise Poor person M Kanzeku A small monkey Strong person M

Source; Field, 2020

56 A close interpretation of the field data displayed in the table above reveal that each name in the Matengo society has a message that intends to explain socio-cultural, socio-economic, or political events of the society. The researcher asked each informant who participated in this study to mention some personal names s/he knows and give meaningful messages for each name. The names Kapoku and Kandendi are used to mean ‘small rats’. The society believes that rats eat people’s crops, which they don’t produce. They don’t work hard to get food. Therefore, a person named after these names reflect the economic history of their ancestors, if he has inherited the name. Few of the informants confirm by giving their responses as follows:

…Kandendi (…) a common small rat found in our areas; they tend to live in small caves. We refer to a person who was poorer; can’t have basic needs yeah (.) They don’t work hard. IR, March 2020

...Kapoku (.) we mean a small rat. If they give a name after a rat (.) knows that your family economic situation is worse. You’re very poorer. You don’t work hard. IR, March 2020

The interpretation of the above quote is that people who are named after rats intends to show the economic situation in life. It is, therefore, a pride for the family members to use rats to show the economic status. However, a name may be inherited by other people from the ancestors through the common practice of crying for a name. In this case, recent families don’t need to be poor as the original owner of the name.

Moreover, names such as Kajoka, Kahobi, and Kahimba which means small snakes, small tiger and small lion (cub) respectively are used to show the harshness or cruelty of the person. It was found through interviews that people named after such animals tend to be very harsh and prefer conflict with other people. Therefore, these animals are used to represent indirectly the behaviors of the people. However, it is not necessary for a person to have such behaviors, if s/he has inherited such a name from ancestors. Many informants who identified these names explained that, when a member of the society is named after these animals, they get precautions of their behaviors. Therefore, they carefully interact with them fearing the conflict which may be caused by them. One of the informant’s responses was that:

Kahimba is a small lion, a person who is known as Kahimba is powerful and very cruel. You know the man of conflict (.) like (.) Kahobi is for a small tiger (…) but be careful with that man (…) very 57 cruel like these animals don’t like to be close with them. IR, January 2020

…we call a person Kahimba when he prefers wars or conflict with other members of the society, (….) and a very cruel person (…) he can fight others. We address them like that. IR, February 2020

The society expects people who are named after wild animal names to replicate the behaviors of that wild animal. What is being said by the informants is that people draw personal names from animals by associating their behaviors to the human being. This means that people who prefer to conflict with other fellows are named after dangerous wild animals. It is very easy in society to determine the behavior of the person by looking at the name that a person possesses, especially those drawn from flora and fauna. However, children who inherit such names from fore parents may have not the original behaviors of the owner of that name. But, the meaning of the name remains the same.

The Chihoroku which means an ‘antelope’ is drawn from the ancestor whose job was hunting wild animals. He was named after that animal just because he used to run like an antelope when hunting animals. Therefore, the tendency of hunting wild animals and running is associated to human beings. For a grandfather, a name was used to portray a sense of pride. Later on the name was inherited by the grandson but the meaning is till the same. The grandson finds it right to be named after that animal as the way of maintaining the family ancestor’s names. Though, he does not participate in hunting animals. This does not qualify him to change the meaning of the name.

… For me it was difficult to understand because he cried for that name (…) but it is an antelope, but when I consulted Pojela who named my child told me that Chihoroku was our grandfather who used to run like an antelope when he was hunting animals. He was a hunter (.) this is what I can say (…) our fore fathers know it well. IR, January 2020

The name Katembo or Kandembo is an elephant. The elephant is associated with human beings to mark a sense of richness and boasting. The difference between the two names is that /t/ changes to /nd/ this is for simplification of the pronunciation among society members. Informants explained that such people who are named after

58 an elephant are expected to be wealthy people in society. It is contrary to the name Nkomba of which it is derived from the common surname called Komba to mean an animal drinking bamboo liquid. A person who is named after that animal is expected to be taking much alcohol. Though, these names might have been inherited from ancestors who are very difficult to replicate their behaviours. But, the meaning of the names remains the same even when the practical behaviours are not witnessed from the new children.

… For example, Katembo is (.) an elephant. It is a person who boasts himself and is rich; Kapunda is a donkey, these are people who work hard and they don’t get success, Nkomba is a small animal drinking bamboo liquid, people given this (…) they drink alcohol. And there are a lot of personal names drawn from wild animals, some of them are just because of the jokes in the society and nicknames result from the behaviour of a particular person, people or you may decide yourself to have a certain name to reflect certain behaviour. IR, March 2020

… (…) there is who is called Kandembu (eh) small elephant. This is rich and strong person who possesses good wealth. They are not poor people. They have money and land. IR, January 2020

Another name that many of the informants identified in the field area was Kandindi. The name means an animal known as skunk. The researcher wanted to know why people are named after that wild animal. Some of the informants had the following views about the name:

Kandindi (.) it is a skunk that catches hens in a trick way. (…) a womanizer (.) don’t you know Kandindi, a womanizer; (…) a common name everybody knows (.) Kandindi (.) Prostitution you see!

IR: if your behaviour is taking other’ wives; they name you Kandindi to represent your habit the name later on may be inherited by your grandsons. If you work hard or you are lazy there are names to reflect all these behaviours.IR, March 2020

The interpretation of the above quote is that a person is named after a skunk represents prostitution. The society members believe that a skunk is very tricky on catching many hens. Skunks are not satisfied with hunting hens. Hence, its habit is equated to a person who dates many girls. The name is originally said to have resulted from others; they indirectly use such name to reveal his behaviour. When

59 one informant who is named after that name was interviewed for this study his response about such name was as follows:

...It is just a name (.) I inherited it from my grandfather (.) but, it means (…) prostitution (…) dating wives of others. It might be my grandfather had this behaviour, because in our society behaviour decides an alternative name. Very possible he might have this tendency. (.) But, for me (…) I don’t have such behaviour. I don’t date others’ wives. IR, January 2020

It is, however, important to remind that the name is just inherited from ancestors. The informants argued that one may be his grandfather had that habit which qualified him to be named after that animal. He strongly rejected that he is not a dating women. It should be noted that ancestors force a baby to inherit the name through the process of crying for a name to maintain the history and identity of the family.

Furthermore, from the research findings a group of informants commonly have mentioned the name Kasungula and Kapesa to mean rabbit and rare. These names are given to males who are considered liars. The following were some of the responses:

… Kasungula (.) a rabbit you find (.) the person is a liar; he cheats a lot. The same to Kapesa you know him; I think (.) he is named Kapesa because of the cheatings. IR, January 2020

… Kapesa, it a personal name but really, but it means a Hare. Because of the style of life with other fellows (.) cheating other especially when you don’t accomplish what you promise others. It is a tricky animal to hunt. Then people consider you like that. IR, February 2020

The above responses concur with the below information given by another informant who said that:

… Kasungula and Kapesa (…) are liars. People who are good in cheating others (.) untruthful; it is a rabbit, a hare. Very trick. These people are not trustful to other people. Like rabbits when you want to catch it, you will need to be careful. IR, February 2020

The above findings show that the society also draws first names from small hares and rabbits to mean untruthful. People who are named after these names are typically liars. This study found that these names are specifically for males. Rabbits and hares 60 are used to portray cheatings because; it is very difficult to hunt them. They run very fast and in a tricky way. Here, what is taken into considerations is looking at the behaviours which an animal has and personify it to the human being. It is regarded to be an indirect way to reveal one’s behaviour. They symbolize the cheating behaviour of a person, especially for one who does not pay debts on time. A person may make tricks that lead him into the failure of paying the required thing or money on time. However, a name may be a nickname of the ancestor which is later inherited by children who may not have that behaviour but the meaning remains the same.

Furthermore, the name Kajabu has been presented. This is a name that is common in Matengo. The name is drawn from common plants called cassavas. From the informants and the experience of the researcher, cassava is commonly produced in Matengo. The society depends on cassava as a means of food. The crop is considered invaluable because each family produces it. Matengo very rarely use cassavas to earn money. However, the special flour made from cassavas is very respective and important used as food for both ancestors and important people or guests in the society, and in rituals. From this argument, a person who is named after that crop is called Kajabu to mean that the person is valueless and not respected in the society. Some of the informants confirm that:

... Kajabu stands for a small cassava plant. (.) But a small one (…) every family has it (.) no value; unrespect when you are named after this name (.) Kajabu (…) (mmm) let me laugh. When people calls you after that name, know well that you are valueless (.) you might be very poor my son. People use it to express their situations of the economy and other problems. IR, January 2020

Just because of the problems and economic situations that a particular family experiences, the family members give one of the male children a name after a cassava to portray their situations in the society. Informants deeply explained that it is easier for any members of the society to explore the economic history of a family by observing at the meaning tied to that name. However, Kajabu is small cassava.

The name Mbune has been identified as another personal name which is used in Matengo by females. The name is also drawn from flora. One informant who is the

61 owner of such a name was ready to tell the researcher the meaning of her name. The response of the informant was that:

… for me (.) I’m Mbune (.) the coffee seeds (…) some coffee plants produce other small seeds which are not wanted by the owner. Just because of the problems with others in the family I decided to add that name yeah (.) Not being respected by others (.) every name has its meaning in our society (.) every name. As I have told you the name resulted following the absence of respect from my neighbours, there was a time when my family faced certain challenges which my neighbors didn’t respected me. (yeah). To them I was valueless IR, February 2020

The observation from the above informant’s response is that Mbune is a person who is named after unwanted coffee seeds which do not grow well known as Mbune in Matengo. These seeds are not usually harvested because they have no value. According to the informant above, the Matengo draw a name from these seeds to show a lack of respect from other people in the society. This is to mean that a person is hated by other members of society. It is now known that weak or valueless things are used to create personal names which shows the family’ or person’ problems, especially for females. Since coffee is a common cash crop in the Matengo, the use of that name can be interpreted as one way of showing the need to improve the relationship among the society members. However, a name may be a nick name of an adult, later on, a child may inherit it as a first name basing on the Matengo naming practices.

Moreover, other names drawn from fauna which are used as first names that the researcher came across with during interviewing various informants were Kapunda and Mbonzu. These represent a small donkey and buffalo, respectively. Through the interview method informants responded that:

… Kapunda, it is a small donkey. Those named after this animal is hard workers but exploited ones. No success (.) you may see a person in some families working very hard (.) having a lot of works but you don’t show to succeed. He may work for others as slaves. IR, February 2020

62 …the name is derived from the common surname Mapunda (…) I think you know the clan well. (.) Now, when a child is given that name it is intended to mean the small donkey. These are hardworking people; like donkeys they work a lot but no success which they get. IR, March 2020

The explanation above indicates that a person named after a donkey seems to be working very hard in his daily activities. But a controversial issue is that the man is always exploited by others after he has produced. He is always an unsuccessful person. It is a common tradition in Matengo to associate a donkey to a person who works hard without success or paid lowly. Donkeys are used by people to perform many hard works even by force. It is believed that donkeys do not benefit from working hard. The working tendency is attributed to the person. Furthermore, the name Kapunda is derived from the common Matengo surname known as Mapunda. Therefore, when a person has to use it as a first name, some modification of the name has to be done. This, include removing the prefix /Ma/ and being replaced by another /a/ as prefix to show the diminutive role.

On the other hand, the habit of working hard is also entitled to the name Mbonzu. Informants reported through interviews that, a person who works hard and gets success in his activities such person is named after the wild animal called Mbonzu to mean a buffalo. One of the responses from the informant was that:

…we have a lot of names (.) like Mbonzu; he is there at Kihuka (.) The name is a buffalo. (.) Working very hard… IR, February 2020

The above clauses are very similar to other clauses supplied by another informant who said that:

…Mbonzu is the name of my cousin (…) the reasons for being named after buffalo is just (.) works (...) he is working hard (.) working very hard and he is successful. IR, March 2020

The observation from the above informants’ responses is that the name Mbonzu is used as a first name to mean a hard worker. The reason behind is that a buffalo is a strong wild animal. Therefore, it is a title for a person to be named after them to symbolize hard working and success. This is very contrary to the name name Kapunda which means ‘a small donkey’ even though it is used to mean a hard

63 worker, but there is a slight difference which is, for the first name Kapunda a person who is named after this name does not have success in his activities; he is exploited by other people than the name Mbonzu which is a name used for a person who is a hard worker and successful.

Apart from male names being drawn from fauna, it was found that women names are also drawn names from fauna. The researcher obtained some of the names drawn from wild animals which are used by females. These names are Nandembu, and Chindembo which all of the two names mean elephant. Elephants are strong and big animals and therefore, it is a respect for a person to be named after that. These names are used to portray richness. The response of some of the informants was that:

…Nandembo and Chindembo (.) these are female’s names to mean elephant (…) a name for a woman (.) not a surname. They derive a name from male names to mean the same. IR, February 2020

…(.) of course there are very few names for females (.) I just know a few names which are used as alternative names like the name Chindembu which means a rich female and another name (.) Nandembu which is also means a rich person. Both of these names stand for an elephant. But generally these names are used by unmarried females who have their own life because in our society married woman have no power to control the wealth. IR, January 2020

The quotes above show that a name Nandembo and Chindembo represents an elephant. These names are given for a female person who is rich and successful in the society. The interpretation can further be observed at the level of the linguistic features whereby the prefix /Na/ from the name Nandembo replaces the prefix /Ka/ from the male name Kandembo to mean the female first name. Its meaning is similar to that of males meaning Kandembo. Furthermore, Chindembo has the prefix /Chi/ which replaces the /Ka/ to mean many elephants. The names are modified to show weakness and the powerlessness of the females though they are rich. However, it was explained that these names are only useful to unmarried women who run their own life because in Matengo, a married woman has no power to control and own the properties. The society believes that all properties in the family are owned by the husband who is the head of the family.

64 4.3.3 Discussions Through the analysis of the system of naming in Matengo, one can conclude that Cimatengo personal names are drawn from flora and fauna to express the socio – cultural experiences that families encounter in the society. Furthermore, the distinguished characteristics features of flora and fauna are associated with human beings to give power among the Cimatengo speakers. For example, strong and dangerous wild animals, and hard trees are used to portray the sense of richness and decision making in the society. While weak and polite wild animals are used to reflect problems of the family named after these animals. The practice of drawing names from animals and fauna is a common practice in most of African societies. For example, among Akan people, names which are drawn from strong and dangerous animals are used to portray the repeated death encountered by the family (Opoku, 1973; Obeng, 1998; Guma, 2001; Agyekum, 2006).

Therefore, it is apparent that names drawn from flora and fauna play the sense of pride among the Cimatengo speakers. This is contrary to the societies which draw personal names from domestic names. For example, among the Maasai people of the Tanzania naming system involves drawing names from domestic animals like goats, sheep, cattle, and donkey for avoidance purpose among members of the family. Substitute names are drawn from a domestic animal in which a person has to offer it to the relative s/he wants to address after. That is to say, the sense of pride among the Maasai is tied in domestic animals (Sane, 2016). The practice is contrary to Cimatengo speakers who don’t offer a wild animal and plant for a person to address each other. But to be named after wild animals and plants is considered as a sense of prestige and pride for both a family and named ones.

It is, therefore, safe to say that Cimatengo speakers draw their names from wild animals and plants to show the family history, like, economic status, behaviours, and relationships among the society members. Furthermore, while these people tend to name their children from wild animals and plants by looking to the distinguished characteristics of such animals and plants by associating them to the human being, it was found that there is a good relationship between wild animals and people named after them. The society is happy to name children after these wild animals even though some of them are dangerous animals. This is to mean that a pride is what 65 drives Cimatengo speakers to draw names from flora and fauna. The practice by the Matengo is similar practice by other societies in Africa which draws names from wild animals for pride like Basotho (Guma, 2001), Iraq (Jumaily and Hameed, 2014) and Mbeere (Katakami, 1997). But, for Cimatengo speakers, go further by drawing names from flora. However, names drawn from wild animals and plants undergo some modification to avoid addressing a person after a plain animal name. Therefore, it is apparent that power is exhibited in a modified name for both females and males among Cimatengo speakers.

4.4 Gender Differences in the Use of Personal Names This section describes how the Matengo society mark genders in the use of personal names. It is from the basis of the gender marking that the researcher interviewed many informants to tell about how the Matengo personal names mark gender. Thus, the findings revealed that Cimatengo speakers mark gender through the process of affixation, lexical, and through meaning of names that mark the differences between males and females. This was reinforced by the researcher’s experience that each surname in Matengo has its gender role. This is to say that society adheres to the gender role when they address each other using personal names. To seek the truth of the mentioned issue the informants provided a lot of information.

4.4.1 Common Surnames for Males and their Substitute Females Surnames in Matengo and the Meanings Conveyed. The study found that the Matengo society has numerous surnames which are shared by the society members. It was found that each family or clan uses certain common surname for both males and females. The basic function of these surnames is to differentiate one person or a clan from others. This is far from first names and alternatives names which differentiate an individual at the level of the family members. Though, a surname of a particular clan is shared by a large group of people. However, attachment of some prefix or alternations of some letters have been observed before the name when a surname is to be given as a first name for any person. As it was noted earlier that common prefixes that this study revealed are /Ka/, /Na/ and /Chi/. These prefixes have been identified to show the diminutive role. Also, it was revealed that gender is marked based on the meaning (semantic) of the

66 given names. Informants for this study identified the following common surnames for males and their females substitute names as presented in the table below:

Table 4: Common Surnames for Males and Females in Matengo

Matengo Male Surnames Substitute Females Names Kapinga Peleka Ndunguru Mwejela Komba Chitonda and Soba Ngongi Chejetu Mapunda Ngindu and Lwanda Mbele Kobani Milinga Jeu Kowero Hanga Nchimbi Chigumi and Lwanda Msuha Ndogota Nunda Kinunda Turuka Nikombu Sangana Ndeka Mbungu Jengu Ndimbo Mango Mbunda Bolela Whero Sobu Hyera Ngongola Nombo Chiosi

Source: Field data (2020)

From the table above, the summary of the common surnames result from informants’ responses who explained the meaning of each name through the interviews and focus group discussion (FGS). Informants who were involved in this study mentioned some of the common surnames used by the males and their substitute female surnames. Further, it was found that each surname identified by informant marks gender. Surnames that are created for females are intended to show their powerless and weakness in all aspect. Females are given names that position them to the lower 67 status. Furthermore, even when the name has to be used both by female and males some modification has to be done to mark gender through the process of affixation. On the other hand, males are given strong names which are drawn from flora and fauna to show power in making decisions, owning families and properties. The following are the responses obtained from the one of the informants

…a lot of surnames (…) for example, (.) Kowero (.) it is a tortoise (.) a name is for male surname to mean politeness. (…) they are poor people, and females are called Hanga, the meaning is that they came from a place called Kuhanga. (.) Komba is a small animal drinking alcohol; females for this name are called Chitonda from (mm) the place Kuchitonda and others are called Sobu from the place called Soba, but they are from the same family. (…) Hyera (Ndebu) these are birds (.) they fly very far in the sky; very shy birds (.) females are called Ngongola. Ndogota are females from a (Kitogota). These (.) are Msuha means immersed in the water. You need to be very careful to understand and distinguish them. You see! (.) Some people tend to confuse especially for the name Komba which has two female substitute names. IR, March 2020

A close interpretation of the above response given by the informant is that Kowero is a surname for males which means tortoise. It was informed that a family fore parents used that name to mean politeness. It is regarded as title and respect for such families to use tortoise to show their sense of politeness. As for other surnames which have substitute surnames. Females from the surname Kowero are known as Hanga. The name is derived from the place name called Kuhanga by removing the prefix /Ku/. The place is where fore ancestors used to live. For females the name means a place name to show the originality of the founders of the family. The interpretation is that ancestors created surname for females to identify them from other families by showing their places of origin.

Also, informants have mentioned Komba as another common surname for males. The name means a small animal drinking bamboo liquid. It is said that one of the fore family members used to take much alcohol. That is to say, a name might have been existed due to a joke from others or as an alternative name. The name has later been inherited to children to mean the same. The name has two females the substitute name known as Chitonda and Soba.

68 …Komba is a small animal. It prefers drinking alcohol from bamboo trees. During the night you will hear them making noise when they get drunk. Females from this surname are known as Chitonda. We have the place Kuchitonda (mmm). It was their original place. IR, January 2020

…but some of the females are known as Soba. (.) I think you remember them. These were not from Kuchitonda (…). IR, February 2020

…these people came from the place called Kusoba (…) where the rainfall starts as our parents used to tell us. IR, March 2020

The very surprising of that name is that there are females who are identified as Chitonda whereby the clan is said to have been originated from a place called Kuchitonda which is one of the area in Matengo, and those who are called Sobu originated from a place called Sobu. It is also a place among the Matengo villages. All these two female surnames are derived from the male surname called Komba. Most of the informants said that a long time ago; these people separated each other due to some reasons in which a conflict may be among of them. Each person had to establish his own life in the distant place to avoid conflict among the family members. It is in this view that their female surnames are used to show their native areas to differentiate them from the other clan. Also, the prefix /Ku/ is removed from the two different place names for females to use such names. This further proves that names in Matengo are purposively created to differentiate a person at different levels.

Furthermore, from the quote above the name Hyera is also common it in Matengo used by males as a surname. The name means birds flying far in the sky. Most of the responses from informants indicate that these people are named after birds because of their coward. The same people who are named after those birds sometimes are called Ndebu to mean the same. The name has its female surname which is known as Ngongola. Some of the informants reported that:

…. Hyera is a male surname which means that (…) birds. Yes, birds (.) and this people have their nick name also (.) you we call them Ndebu to mean the same. (.) Birds (…). For women (…) these people are known as Ngongola; females have no nickname. Ngongola is from Kungongola a place where now days we use to cultivate cassava. IR, February 2020

69 …From what I know, these people named Hyera are people from the place called Kungongola, that’s why the female is addressed after the place name Ngongola. (.) But the name Hyera is also Ndebu to mean birds they have no permanent settlements. IR, January 2020

It was insisted by the informants that people who are named after these birds had no permanent settlements that is why they used to move like birds. Also, the family or clan is said that it tends to fear confrontation from other people. This means that birds are used to symbolize their cowardness and lack of permanent settlements. However, females are called Ngongola. The name is derived from a place name Kungongola where the founders of the family used to live. The main purpose for women to be addressed by that name is to show the origin of the clan so as to address themselves well before others in the society.

Lastly, the name Msuha was identified as male surname in the Matengo. The name means being immersed in the water. It is the first family that invented the special way of preparing flour from cassavas by immersing cassavas in the water for some days to remove all dirt. This is what forced them to use the name Msuha to show their innovation and for respect. Females are known as Ndogota. This means that the origin of the people is from the area known as Kitogota. The area is one of the villages located in Mbinga district. The quotes from some of the informants confirm that:

….Ndogota is a female surname (.) my neighbour here is named so. (…) Ndogota (.) being females (.) males are known as Msuha. Immersed in water…. IR, March 2020

The above quote from the informant is also similar to the below quote from another informant:

…my name is Msuha (.) yeah. We address our females by the name known as Ndogota. The name has been derived from Kitogota a place name. It is where our fathers used to live. IR, March 2020

These people address their females by using name Ndogota to mark the original place which the first family existed. Informants from the above have explained that the name was derived from a place called Kitogota which is one among the streets in Mbinga.

70 Furthermore, informants from the field area gave provided other common surnames which are useful in Matengo. One of the informants was asked to mention and explain about the names he knows. The informant was able to identify a few surnames. The following was the response:

…Bolela are females whose males are called Mbunda; big donkey (.) from Bolela. Mbungu these are males but I don’t know the meaning; females are known as Jengu from a place called Kujengu (ehh) We have (.) Turuka are males surnames the name means a rat (.) a big rat females are called Nikombu. Their origin is from Kutolu; a lot of names (.) Nombo are males whose females are called Chiosi they are from the tree called Uhousi there (.) You know Mahai? (.) Are males a type of (.) Birds (…) Females are called Kobani from Kunkobani. Also, Sangana are males; means welcoming each other kindness. Females are from a place which a society originated. Very easy to know your origin using your females’ names (.) therefore we know this person is from a certain place. IR, February 2020

Looking at the response above few names have been mentioned, one of the common surnames that the informant has mentioned is Mbunda, a male surname which means a big donkey. In this time, a name drawn from a big donkey represents a hardworking and successful person. This is contrary from a name that is drawn from a small donkey that show powerless and unsuccessful person. The name Mbunda has its substitute female name known as Bolela. Some of the informants reported that:

…my wife is known as Bolela; males are called Mbunda (.) it is just a big donkey. An animal you know it well. They work hard. For women, it means that my wife origin is from a place known as Kubolela. IR, March 2020

…there are a lot of surnames in our society (.) say (.) Mbunda, for example, is a donkey. They say that these people are hard workers (.). Females in this clan are named Bolela. A place name (hh) they used to live … IR, February 2020

A close examination of the above quotations and the information explained by other informants in the field revealed that the female surname Bolela represents the place where these people used to live. The informants held that the place is called Kubolela found in Mbinga district. The name was to be modified to simplify the pronunciation and differentiate it from a place name and a human being. On the other hand,

71 Mbunda is used as a surname for males to express the hardworking and success of a family. Big donkeys symbolize power, success and hard working. Therefore, it is a pride to be named after big donkeys among members of the society. Apart from the names identified above, the name Mbungu is also among the other common surnames found in the society. Based on the information obtained from informants the meaning of the name Mbungu is the natural fruit produced from a common trees found in Matengo. Some of the informants’ responses are as follow:

… Mbungu, (.) these are males but I think they mean fruits which you know them; Mabungu (…); females are known as Jengu from a place called Kujengu (…). IR, February 2020

… Mbungu is a name for male. It means a certain tree which produces fruits. (.) I think you know them very well. They used to live in a place where these fruits are very common. (…) their females are called Jengu. It is from the name Kujengu a place where they used to live. IR, February, 2020

…Mbungu is a male surname my son (.) to mean one of fruit found in our forests; these people lived in a place where Mabungu were commonly found. (.) That is why their wives are called Jengu to represent the place of the origin. IR, February 2020

The quotes above indicate that the meaning of the name Mbungu is a natural tree that produces fruits called Mabungu the fruits are commonly used by Cimatengo speakers as food. Therefore, a family that lived around such trees are known as Mbungu. They drew their surname from Mabungu as better way and pride for them to differentiate from others in that way. On the other hand, females are addressed by name Jengu to mean that, their origin is from the place called Kujengu. There was a removal of the prefix /Ku/ to differentiate from a place name and the female surname.

Furthermore, the informants mentioned Turuka as a male surname. The name means big rat. One family found it right to be addressed after big rats2. The name has also its females substitute name which is called Nikombu. These people are said to be originated from the place called Kutoru in one among the villages of the Litembo ward where these types of rats used to exist more. Refer to the below response;

2 Usually among Cimatengo speakers all rats are used as food except those which are found and live in their houses.

72 … Turuka is a big rat; but, these type big rats prefer to live in swamp areas where reeds are available. We eat them (…) there was a place near Litembo where rats were very common, that place came to adopt that name. It is known as Kutoru. But females who lived in that area are known as Kunikombu the former place name. IR, March 2020

The interpretation of the above responses is that rats are considered as an important wild animal in the society. Drawing a surname for males from them is to value the wild animals. For females, the name Nikombu is derived from a former place name called Kunikombu. The role of the females’ name is to show the original place of the first people.

Another surname that was been pointed by the informants while conducting this study was Nombo. The name is also among common surnames of Cimatengo speakers used by males. People named after this surname address their females by the name Chiosi. Many informants through interviews and focus group discussions reported that Chiosi is a clan that lived near the big tree known as Uhousi in Cimatengo.

...we are known by the name Nombo (.) our females are called Chiosi, origin is from the tree in the lowland there. Elders say that there was a big tree known as Uhousi during that where our fore father used to live. The practised their activities from that tree. This is why we are known as Nombo and our females Chiosi. IR January 2020

The quote from the informant above is also similar to the below response from another informant who reports that:

…. These people who are known as Nombo are very common in our society; it is one among the famous and large clan. You see! They used to live near the tree known as Uhousi; in those days’ people had no permanent house a clan could decide the place to live. Therefore, while addressing each other you must express well yourself to others. (…) they said we are females from Uhousi (). That is why females are known by that name. IR, February 2020

Following the claims from the above quotations, it is understood that the Cimatengo speakers who are known as Nombo originated around the tree. In the course of identifying each other, females from that clan had to use the name after a tree to show the place where males like, fathers, brothers, and husbands used to live. It was considered as a good thing for the females to be addressed after the name of a big

73 tree found near their settlement. This also marked as an identity among other families.

The last surname from the quote above identified by the informant is Mahai. This is also a common male surname which means a type of bird. Informants through FGD insisted that these people considered themselves to have no permanents settlements by then. They lived like birds by shifting to several places that seemed to suit their needs. It was reported that the name Mahai in Matengo means a bird that is very difficult to catch or trap. A female after that name is known as Kobani which means that their origin is from the place called Kunkobani, one of the Matengo places. Some of the informants reported that.

…we are known as Mahai just to mean birds; originally they say that our parents did not have permanent settlement they roamed like birds; to day you live here and tomorrow somewhere else. That was the type of life they lived at that time (.) IR, February 2020

(…) but (.) but for our females are known as Kobani, though we had no permanent settlement but our origin is from the village called Kunkobani. We lived in that areas the problem is that we lacked permanent settlement. IR, January 2020

The interpretation of the above responses is that the name Mahai is usually birds. The use of birds intends to express their life style. For females, the name Kobani is used to express their place of origin.

Other names that the researcher came across with during interviewing various informants were Ndimbo and Nchimbi whose female surnames and the meaning is explained by one of the informant bellow:

…Ndimbo is natural glue from a tree (.) it very common to find people trapping birds using that glue (.) I think you know it, and these are males of course. (…) Women are (…) are called Mango from the place called mango near Lake Nyasa (.) Nchimbi your uncle’s surnames (…) females are called Lundo from the place called Lundo and (.) others are known as Chigumi (.) It is a place again. (mmm) difficult to remember all names IR, February 2020.

Observing from the above response the informant has provided the name Ndimbo which is a surname for males. The name means natural glue that is harnessed from

74 the tree; it was found from the informants that the glue is very useful for trapping birds. The female names that derive from such name are called Mango. It is also a place near lake the Lake Nyasa where the founder of the clan used to live.

Moreover, the informant from the findings provided Nchimbi to be another surname which is also more common in the Matengo society. The informant declared to the researcher that the name is a male surname that the researcher’s uncle uses.

(…) did you not ask your grandparent (.) you know (.) we who calls ourselves Nchimbi our females are known as Lundo, that means our origin is from a place called Kulundo but there are other from the same clan (.) females are called Chigumi (.) this came from a place called Kuchigumi. IR, February 2020

The name has two female surnames which is Lundo and Chigumi. It was noted that Lundo represents a clan which is said to have been originated from the place called Kulundo; it is also a common place along Lake Nyasa, while those who are called Chigumi, are people originated from the place called Kuchigumi which is found in the Matengo lowland. Therefore, the two female surnames are used to mark the origin of the founders of the family. To interpret it further, the founders of the family are believed to be the blood relatives who separated from each other due to some reasons.

This study found other surnames which are so common in the Matengo society. The names obtained are Ngongi and Kumburu. These names are used as male surnames. One of the informant held that these names also have their substitute surnames used by females. The following is one of the responses from the participant:

…Ngongi (.) it means a swarm of grasshoppers. (.) This is a male surname. (…) Don’t forget it (.) where their females are called Chejetu from the tree called Nchejetu near the Ilela ward. There was a tree where these people used to live over there. Also we (.) have Kumburu, it means big old hoe and their females are called Huka from the place called Chihuka. IR, January 2020

The information above is similar to the below response given by one of the informants:

75 ...some are known as Chejetu (…) they are females; they say that their origin is somewhere near Ilela (mm) they lived near the big tree called Nchejetu (.) their males are known as Ngongi, to mean grasshoppers. (…) do you know those are called Kumburu means a big hoe (…) their females are called Huka (…) from a village called Kihuka. IR, January 2020

The interpretation of the above responses informs that the name Ngongi for males is used to mean grasshoppers. The name is drawn from a Matengo common name Ngongu which is grasshoppers. It is a pride for a family to be named after the grasshopper. Females from this clan are addressed by the name Chejetu. It is a wild tree which was present near the place where the first people who form this clan used to live. That is why women are to be addressed using such name for identity and show their originality.

Further, from the above quotes informants have also determined Kumburu to be the common surname found in the society. The interviewed informants for this study explained that the name Kumburu means the old big hoe that the Matengo used for digging. Refer to the information given below by some of the informants in the area of the study:

…we have also other people who call themselves Kumburu (…) very common in areas like Langiro and Mikaranga todays wards. The name means a hoe (.) big hoe. These people had the skill of making hoes, and then people named them as Kumburu to mean just big hoes. And females from this family are known as Huka, the name means a place from Kihuka which now days is known as Mikaranga. IR, February, 2020

…Kumburu is also known as Komboru (.) the meaning of the name is a big hoe. These people draw their surname from old big hoe (…) but with females in this family (.) we normally call then Huka which is a place of their origin. IR, February 2020

The name Kumburu came into use after the family had involved in making big hoes which were commonly used for agricultural activities in the Matengo. The family lived in one of the Matengo land called Kihuka. Nowadays, the area is known as Mikaranga that is because females from the name Kumburu are addressed by using the name Huka to indicate the place of the origin. Therefore, one family decided to draw their males surname from that way. It is clear that apart from drawing names

76 from flora and fauna the name Kumburu is drawn from the object used for agriculture as the means to express their skills and knowledge of making them.

Lastly, the researcher through interviews and focus group discussions obtained another name known as Nunda. The name is used as male surname. Some of the informant’s quotes are presented below.

…we are known as Nunda for we males and our elders say that, Nunda as a personal name is used to mean an animal which resembles a Skunk. It has the tendency of hiding itself in caves. But women are known as Kinunda just a small animal as I have told you. IR, February 2020

… Nunda are males found in many areas but their females are known as Kinunda. The name means wild animal whose physical appearance is like Skunk or cat. IR, January 2020

Observation from the above quotes the meaning of the name Nunda means a wild animal of the Skunk species. The name Nunda for males is used to show power and pride among other clans. Further, the family that draws a surname from that animal address their female by the name Kinunda. This is to mean that they only add the prefix /Ki/ before their male surname to show powerless. The name does not show the original place of the first family as to other common female surnames that this study has come across. This kind of drawing female surname is peculiar in the sense that addition of the prefix in the male surname is also done to mark gender.

4.4.2 Identifying Different People Who Share Similar Names One of the characteristics of the Matengo is the sharing of the name by large group of people. The researcher’ experience before this study was done was that, the society might experience the difficultness in identifying each other; if at all the role of a name is to identify and differentiate a person from others. But the findings revealed that the society uses many names as the way to identify the person. These names include first names which are drawn from flora and fauna. For example, when the researcher explored more about how the society identifies each other, following sharing of the name by a large group of the people. Some of the informants reported that:

77 …it is common for we Matengo to share a name by a large group of people especially surnames. But people address us by using various ways including our male or females’ surnames (.) sometimes they use our place names and children’s names. IR, January 2020

…we do identify each other (.) yeah, we can know each person (.) for example, they use our husband names; they can say Peleka, the wife of Kobera from Kitumbi, we have a lot of people named Peleka but, we know each other even when we visit very far places, we identify each other (.) when I hear people addressing a person using a certain name (…) we know their origin and their substitute name (yeah) must. IR, February 2020

…you can use my husband’s names and my children names (.) even my place names. It is not difficult we know each other. It is very easy to identify my relatives and other people in the society. IR, February 2020

The quotations above cements from what other informants insisted to the researcher that it is very easier for society members to identify each other even though a name is shared by the group of people. They insisted that one of the ways is to address an individual person by using other names like husband’s or wife’s names. Names especially those of females help them to identify their original places. Therefore, it is very easier to trace the relationship among the people. There are no any difficulties that members of the family encounters when addressing each other. Society has many ways to address each other. For example, children names, surnames, and place name are useful to establish the identities among them.

4.4.3 Domain of Use of the Matengo Personal Names Following presence of many names that individual possesses in the society. The researcher through this study was interested to understand in which setting members of the society get use of their personal names. It was found that there are settings which Cimatengo speakers are forced to abandon their names due to the following reasons. Firstly, many informants reported that the Christian church especially Catholic church baptise after Christian Saints names all church followers to become part of the church. This makes an individual in Matengo person to have another name which is drawn from Christian saints. It was found that the church accepts the use of Matengo male surnames only other names are not recognised in the church. This is to say that all Matengo first names are cancelled and each person is renamed after new

78 holy names. Some of the responses from the informants who were asked to tell the domain of use of the Matengo said that in Church and formal setting, the use of some of their names is abandoned. Refer to the below responses:

IR: you know, now-days modern names want to replace our traditional names for example, in church the first name must be Christian name, but surname are for our traditional names. The problem is that female surname are not used in public setting, they use our male surnames (.) how you call me Kapinga while I’m female. I must be Peleka. No way () they force us to use their modern names. IR, February 2020

…for example, here in my ward officers will address me after my Christian name just because the government registered me using official names (.) the name that I was given by my priest there at our church. But sometimes they get some difficulty because my popular name is (…) you know it well. Our traditional names are not used in their officers something which is not fair. IR, February 2020

Another informant’s responses concur with responses when the researcher asked about the use of the Matengo personal names in public settings like in schools and churches. The response was that:

… In church for example, in our Catholic Church (.) we use only Matengo surname especially those of males, our female surnames are not used. The church baptises us with other Christian names, our names are only used for our normal communication not officially even at school you will be forced to use their formal names (.) very bad our names are not respected. You find a person addresses you very wrongly but because they have power we just agree but it is a mistake. IR, February 2020

The interpretation of the two quotes denotes that Christian Churches, especially Catholic Church renames Cimatengo speakers using the so called holy names. These names are more accepted in formal settings like in schools and offices. However, the Catholic Church renames them with first names and accepts the use of male surnames. It was found that female surnames are not recognized in formal settings. This leads to females to be addressed after male surnames something which is not the tradition of the Matengo. As noted earlier that each Matengo surname has its substitute name for both males and females for gender marking. Informants consider this situation to commit a mistake since a female cannot be addressed using male surname. 79 4.4.4 Norms and Limitations on the Use of Matengo Personal Names The findings from the field denote that norms and limitations characterize the use of Matengo personal names. It was revealed that the use of personal names is not free to all people. Informants explained that in-laws are not allowed to address each other by using their personal names. It is a society norm even when the name has been inherited by children. No any in-law uses the personal name as the way of addressing each other for example, it is a norm for a parent to address children wives or husbands using their personal names in their presence. This will mean to insult or disrespect such person. Informants insisted that a person who commits such mistake is subjected to pay a he goat as a punishment. Instead, the word in-law is used for both in-laws and the word elder for young people when they address adults. The below are some of the responses from some of the informants:

…yes! There is a limitation, for example, you can’t address any in laws by names, my father can’t address my wife’s personal name, and (….) therefore there are norms and limitations. This is to respect each other. (mmm) how will in laws address each other using personal names? (.) We don’t (.) you may pay a he goat (...) we don’t (…) even children won’t address elders by their first names (.) disrespect (…) yeah. Will you call your mother’s name in her presence (…) let say; you Ndogota (.) it will mean you intend to insult your mother. Our parents and elders are to be respected. IR, February 2020 Reponses from the above informant indicated that every person in that society observes such a norm and limitations on the uses of personal names. The main reason is all about respecting each other. Also, it is known from the above data that children are also restricted to address their parents and elders by using their first names. Informants explained in details that children will have been committing mistakes, either, it is considered as a lack of respect to elders. The above information provided by that informant concurs with that of other informants who insisted that the use of Matengo personal names is not free. The responses were this:

…yes (.) there are some norms (.) for example, you know (.) I have children who have married their wives I can’t address them using their first names, I will only use those surnames not first personal names, even names of other in laws you can’t address them using their first name but you will use surnames if you want to address him or her. IR, March, 2020 …for example, it is not allowed all over the society to mention names of your wife’s parents even my wife can’t address my parents by 80 using their personal names particular first names, etc. we have other ways of addressing them but not using by using their personal names. IR, February 2020 The meaning portrayed from the above clauses is that each person in the society is highly responsible to adhere to the limitations and use of the Matengo personal names. Informants explain that surnames may be used to address a person in some circumstances. However, informants said that a young person is restricted to address each other even using the said surnames. This is because it is not ethics in the society for a young person to do so.

Other informants explained that it is easy for them to address their in laws by using children and grandchildren names so as to avoid harming in laws. Some of the responses from these informants were as follows

… I’m telling you that for sure in laws especially your husband or wife’s husband can’t be addressed using personal names (…) you will not. You can address using children names or just say my in laws. We are not free to do so.it is considered as lack of respect to them. IR, March 2020

IR1: no (.) how can you do that way. Mentioning you’re in laws name is not easy (.) not allowed of course, we fear each other as means of respect. Those days you were not even allowed to sit near them. With names we just use our children names to address them. For example, you may hear somebody saying somebody’ grandfather or mother we only do in that way. IR, February 2020

…you’re in laws are the most respected people in our society you can’t address their personal names in their presence. You will not. If you have children (.) it will be your relief to use children’s names (.) or you will just say my in laws. It is very difficult of course even to eat and sit near with them. IR, March 2020

It was explained by the informants that Cimatengo speakers respect their in laws especially parents of both wives and husbands such that no one among them can address each other by using personal names. A person is forced to use children names to address each other to avoid disrespecting his or her in law. For example, it very common for the family with children to address their in laws such as somebody’s grand father or mother. Most of the informants said that it is even impossible for a person to sit near with his or her in laws so as to avoid committing irrespective behaviour before them. 81 Another observation made is that, though a surname is inherited by both male and female children in the family, a woman cannot be addressed starting with a surname Ndunguru is a male surname whereby female’s surname alternative for it is Mwejela. Therefore, the practice in public offices especially at school to address people by their surname is against the norms of Matengo people.

4.4.5 Discussions The analysis of the findings for this study indicates that Cimatengo speakers assign gender role in the society through the use of personal names. For example, in Matengo each surname has its substitutes for both males and females to show gender through affixation and semantically. Moreover, both males and females are given names which show power relationship. It has been revealed that males usually receive strong names, while females are given weak names. This resembles a common practice in many African societies which use names to mark gender (Suzman, 1994 Guma, 2001; Chauke, 2015). Furthermore, it suffices to say that some female surnames among Cimatengo speakers are created to show the original place which founders of each family originated and used to live. The practice is quite new practice from other societies of which their names don’t show the original place of the family founders. Therefore, one is able to trace the originality of the family through female names. It is also apparent that both males and females’ surnames show power in decision making, possession of wealth and for identity. This is a similar characteristic of personal names in many societies (Akinnaso, 1980; Mandende, 2009; Ngade, 2011). For example, what is more interesting in Matengo is that even though each family surname has both a substitute surname for both female and males, married females do not abandon their female surnames that are inherited from their fathers before they get married. That is to mean, females continue to maintain the use of their family names for identity. It is also seen that Cimatengo speakers usually address each other by using surnames, and a name may be shared by a large group of the people as a means of keeping and maintaining their clan or family. This is almost the same as to the societies which use surnames and share the name by large members of the family. For example, among Yoruba the surname is used by family members to signify family occupations and descent (Lizeli, 2012).

82 Furthermore, Cimatengo speakers have limitations in using personal names among society members. For example, in laws can’t be addressed by using their personal names to avoid harming them. Instead, they are addressed by using grandchildren or just by saying the word elders. It is believed that addressing in laws by using personal names is to commit mistake, or it is regarded as disrespect to them. The practice of avoidance and limitations on the use of personal names among Cimatengo speakers is a similar practice in many African societies pointed out by scholars (Lieberson & Alford, 1990; Allan & Burridge, 2006; Guma, 2001). For example, in Maasai people of Tanzania brothers abstain from addressing their old brothers by using their personal names. Instead an animal that is offered to him is used to address each other to avoid threatening ones face (Sane, 2016). Furthermore, Cimatengo personal names especially male surnames are usually used along with Christian names in the formal settings. Other Cimatengo personal names are used only at home and markets. This is as in other societies in Africa where naming practices and domain of use of African names have changed due to existence of western culture (De Klerk, 1999; Moyo, 2009).

4.5 Chapter Summary This chapter has presented the results/findings and discussion of the study which were obtained from the field of the study through interviews with Cimatengo speakers and focus group discussions. The findings have revealed that the Matengo society has a lot of political and socio-cultural values which are wrapped in personal names. This study in detail has covered some of the values as presented above that are more practical among Cimatengo speakers.

83 CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.0 Introduction This chapter presents the summary conclusion and recommendations, and suggestion for further study.

5.1 Summary of the Study This study has dealt with naming and address terms in Cimatengo society: gender differences and the use of flora and fauna. The study was done at Kipapa, Maguu, Kitumbi, Mikaranga, Litembo, Langiro, Mpapa, and Nyoni wards of Mbinga District council. The District is one of the councils of Ruvuma Region in the southern part of Tanzania. The study used two methods of sampling techniques which are purposive sampling and snow ball sampling techniques to sample the informants and the areas of the study. Purposive sampling technique was used to obtain eight wards in which this study was conducted, and Snowball sampling technique was used to obtain required informants. Furthermore, face to face interviews and focus group discussion (FGDs) were used to collect data from the field areas. The analysis of the data obtained revealed that there is a lot of social and political wealth disguised in Cimatengo personal names. Cimatengo personal names are created to present the message about the history and the life of the particular family.

The naming practice of the Matengo is found to be very unique compared to the most of other societies in Africa. That is because, it involves drawing of personal names from flora and fauna. This study, also concentrated on reviewing the naming, reinterpreting personal names as interpreted by the Matengo and to explore in details the gender marking through the use personal names. There was an assumption that personal names in Matengo convey set of messages. Unfortunately, no research was done to report on the value of the Matengo naming system and the value of names which this research has uncovered.

5.2 Conclusions This study has dealt with naming and addresses terms in Matengo paying attention to the gender differences and the use of flora and fauna. Through the findings of this study, it has been uncovered that the naming system of the Matengo involves

84 drawing personal names wild animals and plants for prestige and pride. Names are also inherited from fore parents to maintain the family. It has been revealed that naming is not haphazardly done such that there are authorized people who are involved in the process of naming any baby. The findings revealed that parents, grandmothers from husband parents and traditional religious leaders are important people in conducting naming act because they are the ones who can remember the ancestors’ names. Also, the findings have revealed that the society uses special objects when naming babies. The objects which this research came across with include, hens, saliva, special flour made from cassava and Linjengesu (a special tool used by traditional leaders). Furthermore, naming is done immediately after the birth and at any time of the day. Usually, it is done when the baby is brought in the house of the family so as to allow ancestors to enroll babies as members of the family.

Further, the findings revealed that crying for a name to be the common source of tracing the required names. It was noted that babies cry continuously during the day or night time as the way of rejecting the name. Whereas the society members believe that children who cry during the day want to inherit a name from a living person while those crying during the night wants to inherit a name from the dead person for identity.

Furthermore, the findings for this study have revealed that Cimatengo personal names are created to present certain messages that are understood by the society members. It is difficult for outside society’s members to understand the intended messages if not deeply studied. It has been revealed that it is not necessary for a name drawn from flora and fauna to have direct meaning that is attributed to human being.

Moreover, it has been found that gender characterizes the Matengo personal names. It has revealed that gender is marked through affixation and based on the meaning (semantic). The findings further revealed that both males and females in Matengo have their distinctive surnames. However, the findings show that most of the female are created to show gender and the originality of the particular clan. Males are created strong names to show their power and leadership in the society while females are given weak and plain names to show the sense of powerlessness in all aspects.

85 The findings revealed that the use of Matengo personal names is not random. There are limitations of which each member of the society adheres at them, for example, the findings indicate that in-laws can’t address each other by using personal names to avoid disrespecting each other. Instead, the use of the words like, in-law, children’ names and elders is more practical among society members.

Lastly, the study revealed that Cimatengo personal names are used along with the Christian names. For example, it has been found that male surnames are used in churches and other formal settings like in school and in government offices while other Matengo personal names are used at home and market settings. However, females are forced to use male surname in informal settings which according to the society is to commit a mistake.

5.3 Recommendations for Action In line with the findings of this research, the researcher recommends the following: Firstly, a call for initiatives to recognize and preserve the value of the traditional names especially those drawn from flora and fauna for tourism purposes. The government should establish initiatives of educating, documenting and preserving the Matengo culture for the future generation as per UNESCO arguments which insist that cultural values are part of human being and must be protected and preserved.

Secondly, there should be the deliberate measures to be taken so as female surnames must be accepted at formal settings like at schools and governments office because it has been found that apart from marking gender, these names show the originality and identity of the families.

Thirdly, the researcher recommends that religions, especially to accept the Matengo traditional names which are meaningful than convincing followers to be baptized after saint names. It has been known that sometimes followers do not recognize the exact messages of which the name conveys to them than those of their society which are meaningful and easier to trace the message by all society members.

86 5.4 Recommendations for Further Study This study covered three objectives as main areas for the naming system in the Matengo. It has dealt with the review of the naming act, reinterpreting Cimatengo personal names drawn from flora and fauna as interpreted by the society itself and exploring gender differences in the use of the personal names in Matengo. Further studies are deliberately to be done on other areas pertaining to the naming system to raise an understanding of the Matengo culture.

The findings of this study have alerted that there are hidden values in the use of personal names which are not well uncovered in most of the societies. The call for other studies to review the naming systems of many societies is necessary so as to transfer the awareness of culture from one society to another society and for the economic use.

Lastly, studies on the consequences of the naming system from other culture such as western culture and religions are to be done. This study has indicated for example, the influence of the Catholic Church to the naming and the use of the Matengo personal names where some of the Matengo personal names are marginalized by the church.

5.5 Chapter Summary This chapter has covered the conclusion and recommendation of the study in which initiatives are recommended to the responsible organs to protect and preserve the Matengo culture. Specifically, the chapter contains also suggestion for further studies to reveal other issues related to naming and personal names from the Matengo society to explore more about naming and names that are not drawn from flora and fauna so as to extract in detail all values that Cimatengo personal names conveys. It is also in this chapter that the research advocates the recognition of all Cimatengo personal names in all settings including formal settings like in schools and government offices. This will decrease the influence of other society’s culture to the Matengo.

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94 APPENDICES Appendix 1: Guiding Questions for Interviews and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) 1. Who gives names in your families? 2. Who are named? 3. Who are not allowed to involve when naming a person? 4. When does a child receive a name after birth? 5. How naming act is performed in your society? 6. Is there any naming ceremony in your family, if yes how? 7. Which criteria are used to name a child? 8. Why do you name people after animal names? 9. What are the perceived relationship of people and wild animals? 10. What names are given to males and females? 11. Does a name given to males have the same status with those of females? 12. Why the same name is shared by a group of people in the family? 13. Do you inherit names from deceased people if yes how? 14. How the name given does shape the life of the named person? 15. What surnames are commonly used in Matengo society? 16. What is the importance of these surnames? 17. What substitute surnames are used by females? 18. Do you like or hate wild animals called after the name? 19. Are there any nicknames used in the society? 20. What objects, things, and tools are used in naming practice? 21. How do you identify and create males and female’s names? 22. Do you think Cimatengo personal names have any meaning? 23. Are there any norms or limitation on using personal names? 24. Which system is employed to name the child in Matengo society? 25. How your Cimatengo personal names are used in public setting? 26. How does your Cimatengo personal names used along with religious names?

95 Appendix 2: Informed Consent Form

Dear informant, My name is Selestin Gabriel Kapinga a student of the University of Dodoma pursuing Master of Arts in Linguistics. Currently, I am doing a research on “The Value of Flora, Fauna and Gender Differences in Matengo Names and Address Terms." This research is of important to review the naming act and uncover the socio-cultural values of Cimatengo Personal names that are drawn from fauna and flora. The completeness of this study will mark the way of preserving and protecting of the Matengo culture for future generations. You are one of the informants selected to participate in this study. Please read the following terms and sign if you agree to participate in the study. You can keep copy of this form for your reference.

1. That I am well informed of the purpose of the research and the researcher have well introduced himself to me. 2. I understand that the research is for academic use only and the information I will provide will be held confidentially. 3. I agree my information to be used in the research and presentation of the findings of the research but my name should not be used anywhere 4. I agree/ do not agree to be taken photos. In case where my photos will be used my identity should be hidden. 5. I understand that I will not be paid for the participation in the research but compensated for transport and refreshments. 6. I understand that my participation in this research is voluntary and I have the right to withdraw from the research whenever I feel to withdraw. Where I withdraw from the research I authorize/not authorize the provided information to be used.

96