CHAPTER-X "The movement of goods must imply the transit of ideas and it is the archaeologist's function to elicit the evidence and to draw the proper conclusion from it* (Mallowan, 1965: 1). 312

CONCLUSION

We might now look back at the material presented in the preceding chapters and see what general observations can be made from the evidence as regards the (1) distribution of pre-Harappan culture, (2) its origin and (3) its survival.

It must once again be emphasized that the most important pre-Harappan culture so far known is , even though we know only a little of the vast information recorded at this site. All other sites have to be viewed and arranged in chronological position in relation to Kalibangan.

(A) TERMINOLOGY

A sound name or spoliation is necessary for the pre-Harappan culture revealed at Kalibangan and the eleven explored sites on the Sarasvati-Ghaggar-Hakra river. At pre­ sent} scholars call it by several names such as Kot-Dijian, Kalibangan I and . Ghosh had in 1965 considered the names "Sarasvati", "Ghaggar", "Kalibangan I" and "Sothi" but he had preferred the last one. Thapar (1965: 136) on comparing the "component elements" from Sothi and Kalibangan I feels that the latter is a more appropriate name for the culture.

It is evident from Chapter VII that no two sites have yielded an identical number of ceramic types and wares. This is probably due to our inadequate knowledge of these 313

sites and not to the inherent paucity of ceramic material on them. Hence, it becomes difficult to evaluate all the dis­ covered sites with Kalibangan I as their yardstick solely on account of the latter having been thoroughly explored and excavated. In fact (See Chapter III) Stein's (1943) small dig almost three decades ago at Sandhanawalla-ther revealed a site of almost similar potentialities as Kalibangan I in terms of length of the cultural sequence.

Cultures are labelled after the sites where character­ istic types of crafts are first discovered (Wheeler, 1968:2). Since the characteristic dendritic, incised, monochrome and bichrome wares of the Sarasvati-Ghaggar Valley were found first at Sothi, the culture characterized by these wares should be called after this site alone. Since the same wares are found on the excavated site of Binjor 1 and on the surface of the mounds of Nohar, Tarkhanewaladehra, Berore, Binjor 3 and RD 39, the term ••Sothi" can equally well be applied to them. It is also possible that these sites possess the same culture sequence as Binjor 1 and Kalibangan 1.

Ghosh (1965: 116) had once felt justified in call­ ing the Sothi culture proto-Harappan. A detailed study of excavated sites in (Amri, , Cut XXX, Sandhahawala-ther) show a startling contrast between pre- Harappan wares and those of the Harappans. This difference is distinctive and well marked enough to imply separate cultural entities (Khan, 1965: 43; Wheeler, 1968.*20). 314

(B)

The area in which the pre-Harappan cultures have been found is divided into three sub-regions (Allchin and Allchin, 1968.' 123), the central, including Kot-Diji, Harappa and Mohenjo-daro; the southern region with Amrian ties akin to those of South Baluchistan; the eastern or Kalibangan with "a pre-Harappan Indian culture phase".

(C)

QJBJLG-UL

So far, no satisfactory theory has been put forth regarding the origin of the pre-Harappan culture of the Sarasvati-Qhaggar valley. Thapar (1965:137) has merely mentioned that the pre-Harappan sites of Harappa, Kot-Diji and the Sarasvati-Qhaggar valley may be the result of an expansive movement of village communities, sharing certain basic elements, but, evolving their own patterns in each region. What the basic elements are, or what "pattern* frow, the cultures are said to evolve^ or, from which geographical region they originated first, is not mentioned. Allchins (1968:123) assign Kalibangan with affinities to a "pre-Harappan Indian Culture Phase" and frame the question "What were the Indian cultures which influenced the Kalibangan province and what in turn were their cultural antecedents?" They themselves have no answer to give.

There is as yet no evidence at all of a culture earlier to that of Kalibangan in Rejasthan, to which, we could assign the origin of the "Indian Culture Phase".

The numerous similar pottery designs and pottery decorations seen in the earlier chapters all point to influence from the west as regards the pre-Harappan cultures of and Pakistan. My hypothesis is that the pre-Harappan Kali­ bangan culture is not indegenous, but, is derived from West Asia. This hypothesis is discussed in detail below.

Mallowan (1935, II; 178) had suggested three decades ago that "on the fringes of India there are certain wares which bear at all events a superficial resemblance to the Tall Halaf ware. In particular the polychrome sherds of Sur Jangal and related wares in feel, colour and minuteness of design bear an apparent kinship to that of Tall Halaf".

It is not known as to how detailed a comparative study Mallowan made of pottery from Tall Halaf and Sur Jangal. But the same is even more true of the Tall Halaf ware when compared to the bichrome Kalibangan I ware.

The opinion of this scholar gave added strength to my own views regarding the influence of Tall Halaf ware on the pre-Harappan pottery of Kalibangan I. Throughout it had been my opinion that in some manner these two cultures were linked in time and space. A visit to London was therefore planned so that I could at first hand study the excavated wares from Tall Halaf and its affiliated site Tall Arpachiyah and t go through the excellent report published on work at the later A site by Mallowan in 1935.

Some interesting data was obtained from the study of potsherds alone.

(a) Stylistic comparison

Forty common motifs were traced between the two sites of Tall Arpachiyah and Kalibangan as well as Sothi and Binjor 1. * Twenty-four motifs were common to Halaf ware, fourteen to Al-Ubaid ware and five to Samarran ware. All the designs are described and illustrated (Fig. 104; Fig. 105; Fig. 106). The designs from Arpachiyah can be referred to in Mallowan (1935, II: Fig. 30, 33-35, 37, 57-59, 66, 68, 71, 72, 74, 75, 77, 78; , XVII and XVIII).

Samarra Group

1. Motif 1: Arrow (or stylized Kalibangan I (IAR.1962-631 birds in flight) Arpachiyah 2). The motif Ts found in (Fig. 77:14) graffltti form at this site as well as at Sothi (Fig. 21: XXXIa). 2. Motif 2: Tree or Stalk Kalibangan I (Fig. 115; Arpachiyah (Fig. 77:11) IAR. 1962-63.* Fig.5:A) 3. Motif 3: Plant (?) Kalibangan I (Fig. 118; Arpachiyah (Fig.77:20) IAR. 1962-63: Fig. 8:K) 317

4. Motif 4.' Suspended Triangles Kalibangan I (Fig. 115; Arpachiyan (Fig. 77:20) IAR. 1962-63: Fig. 5:J) 5. Motif 5: Stylized Palm Kalibangan I (iAJl, 1961-62.' Leaf (?) Fig. 14:31) Arpachiyan (Fig. 77:18) Halaf Group

Motifs 6-16 consist of naturalistic and stylized buckranian motifs. Identical finds have occurred at Tall Halaf and Tall Mefesh.

6. Motif 6: Naturalistic Kalibangan I. At this site Bukranium head ve have identically shaped Arpachiyah (Fig. 74:8) bukranium horns, three one on top of the other with the pipal leaf in the centre adjoining each horn. (IAR. 1961-62: Fig. 14:42) The pipal leaf seems to be a Sarasvatl Valley influence and has probably replaced the animal head in a new stylized form. The connec­ tion between these two motifs cannot be easily dismissed in the light of other gather­ ed information. For instance see Mallowan (Fig. 74:14 and 15) where the horns occur in a similar fashion one below the other.

6a. Motif 6a; Tall Mefesh Kalibangan I (Fig. 112| Bukranium Head with IAR. 1962-63.* Fig. 2.'4) Stalk At this site the horns are curved in like those of the buffalo or the bull, with frayed ends. On either side the horns are flanged by the stalk motif in the form of a panel. This is an import­ ant motif in that it shows two unusual designs in combination with each other. They occur at no other known site together. 318

7. Motif 7: Stylized Bukranlgm Kalibangan I (£ojl, 1961-62: Head Fig. 14:26). At this site Arpachiyah (Fig. 74:8) the stylized bull stump appears between the horns instead of below it as at Arpachiyah. a. Motif 8: Stylized Vertical Kalibangan I (IAR, 1961-62: Rows of Bukr^nlum Heads Fig. 14:42) Arpachiyah (Fig. 74:14 and 15)

9. Motif 9: Stylized Bukranium KalibanganKlAR. 1961-62: Head Fig. 14:46) Motif in Arpachiyah (Fig. 7416) horizontal position. Motif between vertical straight lines in panel form 9a. Motif 9a (Fig. 75:6) is similar to the motif from Kalibangan I as it is also drawn horizontally. 9b. Motif 9b (Fig.75:13) This is represented in a diagonally inverted form 9c. Motif 9c (Fig. 75:14) is also drawn horizontally with a thick stalk in between the horns re­ capturing the idea as on Kalibangan motif 7 (IAR. 1961-62: Fig. 14126) 9d. Motif 9d (Fig. 75:15) The motif is vertically inverted. 10. Motif 10: Stylized Kalibangan I (Fig. 112; Bukranium ? IAR. 1962-63: Fig. 2'.A,F) Arpachiyah (Fig. 68:3) U. Motif 11: Stylized Bukranium Kalibangan I (IAR. 1961-62: in horizontal Rows Fig. 14:46) Arpachiyah (Fig. 75:14) 12. Motif 12: Stylized Bukranium Kalibangan I (IAR. 1961-62: Arpachiyah (Fig. 74i6; Fig. 13»20) Fig 75:2) Two stylized bukranium motifs are com­ bined into the make up of motif 12 from Kalibangan -Contd.- 319

13. Motif 1313:: Stylized Bukranlum Kalibangan I (IA£, 1961-62: Arpa chlyah (Fig. 59:24) Fig.14). This motif is very common at Sothi (Fig.87)

14 Motif 14: Horizontal Chains. Sothi (Fig. 87:2) Lozenge In Rows or Stylized Bukranlum Arpachlyah (Fig. 59:2) 15. Motif 15: Vertically Bisect- Sothi (Fig. 87:2) ed Lozenge or Stylized Bukranlum Motif Arpachlyah (Fig. 59:4) 16. Motif 16: Vertical Row of Kalibangan I (IAR, 1961-62: Lozenges or Stylized Fig. 14:51) ~~~ Bukranluiki m Arpachlyah (Fig. 59:3) 17. Motif 17: Battle-axe or Kalibangan I (IAR, 1961-62: Stylized Bukranlum Fig. 13:15) MoETF in between Arpachlyah (Fig. 53:2) panels of wavy lines in Motif in between panel of between horizontal lines vertical lines in between horizontal lines. 18. Motif 18: Comb or Stylistic Kalibangan I (IAR* 1961-62: Animal Motif Fig. 13:16) Arpachlyah (Fig. 78:12) 19. Motif 19: Stylized Plant Kalibangan I (IAJl.,1961-62: Motif Fig-14: so) Arpachlyah (Fig. 77:7) Kalibangan I (IAR. 1961-62: 20. Motif 20: Four Pet ailed Fig. 14:45) Arpachlyah (Pi. XVIIIb) 21. Motif 21: Maltese Square Kalibangan I (IAR, 1961-62: With Four Incurving Tri­ Fig. 14:43) angles Abutting on the Corner of the Centre Square Arpachlyah (PI. XVIII) At this site the motif is said to be a further develop­ ment of the cruciform bukranlum form.

22. Motif 22: Suspended LOOPS Kalibangan I (Fig. 112; Arpachlyah fl(Fig . 77:31) IAR. 1962-63: Fig. 2:A)

-Contd.- 320

23. Motif 23: Group of Kalibangan I /(Fig. 14:29) Horizontal wavy Llnei Arpachiyah (Fig. 5712) 24. Motif 24: Vfavy fclnft In, Kalibangan I (IAR. 1961-62 Between Horizontal Straight Fig. 13:3) I^lnes Arpachiyah (Fig. 66:4) 25. Motif 25: Scales Kalibangan I (Fig. 115; ArpachiyahTFig« . 78:20) JA£, 1962-63: Fig. 5:K) 26. Motif 26: Lattice Kalibangan I (IAR, 1961-62: Arpachiyah (Fig. 77:30) Fig. 14:35) 27. Motif 27: Hatched Diamonds Sothi (Fig. 85: 1,2) Arpachiyah (Fig. 71:7-10; Fig. 72:1-5)

28. Motif 28: Suspended Triangles Kalibangan I (IAR, 1961-62: Fig. 2:Q)

29. Motif 29: Suspended Semi­ Kalibangan I (IAR. 1961-62: circles within Serai-circleg Fig. 14:25) Arpachiyah (Fig. 78:191 30. Motif 30: Vertical L^nea Kalibangan I (Fig. 112; Ending In Discs. IA£» 1962-63: Fig. 2:AE) Arpachiyah (Fig. 7716) Al/Ubald Group

Motif8 31-41 are ail of a geometric nature

31. Motif 31: Wavy Lint Kalibangan I (IAR, 1961-62.* Arpachiyah (Fig. 30:5) Fig. 15:11) 32. Motif 32: Zlg-Zag Lines Kalibengan I (IAR. 1961-62*. B.e.frteen Straight Parallel Fig. 14:32) Lines Arpachiyah (Fig. 33:1) 33. Motif 33: Groups of Zig-Zag^ Kalibangan I (IAR. 1961-62: Lines Between Straight Fig. 14:21) Parallel Lines Arpachiyah (Fig. 77:41) 34. Motif 34: Hatched Zlg-Zags Kalibangan I (Fig. 112: Between Parallel Straight IAR. 1962-63: Fig. 2:H) Lines Arpachiyah (Fig. 77:35) -Contd.- 35. Motif 35: Hatched Triangles Kalibangan I (|AJR., 1961-62: Between Parallel Straight Fig. 13:4) Arpachiyah (Fig. 77:38) 36. Motif 36: Filled Curvilinear Blnjor 1 (Fig. 101:H) Diamonds Arpachiyah (Fig. 34:6) 37. Motif 37: Stepped yrianfi3.es Kalibangan I (Fig. 115: Arpachiyah (Fig. 77:36) ZJ&, 1962-63: Fig. 5:E) 38. Motif 38: ghequera Kalibangan I (Fig. 115; IAR. Arpachiyah (Fig. 77»33) 1962-63: Fig. 5:D) 39. Motif 39: Suspended Semi" Binjor 1 (Fig. 97: XXIV) Circles Arpachiyah (Fig. 35:6) 40, Motif 40: Semi-Circles Sothi (Fig. 83:2) within Semi-Circlei Arpachiyah (Fig. 35:6) 41, Motif 41: Filled gemi- Binjor 1 (Fig. 101:K) (Fig. 37:2)

(b) Pedestaled Vase

Attention must needs be brought to the existence of a rare, pedestalled Halaf vase from Arpachiyah (Mallowan, 1935, II: Fig. 6514). It bears a close resemblance to a similar type of vase-on-stand from Kalibangan I (Fig. 113; IAR. 1962-63: Fig. 3:10).

Incised pottery occurs in the early levels of Arpachiyah, even before TT 10. Periods TT 6-10 yield incised designs combined with pigment decoration. However, very little information is available regarding the incised decora­ tive motifs. In the Sarasvati-Ghaggar Valley, however, the 322

sites of Sothi and Kalibangan have both yielded a number of externally and internally incised vases, jars, bowls and basins. However, the combination of incised and painted designs is rare, in fact, only a single handled sherd from Sotiii (Fig. 8: IX) decorated in bichrome black and red Is known.

(d) Ribbed Ware

A "sharply defined" plain ribbed ware occurs in periods TT 6-TT 10. This is the closest parallel available outside the Sarasvati Valley in pre-historic times, to the internally ridged ware consisting of trough types alone as seen at Kalibangan, Sothi and Berore.

(e) Halaf Plates

Practically no similar vessel types are to be found between Arpachiyah-Halaf ware and the wares of Kalibangan except two dishes which are described as angular sided bowls by Mallowan (1935, II: page III; Frontispiece? Fig. 54:4) and which he believed to be copies of metal prototypes. These dishes are painted luxuriantly on both sides and bear a strong affinity to the dishes of censers from Harappan and pre- Harappan sites (Fig. 99: XXXVI; IAR. 1961-62: Fig. 16:29).

(f) Halaf and Kalibangan Fabric C Wares

The majority of Halaf ware was decorated in poly­ chrome, the pigments being in one instance black, lustrous red and dull white outlined by a light buff self-slip on a red ground (Mailowan, 1935, Ii:iII).

The Fabric C of Kalibangan I has not been describ­ ed as bichrome by its excavators, yet it gives a polychrome effect (refer conclusions of Chapter VII). Its self-slip is a pale peachy-pink on which between thin black lines broad bands of a deep plum-pink pigment are applied. This plum colour is always accepted as a slip, but in view of the cumulative evidence in our possession, it would be better to treat it as a pigment applied to form a contrast between the black lines and the body colour of the vessel thus giving a polychrome effect.

In one instance a beautifully made vase of thin pale buff-pink ware (PI. IXIB) all over painted in a lustrous white with a panelled geometric design in black-to-red pig­ ment was picked up from a deep furrow made by a tractor on the mound of Binjor 3. How can we account for this unique vase ?

(g) Transition of Ideas

To explain the presence of parallel or identical traits at two far removed sites or regions Fairservis (1959:83) has suggested two possible methods* One method is by actual or direct transmission and the other is by stimulus diffusion in which a certain trait is passed on to people in two different cultural areas because they are in touch with 324

each other and so the ideas and advances of one become those of the other*

A third possibility exists of similar traits spring­ ing up independently and being completely autochthonous.

As far as the Mesopotamian elements in Kallbangan I are concerned, it is difficult to be definite of their mode of transmission.

There is a possibility that the people who came from Mesopotamia did so via the highlands of Iran. On Iran's eastern boundaries lie the ancient settlement of Seistan, Rudbar and Persian Makran (Stein, 1928, 1937) and in all probability these were the cultures which introduced the Amri, Kechi Beg and Loraiai III wares into Baluchistan and Sind.

Kallbangan I has certain wares distinctly Baluchi in nature (Parallel Striated Red Ware, Dendritic Red Wares) and since the letter's origin is to be looked for in the high­ lands of Iran and the plains of Northern Mesopotamia, the source of Kallbangan I wet wares must lie in Baluchistan alone. Wheeler (1968:23) says that the stimuli for the Baluchi cultures presumably arrived from the west "across southern , where is at present our only valid port- of-call, through Chaman and Quetta and alternatively down the Bolan Pass or south-westwards, following the general south­ westerly trend of the Baluchi ranges; in the process, rein­ forced by more direct entries (as via Bampur) from the Persian 325

plateau. Between Kalat and the sea these lateral reinforce­ ments may have been increasingly significant but cannot be estimated in the lack of more methodical exploration on the Persian side* It may well be that in the south, where the all-important Kulli culture took shape, there was significant interchange through the Makrans and even by sea with the south­ western flanks of the plateau and with Mesopotamia11.

The existence of trade between Mesopotamia and the Indus Valley has been proved beyond doubt by the comparisons of ceramics, beads, statuettes, seals, sealings and inscript­ ions! evidence. Hence, it seems reasonable to visualise an even older tradition of contact by an overland route between the two countries. In recent years, this theory has been reinforced by the decipherment of Sumerian clay tablets. In this connection it would not be out of place here to discuss the Flood Tablet which deals with Ziusudra and Sumerian Noah and which repeatedly speaks of "Dilmun" the "pure", "clean", "holy" land which Samuel Kramer (1964: 44-52) has associated with the Indus Civilization. If the "ships of "Dilmun" laden with timber, gold, lapis lazuli and ivory could arrive at Lagash by 2400 B.C. it does not seem impossible for the Kalibangan I, Binjor 1, Kot-Diji and Harappa pre-Defence people to have arrived from Mesopotamia via Baluchistan or for them to have at some time in the highlands come across people with Halafian contacts.

Even Ralkes (1965:73) has suggested a long distance 326

contact between Damb in the Bolan Pass and Samarra in the west by overland routes via Bampur, the Helmand River and northern Iran. Ihe same route could also have been followed by the pre-Harappan settlers of the Sarasvati Valley. On arrival in Baluchistan these pre-Harappan people picked up the knowledge of wet wares from their Baluchi contemporaries. Hence, we now have the existence of Mesopotamian-Baluchi traits in one and the same cultural period at Kalibangan,

The migrations from the mountains on to the Indus plains may have had no opposition except from the wild beasts. Kot-Diji, Harappa, Amri, Kalibangan I, Binjor I and Sandhanawala may have been contemporary to each other. With the exception of Amri and Binjor 1 of which we know little, all the rest were fortified. So also were Amrian Dhillanijo-Kot, All Mured and Tharro. The implications are obvious. The massive fortifications implied unfriendly relations and hostility amongst these early communities, as well as a probable fear of attack from the oncoming Harappans. The Harappans settled on practically each and every early Amrian and other pre- Harappan sites, not only on the Indus and Ravi rivers but also on the Sarasvati-Ghaggar-Hakra river. This superimposi- tion of sites was probably due to force majeur as well as the superior technology of the Harappans.

From the , it was short shrift for the Harappans to cross the old channel (now dry) which links the Sarasvati-Hakra with it at Uch (See Oldhams Map, Fig. 126). 327

A survey of explored sites shows that the Hareppans went up the Ghaggar to the Markanda which is joined by the Tangri nullah in District Ambala. The Harappan take over occurred at a late stage in the life of the pre-Harappans on the Ghaggar as we have very little early evidence, the farther northwards we proceed. The impression derived from our study is that the pre-Harappans were at certain places inextricably mixed up with the Harappans, for, when the Bara assemblage yet further north-east is examined it shows incised and wet wares occuring together with a late Harappan assemblage.

According to Sharma (1964:7) 1965:133), the pre­ sence of Harappan sites in the Punjab in Ludhiana and Ambala suggests a possibility that the Harappans bifurcated in , one group keeping along the Sarasvati-Ghaggar, whilst the other reached the Sutlej up the Naiwala. It is more probable that the Harappans kept moving up the Sarasvati and Sutlej finally arriving in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab due to the receding waters in the lower part of the Sarasvati- Ghaggar-Hakra system.

Beyond doubt, the pre-Harappans were knowingly follow­ ed up the Sarasvati by the Harappans. The latter in turn were followed to practically the same sites by the Cemetery H people whose eight settlements were discovered on the Hakra by Stein (See Chapter III). It is surprising that not a single such site is found on the Ghaggar and yet Rupar in the Punjab and in U.P. have yielded certain distinct 328

Cemetery H painted pottery designs. Doubtless, these elusive people^ who most probably art the Aryans of the Rgveda (Refer Allchin, Bridget and Raymond 1968: • 153-155) had followed the same route as the Harappans due to some prior knowledge of it. It is true that a thick layer intervenes between the two cultures at Harappa (Wheeler, 1947t 85) but it was com­ posed mainly of debris and need not have taken several genera­ tions to accumulate. Gordon (1958: 83) firmly says that the idea of this debris being an indication of a long period of time is likely to be correct and there is little doubt of these people being the immediate successors of the Harappans.

(D)

Evidence for the survival of the pre-Harappan Kalibangan culture in India is very sparse yet one cannot ignore similarities in pottery between the pre-Harappan cultures of the Sarasvati-Qhaggar Valley and other Chalcolithic cultures in India.

A number of pre-Harappan decorative pottery motifs are present on Harappan pottery at several sites. The distribution of these is shown in Chart ? on page3V>-»?.Mudiala Kalan and Katu Palon in the Punjab have some sherds with "rusticated surface with raised horizontal bands below the painted surface". These sherds can easily be identified as Parallel Striated Ware or Fabric B of Kalibangan. The sites also yielded incised vessels with the lower portions covered with a coarse paste of clay which can be identified with Kalibangan Fabric D ware* Bara also has similarly decorated pottery. Ahar, near Udaipur has also yielded a large amount of incised ware in its earliest layers* Some designs of this ware are common to those of Sothi (See Chapter VIII-B).

Such a close parallelism is unlikely to be just coincidental* The greater likelihood is that by some process of cultural transmission the pre-Harappan decorative style has persisted into the late Harappan culture at Bara, Mudiala Kalan and Katu Palon.

Some of the pottery designs are also found in other Chalcolithie culture sites in Central India and the Deccan. These are plotted in Chart lo on page3S-#f. Out of the limited 25 painted motifs discussed in Chapter VIII-A, 12 are found on the cream slipped Ware of Navdatoll. This ware could perhaps be affiliated to the Black Painted Buff Slipped Red Ware of the Sarasvati-Ghaggar Valley* The designs, too, are typically pre-Harappan, such as Lines In Parallel Fasces With the Points Converging Upwards, Horn Motif With Frayed Ends, Radiating Lines Ending In Discs, Cruciform Motif, Stylized Buckranian and Oblique Lines With Fronds* It is, however, not implied that they are directly derived from the pre-Harappan culture of the Sarasvati-Ghaggar Valley* At the same time we feel that the similarities should be clearly pointed out* •P 330 *•• « m %* m fc CO-P 5 CO 4*

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