South Korean Presidential Politics Turns Liberal: Transformative Change Or Business As Usual? Dostal, Jörg Michael
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www.ssoar.info South Korean Presidential Politics Turns Liberal: Transformative Change or Business as Usual? Dostal, Jörg Michael Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Dostal, J. M. (2017). South Korean Presidential Politics Turns Liberal: Transformative Change or Business as Usual? The Political Quarterly, 88(3), 480-491. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-55605-8 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Free Digital Peer Publishing Licence This document is made available under a Free Digital Peer zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den DiPP-Lizenzen Publishing Licence. For more Information see: finden Sie hier: http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ The Political Quarterly, Vol. 88, No. 3, July–September 2017 South Korean Presidential Politics Turns Liberal: Transformative Change or Business as Usual? € JORG MICHAEL DOSTAL Abstract The impeachment of President Park Gyeun-hye on 10 March 2017 saw South Korean politics enter a period of crisis. Her removal from office, the result of an unprecedented mass move- ment of citizen protests, provided a springboard for the subsequent success of the liberal candidate, Moon Jae-in, in the presidential election of 9 May 2017. This article suggests that political change in South Korea is only possible if actors move beyond the politics of person- ality, and tackle the structural reasons for the policy failures of recent times. Further, if democracy, a humane economic system and responsive political institutions are going to be developed and nourished, the country’s ‘imperial presidency’ needs to be reformed. In par- ticular, the current ‘winner-takes-all’ politics, with the presidency as the main locus of power, needs to be reformed in ways that promote a more balanced political system, increasing the influence of other actors and institutions. Keywords: constitutional reform, imperial presidency, Moon Jae-in, Park Gyeun-hye, presidentialism, South Korea takes-all’ political system, concentrating power Introduction in the hands of an ‘imperial presidency’ of 1 THE UNPRECEDENTED IMPEACHMENT of Park South Korea? What kind of development is Gyeun-hye by the South Korean constitu- the country going to face in a world in which tional court on 10 March 2017, and her sub- geopolitical tensions between China and the sequent arrest on abuse of power and USA might directly affect its future prospects corruption allegations, constitutes the most —given that South Korea now has more trade dramatic event in South Korea’s history since with China than the USA, but remains under a the transition to democracy in the late 1980s. US security umbrella that is increasingly at South Korea’s political system concentrates odds with China’s regional aspirations? power at the very top; removing a President The article considers five key themes: the from office leaves an entire flotilla of politi- collapse of the Park Gyeun-hye presidency; cal institutions effectively rudderless. The these developments in the context of South presidential elections of 9 May 2017 saw the Korean history and the particularity of the victory of the main liberal candidate, Moon political system; the impact upon the econ- Jae-in of the Democratic Party of Korea, with omy; the relationship between these events 41.1 per cent of the votes cast, in a field of and the major cleavages in contemporary five serious contenders. society; and, finally, a brief description of the This article puts these tumultuous events presidential election campaign of April and into the context of the country’s political cul- May 2017, before concluding with likely ture and asks a number of fundamental ques- future scenarios for South Korea. tions. Does the current political crisis suggest a transformation of the country’sconstitution, The impeachment of President political system and social fabric? Or will it be remembered as just another clash between Park Gyeun-hye opposing conservative and liberal political At first glance, the downfall of former tendencies? In particular, will recent events President Park might be compared with the precipitate the decline of the current ‘winner- gradual collapse of a building. From the © The Author 2017. The Political Quarterly © The Political Quarterly Publishing Co. Ltd. 2017 480 Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA appearance of hairline cracks and the dis- conservatives, the project was designed to placement of a few bricks to the caving in of do justice to the historical achievements of the roof, it is very difficult to calculate when her father, but it was strongly opposed by the rot actually set in. The Park presidency liberals and the overwhelming majority of began with a narrow election win in 2012 teachers. It took two more years for the gen- against the liberal candidate Moon Jae-in. eral public to discover that people working She derived her support largely from an for the Park presidency had actually black- older generation of Koreans, while younger listed artists, writers, publishers and other voters predominantly backed her liberal cultural figures that were regarded as unreli- opponent. As a presidential candidate in able by conservatives who, instead, sup- 2012, Park had appeared to move away from ported those considered to be on the side of fiscal conservatism to the centre ground, the President.4 suggesting an expansion of the welfare state Conflicts over cultural representation and, in particular, the introduction of a uni- aside, a decisive moment for the Park presi- versal basic pension for senior citizens. How- dency was the tragic sinking of the ship ever, this targeted election promise to Sewol on 16 April 2014. The ship capsized mobilise older voters—old-age poverty is off the west coast of Korea drowning 304 of one of the country’s major social problems— the 476 passengers; among them 246 high was quickly broken after her election on the school students from Danwon High School grounds of being too expensive. in Ansan city. The major reason for the high In a very short time, the focus and politi- number of casualties was the failure of the cal purpose of her presidency became authorities to organise a prompt rescue oper- unclear. There were buzzwords: narratives ation, and advice given by crew members about a ‘creative Korea’, seeking to reposi- for students to stay in their cabins until fur- tion the country with regard to ‘cultural ther notice. The crew subsequently left the industries’, but this aspiration was never ship, along with the captain, while most of really followed through. Instead, the coun- the teenagers who had followed the advice try’s cultural life became the object of a con- of their elders perished in the accident. servative political onslaught. The presidency Under the South Korean presidential sys- sought to narrow the scope of what was con- tem, major emergency responses require the sidered to be of cultural value and worthy of coordinated effort of the presidential office, state support to those loyal to Park’s admin- chaired by the President. However, Park’s istration. In one telling incident, a painting appearance on the day of the accident was by artist Hong Sung-dam that presented the much delayed. The various public bodies President as the incarnation of her father tasked with coordinating naval rescue (the former long-term South Korean Presi- operations were disorganised due to admin- dent Park Chung-hee who had ruled the istrative reforms that had left strategic country as an authoritarian leader between responsibility unclear. Hence, much time 1961 and 1979) was rejected for the Gwangju was wasted, and no decisive rescue opera- Biennale exhibition. This was a remarkable tion occurred. It also transpired that the cap- affair, given that the city of Gwangju had a tain and the crew had been casual workers, long history of resistance to the military employed on short-term contracts, and that regime before democratisation in the 1980s, the vessel had been overloaded with cargo, and has always been a stronghold of liberal- while official documents had been falsified ism.2 The rejected artist received a mention to maximise profits. Whilst some details of of his case on the front page of the New York the catastrophe continue to be contested, it is Times as a consolation prize, but many certainly appropriate to call the event a man- others were less lucky and simply had their made disaster.5 work excluded by state-controlled funding After the Sewol incident, relatives and bodies.3 friends of the victims and their supporters Similarly, Park advanced the project of campaigned to demand a full government issuing new history text books for inquiry. The event caused much national high schools. Written by state-appointed introspection; many recognised from their authors, and in a spirit favoured by some own experience that cutting corners, and S OUTH K OREAN P RESIDENTIAL P OLITICS T URNS L IBERAL 481 © The Author 2017. The Political Quarterly © The Political Quarterly Publishing Co. Ltd. 2017 The Political Quarterly, Vol. 88, No. 3 conducting business speedily rather than The close relationship between Park and safely, was an entrenched part of Korean Choi was known to well-informed observers; everyday life. This was arguably a legacy yet detail beyond the general existence of from the country’s single-minded focus on such networks was scarce.6 Thus, the news economic development. Under the authori- that President Park relied on Choi for the tarian regime of the 1960s and 1970s, a informal management of state business and hyper-liberal version of capitalism had given had shared confidential state documents rise to a culture with little concern for safety with her despite the fact that Choi had no regulations or workers’ protection.