The Third Space in Early Jesuit Translations in the Late Ming Dynasty

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THE THIRD SPACE IN EARLY JESUIT TRANSLATIONS IN THE LATE MING DYNASTY

Self-representation and cultural mediation through translation

Word count: 30.933

Kika Van Robays Student number: 01505147

Promotors: Prof. Dr. Christoph Anderl en Prof. Dr. Nicolas Standaert Third reader: Prof. Dr. Ann Heirman

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Oriental Languages and Cultures: China

Academic year: 2019 – 2020

Foreword

This research came into being when I decided to take ‘Theory of Literary Translation’ as a class in the first year of my Master. This class made me realise that I could add translation to the unexhaustive list of things I am in love with. Because of that, I wish to thank Prof. Dr. Wim Verbaal for his guidance on the first chapter of my thesis. But most of all, this thesis is dedicated to Prof. Dr. Désirée Schyns, for her support and help finding any way to incorporate translation into my future.

I thank my promotors for their support, help and feedback. Prof. Dr. Christoph Anderl, who has supported me throughout the past two years (and beyond), for always offering me feedback and for his kindness. Prof. Dr. Nicolas Standaert, for his undying enthusiasm from our first chance meeting. It was an honour to work with you both.

Most of all, I want to thank those who stood alongside me as I wrote this thesis. I thank my parents, who unconditionally cheered me on and spent hours working while they should be enjoying their paradise. I thank those who have struggled on the same paths yet still put their effort into helping me. My classmates, they never stopped listening to me throughout the past five years. Luna, you were always there with your love and warmth. Josefien, may we write more and grow insane together. Dietlinde, I will always look up to you and enjoy your company. I thank my friends for encouraging me, for reading and for offering their kindest words, advice and help. Thank you, Julie, Tine, Misha and Elisa. I thank Kei for catching me whenever I needed it, this thesis would not have been the same without you.

Mijn laatste dankwoord gaat uit naar mijn grootouders die mij onvoorwaardelijk hebben gesteund en hebben geholpen op alle manieren mogelijk.

Enjoy reading,

Kika Van Robays

Synopsis (Dutch)

De ‘third space’ in vroege Jezuïtische vertalingen tijdens de late Ming-dynastie

Dit werk is het resultaat van de vertaling en analyse van enkele teksten geschreven door de Jezuïeten bij hun aankomst in China tijdens de late Ming-dynastie. Aan de hand van Chinese vertaaltheorieën en door deze te plaatsen binnen een ruimer kader, namelijk dat van de Westerse vertaaltheorie en van postkoloniale theorieën, toont deze thesis de complexiteit van vertalen en de invloed ervan op identiteitsconstructies. Het accommodatiebeleid dat de missionarissen toepasten om voet aan wal te krijgen in China creëerde een ruimte waarbinnen ze zich continu moesten verantwoorden tegenover hun oversten in Rome en de Chinese elite. Dit had invloed op de manier waarop de Jezuïeten hun religieuze teksten vertaalden, dewelke uiteindelijk verschillende representaties bood naargelang de identiteit die ze wilden voorstellen. Deze vorm van culturele bemiddeling en de collaboratieve aard van hun vertalingen maakten van deze ruimte een ‘Third Space,’ ook wel vertaald als een ‘hybride ruimte.’ Hier kan vertaling worden gezien als iets feitelijks, waarin een feit puur subjectief is. Het hoofdonderdeel van de thesis betreft de vertalingen en analyses van de Tien Geboden van Michele Ruggieri en Matteo Ricci, en een hoofdstuk uit de Tianzhu shilu over de ziel dat wordt vergeleken met de Tianzhu shiyi.

Preamble

This thesis was not impacted greatly by the COVID-19 pandemic. Because of its historical and textual basis, the most important sources were primary sources that were most easily found on databases. The research, which consisted out of translations, analyses and literature study surrounding Jesuit translated texts in the late Ming Dynasty, could go on as planned. For those sources that were hard to find or inaccessible due to lack of institutional access, I received help from my co-promotor Prof. Dr. Nicolas Standaert and a friend who are registered at KU Leuven. Through this access, I was able to find most of my primary sources on Scripta Sinica. Due to measurements that were taken in order to prevent the spread of COVID-19 and guarantee a safe return home, I was not able to remain in Guangzhou (People’s Republic of China) where I was planning to visit libraries containing many sources as well as get in touch with Prof. Dr. Thierry Meynard, who teaches at the Sun-yat Sen University in Guangzhou. Fortunately, I was able to contact him through mail, upon which he sent me a copy of the Tianzhu shiyi which he had revised in 2016. The majority of other materials I was planning on looking for were available online or could easily be obtained with help of my promotors and other connections. In a certain way, this research benefited from the special circumstances as it allowed me to remain in close contact with my promotors, as they both reside in Belgium.

This preamble was drawn up in consultation between the student and the supervisors and approved by all three parties.

Table of Contents FOREWORD ...... 1

SYNOPSIS (DUTCH) ...... 2

PREAMBLE COVID-19 ...... 2

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... 4

OVERVIEW TABLES ...... 6

INTRODUCTION ...... 7

1. TRANSLATION THEORY ...... 11 1.1 GENERAL ...... 11 1.2 TRANSLATION THEORY IN CHINA ...... 13 1.2.1 Fanyi 翻譯 in China ...... 13 1.2.2 Early fanyi during pre-Qin and Han periods ...... 16 1.2.3 Four waves of translation theory ...... 18 1.2.4 Loanwords ...... 29

2. FROM “ENTRATA NELLA CINA” TOWARDS THE CREATION OF A ‘CHINESE CHRISTIANITY’ .. 31 2.1 THE SOCIETAS IESU ...... 31 2.2 THE JESUITS’ EMBARKMENT IN CHINA ...... 33 2.2.1 Setting foot in the Late Ming Dynasty ...... 33 2.2.2 Becoming ‘Chinamen’ ...... 34

3. TRANSLATION AS CULTURE ITSELF ...... 39 3.1 THE LOCUS OF TRANSLATION ...... 39 3.2 LAYERED CONCEPTS: THE CONSEQUENCE OF TRANSLATION ...... 42

4. TEXTUAL RESEARCH ...... 44

4.1 ABOUT THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN A CATECHISMUS AND A DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA AND THE TIANZHU SHILU AND THE

TIANZHU SHIYI ...... 44 4.1.1 The Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄 by Michele Ruggieri ...... 45 4.1.2 The Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 and Tianzhu jiaoyao 天主教要 by Matteo Ricci ...... 47

4.2 THE TEN COMMANDMENTS (DECALOGUS) ...... 52 4.2.1 Ten Commandments in Latin with English translation ...... 52 4.2.2 Michele Ruggieri’s Ten Commandments ...... 55 4.2.3 Matteo Ricci’s Ten Commandments ...... 66

4.3 THE HUMAN SOUL IS NOT EXTINGUISHED AND IS GREATLY DIFFERENT FROM [THE SOULS OF] BIRDS AND BEASTS ...... 75

4.3.1 Concerning the human soul ...... 75 3.3.2 Translation ...... 76 3.3.3 Analysis ...... 87 3.3.4 Final remarks ...... 98

CONCLUSION ...... 100

ABBREVIATIONS ...... 103

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 104 DATABASES ...... 104 PRIMARY SOURCES ...... 104 SECONDARY SOURCES ...... 105

APPENDIX 1: A DETAILED OUTLINE OF THE TRUE MEANING OF THE LORD OF HEAVEN FROM MATTEO RICCI (REVISED BY T. MEYNARD, 2016) ...... 117

APPENDIX 2: THE TEN BUDDHIST PRECEPTS AS FOUND ON THE DIGITAL DICTIONARY OF BUDDHISM ...... 122

Overview Tables

Table 1: Ten Commandments in English and Latin 55

Table 2: Glossary Ten Commandments by Michele Ruggieri 58

Table 3: Glossary Ten Commandments by Matteo Ricci 69

Introduction

Often forgotten or hidden away behind a cover, translators are the backbone of intercultural encounters. It is hard to imagine where we would stand right now if there was no such thing as translation. As Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak vocalised in her essay “The Politics of Translation,” taking up the position of a translator even goes beyond attending to all the nuances in language:

“Language is not everything. It is only a vital clue to where the self loses its boundaries. The ways in which rhetoric or figuration disrupt logic themselves point at the possibility of random contingency, beside language, around language. Such a dissemination cannot be under our control. Yet in translation, where meaning hops into the spacy emptiness between two named historical languages, we get perilously close to it. By juggling the disruptive rhetoricity that breaks the surface in not necessarily connected ways, we feel the selvedges of the languagetextile give way, fray into frayages or facilitations.”1

Without mentioning it explicitly, Spivak pointed out how crucial a translator can be and also how a translator can occupy the in-between space amidst cultures. Alongside this, it is important to emphasise that neither languages nor cultures are static in nature. They are dynamic, fluid and, as I will emphasise later, context-dependent.

The focus of this research is the Jesuit translation activities in the late Ming Dynasty (starting from the second half of the sixteenth century). More specifically, it is about the translation of Christian texts into Chinese and how the Jesuits positioned themselves in China. Translation has been part of ‘cultural exchange’ for centuries. In China, translation flourished with the introduction of Buddhism during the Han Dynasty 漢代 (206 BCE – 220 CE), although there are sources dating back to the fifth century BCE. Through translation and analys some of these texts, this thesis aims to reveal the Jesuits built their image as Buddhists or as Western scholars (xiru 西儒).2 One cannot

1 Spivak (1993: 202). 2 For the character notation, I have chosen to use the traditional characters. This is because the primary texts used in this thesis are all dating from before the standardisation of the simplified system. Unless mentioned explicitly or when quoting a source using simplified characters, all characters will be traditional characters.

solely speak of the term ‘Jesuit translations’ when talking about this work, as it was the result of close collaboration with Chinese scholars, which also alludes to similar joint activities in translation of Buddhist sutras.

As early as Francis Xavier’s (1506-1522) arrival in East-Asia, the Jesuits realised that their usual tabula rasa approach would not suffice. This led to the use of a completely new accommodationist approach in which Christianity had to be almost completely stripped of its “European trappings,”3 which had a major influence on the translation of religious and philosophical terminology. Depending on how a concept is translated, the way readers of the target text perceive the author of the source text can differ. In the case of the Jesuits, it also influenced the way Chinese people would understand Christianity. Following the policy of accommodation, this centred around whether or not it was possible to find a ‘cultural equivalent’ of a conceptual term in Chinese cultural tradition.

It would be redundant to use ‘translation practices’ as a cluster word to define the history of translation in China. In contrast, ‘translation discourse’ does not imply its practicality due to the theoretical nature of the concept ‘discourse.’ Because of this, I use ‘translation’ on its own to refer to the conglomeration of practice and theory, while still upholding the implication of the situatedness and ideological values.

This upholds the idea that translation is one of the realms in which knowledge is a key domain for mediation, in which the translators negotiate linguistic and cultural frontiers. At the basis of this lies the idea that translation is more than interlingual communication, as it is also a form of cultural representation. Previous scholars have already discussed the importance of a broader sociocultural and political context, as well as the role of agency in regard to translation. Likewise, many scholars have brought attention to the notion of ‘hybridity’ and the existence of an ‘in-between space.’4 This all points to the generative function of translation, which means that when engaging in translation, translators are in constant negotiation between different cultures and in a certain way

3 Cheung (2017: 18). 4 Among them are Gayatri C. Spivak, Homi Bhabha, Lydia Liu, Michaela Wolf, Mary Louis Pratt, Eva Hung, Dianna Roig-Sanz, Martha Cheung, and Sherry Simon.

they are constructing a new culture. This site is known as a ‘Third Space’ or ‘borderland,’ and the overall policy of translation that is applied is a form of what Kwame Anthony Appiah calls ‘thick translation’.5 The ‘Third Space theory’ has been coined by Homi Bhabha in his work The Location of Culture (1994). He defines it as follows:

“It is that Third Space, though unrepresentable in itself, which constitutes the discursive conditions of enunciation that ensure that the meaning and symbols of culture have no primordial unity or fixity; that even the same signs can be appropriated, translated, rehistoricized and read anew.”6

In order to emphasise the crucial role this aspect has played in my research, I referto Foucault’s ‘discourse’ in relation to power dynamics within language and Haraway’s ‘situated knowledges.’ In her compilation An Anthology of Chinese Discourse on Translation, Martha Cheung emphasised that this anthology “functions as a work of discourse.” The purpose was to “highlight the point that no writing is done in an ideological vacuum.”7 Similar to Cheung, I also wish to refer to the network of interwoven concepts of knowledge, language, ideology, and power. Donna Haraway’s essay “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective” contributes to this idea, as it emphasises the fluidity and subjectivity of objectivity. These situated and embodied knowledges bring “the critical and interpretive core of all knowledge” to light and criticise the meaning of ‘objectivity.’ Nonetheless, Haraway distanced herself from relativism, as she defined it as “the perfect mirror twin of totalization in the ideologies of objectivity.”8 Rather, she stressed that ‘the object of knowledge’ is an “active, meaning-generating part of apparatus of bodily production” of which the boundaries will only show up through social interactions.”9

5 Martha Cheung based herself on the concept of ‘thick translation’ which “takes the form of self-representation rather than representation of the Other, and is aimed at promoting in the target language culture a fuller understanding of and a deeper respect for Chinese culture. Cheung (2006: 2-3) and Appiah (2000). 6 Bhabha (1994: 55). 7 Cheung (2006: 1-2). 8 Haraway (1988: 584). 9 Haraway (1988: 595).

This thesis contributes to more recent translation theories concerning how translation occupies a crucial position in identity construction. By doing this, I emphasise the agent and process- oriented qualities of translation, as well as its ideological values. It also shows that it is not possible to simply divide translation theory and translation practice in two different domains, as they are constantly used together. By highlighting works that break Chinese thinking free from its isolated ‘sinologist’ field and offering other perspectives than Western dominated research, I focus on the layered aspects of translation and evaluate translating text with attention to socio-demographic influences over time and space, such as feminist theories and postcolonial studies. In this way, I hope to contribute to other fields of research, and widen the scope of translation and sinologist studies.

The first chapter introduces translation theory and translation activity, not only in China but also in a more general and global perspective. An important aspect of this is including more recent developments coming from the area of postcolonial studies, which followed after the so-called ‘cultural turn’ in the 1990s. It is essential to recognise the Western-dominated nature of translation theory and how China and other cultures played only a peripheral role in translation theory for a long time. Although this chapter is called “Translation theory,” it includes both the theoretical and the practical aspect of translation. The second chapter offers an introduction to the Society of Jesus, also known as the Jesuits, and contextualises the historical framework in which we find ourselves (i.e. the late Ming Dynasty). The third chapter deals with the in-betweenness of a translator and the way translated concepts accumulate different layers. It introduces the postcolonial concept of a ‘Third Space’ in which translation goes beyond a ‘cultural exchange.’ The fourth and main chapter of the thesis is a translation and analysis of the Ten Commandments as translated by Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci, as well as a chapter in Ruggieri’s Tianzhu shilu concerning the soul.10 As such, I show that translation is more than the mere transmission of knowledge and the locus of exchange between cultures, instead focusing on its role in self-representation and mediation. Ultimately, it is placed in and contributes to the construction of realities.

10 Because of the limited nature of this thesis, the source text in Chinese characters are not part of the total word count. While they could have been placed in an appendix, they have been kept alongside my own translations for the comfort of the readers of this work.

1. Translation theory

This chapter is an introduction to translation as it is known in the Western field of translatology, as well as translation in China. The latter will be followed by a few short surveys on the representation of translation during pre-Qin and Han periods and the four different waves of translation theory. I will conclude my chapter by elaborating on loanwords, as they were crucial to the Jesuit mission.

1.1 General

The importance of translation theory in understanding transcultural contact has in recent years become a more popular and interdisciplinary area of scholarly research. It is relevant insofar as it can constitute in building a transcultural history. I do not make use of the concept “transnational” history as it implies a certain ethnographically motivated comparison across national borders, which often were non-existent, especially during the period that is relevant for this dissertation (i.e. Late Ming Dynasty and Early Qing Dynasty). Translation studies have for a long time been divided into translation practice and theory, and the former has since long been represented across the world in works by, among others, Cicero (106-43 AC), St Jerome (347-420), Dao’an 道安 (312-385) and Kumarājīva (344-413). In this context, the dissemination of religious and cultural texts and concepts was essentially sustained by the practice of translation, as in the translations of the Bible into Latin and those of Buddhist sutras in China for example. The development of academic research on the other hand has only started leaving the spheres of language learning to further develop in the latter half of the twentieth century. Translation theory was often overlooked because of its direct usage in language learning, and it was not until the 1960s that it received a more independent platform, though often linked to the field of comparative literature. As such, the specific area of translation theory is still very young.11 Crucial in the development of (Western) translation theory are Holmes’ framework on what translation studies cover, later presented by Toury in 199512 and how the lack of its own field created limitations in the development of translation research. Starting from this

11 Munday (2016:13-15). 12 Toury (1995: 10).

framework, the context has now advanced and grown immensely, and the interdisciplinarity and specialisation of this field has become more evident.13

The general trend of Western translation theory is centred around a recurring debate concerning literal translation (word-for-word) as opposed to free translation (sense-to-sense). Other key concepts within these discussions are those of ‘fidelity,’ ‘spirit,’ and ‘truth’ or ‘accuracy.’14 Similar poles can be found in other cultures with a long history of translation traditions, such as China and the Arab world;15 though it is important to remain critical as to how similar these actually are. In order to avoid the constant opposition of literal and free translation, new ways of systematic analysis arose, among which there were the key linguistic issues of ‘(linguistic) meaning’ and ‘equivalence’ proposed by Roman Jakobson and later on, Eugene Nida’s schematisation of the translation processes in three stages.16 It was especially Nida’s scientific approach to translation that turned the conversation away from the ‘literal translation vs free translation debate’ and boosted the development of systematic linguistic models into the field of translation studies.

Most of the theorisation in the early development of translation studies revolved around Western texts, such as texts in Greek and Latin. In recent decades, though, there has been an increasing amount of research on translation in more peripheric areas and among a wider base of translators. Additionally, the Eurocentric bias within translation studies has also been widely recognised and contested.17 Over time the focus moved to culture, context and conventions. This has also been called the cultural turn or the transnational turn (cf. supra), starting from the early 1990’s.18 Besides focusing on the actual result of translation activities and its linguistic aspects, it is important to stress the process of the transfer, the overlap of agency roles and the transgression of cultural fields (or cultural borderlands, cf. supra) in a multidirectional manner, as opposed to a unidirectional one. Here, the concept of a ‘cultural mediator’ is often proposed, in which (literary)

13 Munday (2016: 16:27). 14 Munday (2016: 40-41). 15 Munday (2016: 33). 16 Munday (2016: 49-69). For more, see Jakobson (1959). 17 For more about Eurocentrism within translation, see Van Doorslaer & Flynn (2013). 18 For more about this shift from translation as text to translation as culture and politics and the cultural turn, see “Cultural and ideological turns,” in Munday (2016: 198-221).

translation is put forward as an important mode of cultural transfer, especially within peripheric areas.19

In the years and decades following the transnational turn, postcolonialism has attracted the attention of many translation study researchers. In her essay “The Politics of Translation,” Gayatri Spivak has addressed the possible elimination of the identity and culture are are less powerful, which lead to a standardisation of those groups, an act which she called “translatese.”20 Through this she shows that there is a crucial intersection between translation studies and postcolonial theory, namely that of power relations. With an increasing influence from postcolonial theory, the translator can be seen as going beyond the position of a mediator and occupying a hybrid space that consists of cultural overlapping, with differences that are interactive and refractive.21

1.2 Translation theory in China

1.2.1 Fanyi 翻譯 in China

When talking about translation theories in China, it is important to differentiate between the various waves of translation activities that have impacted China throughout history. Not only was there an influx of western material goods and ideas during some of the ‘main periods,’ but the Chinese lexicon was also strongly influenced by other languages, i.e. European languages such as English, French and Latin. When talking about western influences, these do not only refer to the current scope of ‘Western’ but can also refer to other contacts with any cultures in more western areas, such as India.22 Researchers have established that there are four major waves determining the course of Chinese translation activities and theories: (1) the translation of Buddhist texts starting in the Eastern Han Dynasty 漢朝; (2) contact with Jesuit missionaries from the West from the late Ming Dynasty 明朝; (3) the forceful opening of China following the Opium Wars and Nanjing Treaty; and (4) the late 1950s until now. These waves were not the only ongoing translation activities,

19 Roig-Sanz & Meylaerts (2018:3-5). 20 Spivak (2003: 204). 21 Wolf (2000: 142). 22 For this reason, I shall use a capital letter to denote the West as it is known today. This concerns mainly Western European, and the recent American, discourse.

there were also a lot of translation activities ongoing amongst the Chinese and other cultures, for example the Tangut during the Western Xia 西夏 (1038-1227),23 the Mongol during the Yuan Dynasty 元朝 (1271-1368), and Manchu people during the Qing Dynasty 清朝 (1644-1911) when the government was ruled by foreign powers, or contacts with Syriac Christians during the Tang Dynasty.24 Because of the increase in contact with foreign cultures from the eleventh century onwards, a lot of Chinese books were translated into languages like Mongolian, Western Xia 西夏 or Tangut, Manchurian and Japanese.25 The translation of Buddhist sutras flourished until the Tang Dynasty 唐朝 (618-907) and the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms 五代十國 period (907-960). During the following Song Dynasty 宋朝 (960-1279) and Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368) there was a strengthening of the relationships with neighbouring countries and active an cultural and economic exchange, as well as a maintenance of good relations with some countries in the Middle East and Africa. After this, during the Ming Dynasty and with the entrance of Jesuit missionaries into China, translation bloomed with a newly invigorated spirit of scientific and devotional translation.26 The first major wave did not begin until the introduction of Buddhism in the Chinese Empire in the period of the Eastern Han 東漢 (25-220 AD).

Before this period there were “sporadic translation activities,” as described by Xuanmin Luo and Hong Lei.27 These activities were mainly transferred orally and were only written down in official records mentioning the actual activity concerning translation. These were partly, and still are, called “fanyi 翻译” and were divided in different categories which depended on the location of those who were responsible for the act of translation (cf. infra). By looking into sociological, political, and environmental predispositions of ancient societies throughout the history of China, Wolfgang Behr compiled an analysis on why yi 譯 and fanyi 翻譯 were ultimately the terms that

23 For more about the name of the Tangut Empire, see Borisovna & Van Driem (1994). 24 For more on this contact, see Johnson (2017). 25 Hung & Pollard (2003: 370). 26 Xu (2005: 1012). 27 Luo & Lei (2004: 20).

arose out of the hive of contending expressions for translating/interpreting.28 By tracing the origins of the term Zhongguo 中國, he found the earliest mentions, which were found in bronze inscriptions during in the Western Zhou 西周 (1046-771 BCE), referred to “the designation for an ethnically more or less loose political conglomeration, in which Chinese – internally diversified, but not yet diverged into mutually incomprehensible ‘dialects’ – was but one of the many possible languages of everyday communication.” 29 Upon considering the gap of information reflecting bi- or multilingualism, which mainly existed in the lower brinks of society while monolingualism seems to have been characteristic of the literary elite, he concluded that linguistic diversity was “thought of as a social phenomenon, which arises through the deteriorating influences of ‘education and customs.’”30 However, looking at early references not only from a theoretical angle but also from a phonological and semasiological point of view, Behr noticed a paronomastic usage of the morphological connection between yi 譯 (to translate) and yi 易 (to change). A passage from Kong Yida’s 孔穎達 notes on the Liji 禮記 explains this: “譯即易，謂換譯言語使相解。”31 From thereupon, the semantic shift from ‘to change’ to ‘to translate’ is very unambiguous.32

28 According to Cheung (2003: 12-13), “the Chinese character yi makes no distinction between translation and interpretation; in fact, in the earliest times, when writing was not yet invented, yi was interpreting.” Yi later became the general term for the activity of fanyi because from the Han Dynasty onwards, the tribes from the north posed the most serious threats and yi, which was the name of the officers in charge of dealing with these tribes, became the norm. 29 Behr (2004: 204). 30 Cursive added by me. Behr (2004: 209-210). 31 This is a passage from the Wujing Zhengyi 五經正義 (Corrected meaning of the Five Classics), a combination of different commentarial traditions that were developed between the Han and the Tang Dynasty. Kong Yida, a well- known Confucian scholar was the main editor of this work. (Pulleyblank, 2015: 372). Behr has translated this passage as: “‘To translate’ (*blAk) is ‘to exchange (*blek-s), that is to say to alter and change the words of languages to make them mutually understandable.” (Behr, 2004: 221-222). 32 Later in his analysis, Behr also finds proof that yi 譯 and yi 易 have been used as loans and glosses for other of the earlier ‘envoy’-titles. He also continues his analysis looking at the addition of fan 翻, because this is not crucial to the research in this paper, this will be left out (Behr, 2004: 222-227). For more concerning the discussion about the ambiguity of the concept ‘translation’ and ‘translator’ and its analogy in Eastern languages (here: Chinese), see Chang (2015) and Wang (2009). Chang re-examines the concept fanyi in a discussion about its rigidness, Eurocentrism and Sinocentrism, whereas Wang goes into the ambiguity that lies within the concept. Cheung (2003) also remarks that fanyi today makes no difference between ‘translating’ and ‘interpreting,”

1.2.2 Early fanyi during pre-Qin and Han periods

Some of the earliest historical records of the function of what one would now call translation or interpretation can be found in a work originating from the Spring and Autumn period 春秋時代 (771-450 BCE), Guoyu 國語 (Discourses of the State), which mentions another name for interpreters that implies a certain verbal nature within fanyi: sheren 舌人 (tongue-men).33 This oral tradition later continued in the techniques for translating Buddhist sutras starting in the Han Dynasty. During these early periods, translation did not occupy a high social standing. This can be found in the Lunyu 论语 (Analects), that is to say, not found as it is rarely mentioned with a few exceptions which prove how it was viewed as what Confucius would have called xiaobian 小辫 (minor arts or minor pursuits).34 Later, during the Late Warring States period (mid to end of the third century BCE), a more official name could be found for interpreter/translator in the Zhouli: xiangxu 象胥. These “likeness-renderers (xiang 象) minor government officials (xu 胥)” were responsible for receiving the envoys of different tribes. 35 Zhou Yukai 周裕楷 described these earliest references to functionaries as yuguan 語官 (language officials) who would be responsible for what nowadays can be called diplomatic translation. 36 The Liji also contains direct mentions of translation, more specifically, it mentioned titles of different government functionaries who were in charge of communicating with the peoples inhabiting the regions of the Middle Kingdom (Zhongguo 中國) and neighbouring tribes. They were called the ji 寄, xiang 象, didi 狄鞮, and the yi 譯. Besides the yi meaning translating and interpreting, the other three words also imply the idea of translation.37 The purpose of these translations was mainly to “transmit the words of the king,” according to

33 Cheung (2003: 14), Behr (2004: 181-182) and Cheung (2006: 36). 34 Da Dai liji 大戴礼记 (“Elder Dai’s Book of Rites”), chapter 74 Xiaobian 小编 (“Minor Arts”). Found in Cheung (2006: 30-31). 35 Cheung (2006: 42-43). 36 Zhou 周 (2002: 72). 37 Behr (2004: 186-187), Cheung (2003: 12-13) and Cheung (2006: 44).

Martha Cheung or, according to Zhou, to solve reading comprehension problems in ancient Chinese works (but not the other way around). 38

The absence of direct or explicit discourse about fanyi can be traced back to the predominantly agricultural life which induced to a more inward-looking way of living that focused on nature and the land and seasons. Another explanation can be found in Behr’s theory that linguistic diversity in pre-Qin 秦 and Han times was thought of as a social phenomenon, which arises through deteriorating influences of education and customs, and was brought up only when dealing with not fully sinicized foreign rulers. This once again proves that linguistic matters surrounding translation were not thought of as valuable or very important.39 For this reason, it is clear that fanyi in those days did not have a stable or fixed designation, that the functions were not merely governmental titles but also encompassed interlingual activities, that the perspective was focused on the periphery, and that the translation and/or interpretation in ancient China (especially before the Qin Dynasty) was functional in nature rather than intellectual.40

As a consequence, before the period of Buddhist sutra translation, fanyi and other activities such as language learning were never dealt with in texts from the various schools that flourished during the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period 戰國時代 (450-221 BCE).41 Yet, even though there was no direct mention of fanyi, early scholars such as Confucius 孔子, Mencius 孟子, Xunzi 荀子, Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子 did occupy themselves with the questions as to how language should be used and the value of language an sich. These “sages,” especially Confucius, would later often be cited in order to gain authority to one’s arguments, and their concepts would be re-used in translation theory discourses. For example, the concepts xin 信, da 达 and ya 雅 from Yan Fu’s 严复 (1854-1921) xin-da-ya principle (cf. supra) have been used superfluously in texts by all of the aforementioned scholars.42 In light of the shift to Buddhist sutra

38 Cheung (2006: 4) and Zhou 周 (2002: 72). 39 Behr (2004: 184). 40 Cheung (2006: 36-48). 41 Cheung (2006: 31). 42 Cheung (2006: 22-48).

translations, Zhou remarks that there was a gradual shift in the nature of fanyi from a cultural conquest (wenhua zhengfu 文化征服) to a cultural exchange (wenhua jiaoliu 文化交流).43 He argued that fanyi during this time was a regulation and unification by a strong language, and that instead of having an equal dialogue between two languages it is the conquest of the other culture.44 Here we can already note the importance of the ‘cultural mediator’ concept from Roig-Sanz and Meylaerts 45 according to which translation, or here fanyi, cannot be seen separately from its historical context, the actor’s intention, and underlying ideologies. Later theories about the creation of a hybrid space (cf. infra) that is constantly being negotiated also apply here. They will be discussed further in the third chapter.

1.2.3 Four waves of translation theory

Though I will include more in-depth discussions of different aspects of translation theory in China, this topic is not the specific focus of this paper. I will treat the more recent developments that occurred from the nineteenth century onwards similarly, as they are not relevant for this thesis. Furthermore, it is important to note that aside from the authors and/or translators mentioned below, there are still many others who have made a large impact within history, such as Tangut or Mongol. This is also applicable for the languages mentioned, outside of these ‘waves’ there have been many other linguistic contacts, but it would be too exhaustive to go into all of those. The four major waves of translation are as follows: 1) the translation of Buddhist texts, 2) Jesuit missionary translation, 3) translation under the rise of Western powers, and 4) translation in the twentieth and twenty-first century.

43 Zhou 周 (2002: 73). 44 Zhou 周(2002: 72). 45 Within the concept of the cultural mediator, translation is put forward as an important, yet often overlooked mode of cultural transfer, especially within peripheric areas. Roig-Sanz and Meylaerts’ approach is distinctively interesting because of their agent and process-oriented approach of said cultural mediators, which they subject to different layers of analysis. (Roig-Sanz & Meylaerts, 2018: 3-5, 13-14).

I. The translation of Buddhist texts

In the wake of these early fanyi activities followed the first reflective writings on translation. The Buddhist sutra translation are most commonly divided into three stages:46 (1) the initial stage stretching across the Eastern Han Dynasty (25-220) and the Three Kingdoms period 三國時代 (220- 265); (2) the middle stage from the Jin Dynasty 晉朝 (265-420) to the Northern and Southern dynasties 南北朝 (420-581/589); and (3) the concluding stage comprising the Sui (581-618), Tang (618-907) and Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127). Recurring topics across all stages were concerned with the different methods, forms, and problems of translation, especially when it came to rendering Buddhist concepts into Chinese. Other common topics dealt with the translator’s role, his qualities, and translation criticism.47 Especially the matter of translating Buddhist conceptual schemes that were until then unknown in China gave rise to many discussions as to whether it was the role of the translator to look for methods to bring across these cultural and religious terms into Chinese.48 This led to a division into two ‘schools or factions,’ the first group supporting zhiyi 直譯 (“literal translation”, which emphasises the faithfulness) and the second yiyi 意譯 (“sense- translation” or literally translated “translation by meaning”).49

A large number of these early texts were not based on Indian texts but were indirect translations via sources in their respective native tongue with a focus on theological accuracy rather than on linguistic qualities.50 Unlike translation today which requires a bilingual translator working on the text, the first few hundreds of years the prevailing translation method was group translation. This was part of an oral-textual culture that became more elaborate as Buddhism gained more

46 This division has recently been contested. Initially, it was divided based upon the ethnicity of the translator, in which in the first stage there would be no Chinese translators. Phase two would be characterised by Chinese and foreign translators working side by side, and phase three would be the backbone of the Chinese sutra translation activities. This division was first made by Liang Qichao 梁启超 (1873-1929) and has long been very influential on research. Besides Hung, Ma Zuyi 马祖毅 also reiterated this nationality-based period division in his work (1984). Hung (1999: 229) and the accompanying footnote 13. 47 Cheung (2006: 5). 48 Gu 顧 & Yu 俞 (2011: 165). 49 Munday (2016: 33-35). 50 Hung & Pollard (2003: 370).

acceptance, and started taking place in ‘Translation Assemblies’ (yichang 議場) that could involve dozens, hundreds, to thousands of people.

At the time of the first translations in the initial stage, there was no actual ground upon which scholars could base themselves for research and discussion. It was, as Martha Cheung puts forward, a “terra incognita.”51 The most important figure in this early stage is the monk An Shigao 安世高 (fl. c. 148-180) from Parthia, he was one of the first fanyi to translate Buddhist sutras into Chinese. His translation Mingdu wushijiaoji jing 明度五十校計經 (Sutra on the Fifty Schemes of the Perfection of Wisdom) was the first Buddha sutra to have been translated into Chinese.52 Despite the fact that it is impossible to ascertain how many sutras An Shigao translated, the estimate ranges from 35 to 176.53 Martha Cheung noticed that a discrepancy is more consistent to the norm rather than the exception and pointed out that it was clear that translation enjoyed a much higher status at the time.54 Cheung explains this in the view of the unstable and chaotic environments people found themselves in as it was a time of war and deep divisions, and people found in Buddhism a “spiritual refuge”:

“This thirst for translated Buddhist texts can be taken as an illustration of the polysystemic view that when there is a (spiritual) crisis in the (socio-political) target system, translated (religious) literature will occupy a central position, or will move from a peripheral to a central position.”55

Another extremely influential monk-scholar in the Eastern Jin was Dao An 道安 (312-385) who compiled a catalogue of all the Chinese Tripitaka, Zongli zhongjing mulu 總理眾經目錄.56 Although he did not know any Sanskrit himself, he examined and compared all the pieces and

51 Cheung (2006: 52). 52 Wang & Fan (1999: 9) and Cheung (2006: 53). 53 For more on the corpus of An Shigao’s authentic texts, see Jan Nattier (2008: 44-72). 54 Cheung (2006: 53). 55 Cheung (2006: 76). 56 Although this work has been lost, it is included in the Chusanzang jiji 岀三藏記集 (A Collection of Records on the Emanation of the Chinese Tripitaka), compiled by the scholarly monk Seng You 僧祐 (445-518), as the second section (Fascicle Two to Fascicle Five) can be seen as an expanded version of Dao An’s Catalogue. (Cheung, 2006: 70).

provided the names of the translators, something that copyists before often neglected to include.57 Dao An gained a lot of fame for his knowledge of the sutras and his scholarship, a lot of which one can find in his prefaces which he added to the translated texts. In “Mohe boluore boluomi jing chao xu 摩訶缽羅若波羅蜜經抄序” (Preface to A Collation of [the Translation of] Extracts from the Mahāprajñāpāramitā Sūtra58, 5 fascicles), Dao An lists five elements, which he calls wu shiben 五失本 (five instances of losing the source) and three factors a translator should be careful with, san buyi 三不易 (three difficulties). This passage is one of the most important references of Chinese discourse on translation.59 They are seen as the basis for the beginning of the pursuit of a “proper translation theory” and perhaps also the basis for the zhiyi movement in Chinese translation activity.60 Separately from the discussions surrounding zhiyi and yiyi translation, there were divided views between wen 文 (refined) translations, which were more fluent, and zhi 質 (unhewn) 61 translations.62 As opposed to Dao An’s literal ‘unhewn’ translation, the Kuchean monk translator Kumārajīva 鸠摩罗什 (344-413) is seen as one of the pioneers of the ‘free translation,’ this is also referred to as ‘sophisticated translation,”63 In the light of wen translations, another recurrent matter in translations and discourse surrounding sutra translation was the rectification of errors.64 This would sometimes lead to overly polished texts in which the original message might have been affected.65 Another point that was being paid careful attention to was the proper pronunciations of

57 Cheung (2006: 70) and Wang & Fan (1999: 11). 58 Perfection of Great Wisdom Sutra. 59 For the fragment and more commentary, see Cheung (2006: 79-83). For the definition and further explanation on the five losses and three difficulties, see Munday (2016: 34-35). 60 Luo & Lei (2004: 20-21). In the preface of a later Fascicle, Dao An goes deeper into Hui Chang’s 慧常 (fl. 314-385) comment concerning the removal of ‘redundant’ parts. According to Cheung, “Hui Chang was probably the first monk in the history of Chinese discourse on translation to advocate what in modern theoretical language is called translating in accordance with the text type” (Cheung, 2006: 77-78). 61 Zhi translations cannot be confused with zhiyi or literal translations. Whereas the two are very similar, in zhi translation there would be textual omission that the translator did not understand. This is opposed to replacing it with existing words or filling in the gap with an interpretation of the translators themselves. (Cheung, 2006: 61-62). 62 Cheung (2006: 90). 63 For more on this terminology and the comparison with direct translation and sense translation, see Chu (2000: 43-53). 64 Cheung (2006: 91). 65 Munday (2006: 33).

transliterations and how they were to be rendered in translation. One way of transliterating would be through the employment of concepts from Chinese literary discourses, so as to make them more acceptable to a Chinese audience. This method is called ‘semantic borrowing’ and early monks would follow this by using, amongst others, Taoist terminology to translate Buddhists concepts.66 This was strongly criticised by later translators, such as Dao An and Kumarajiva who tried to create new proper names for Buddhist concepts so that their translations would be more faithful to the source text.

The later and concluding stage was a flourishing period for Buddhist translation and literature, especially during the Tang Dynasty. It was characterised by the separation of theological explication and translation.67 Cheung described that the difference between this period and earlier ones was the authority and confidence, gained through experience, that would resonate in their text.68 Two important monks from this period in the field of sutra translation are Xuan Zang 玄奘 (fl. c. 602-664) and Zan Ning 赞宁 (919-1001). Xuan Zang was very capable in both Chinese and Sanskrit and dominated most of the translation scene of this period, which was called ‘New Translation.’ 69 He supported the zhi translation and set down rules governing the use of transliteration named the wubufan 五不翻 (Five guidelines for not-translating a term),70 in which he suggested that some terms should not be translated at all, or, as it was later called, yinyi 音譯 (sound translation, meaning transliteration), as opposed to yiyi 意譯 (sense translation, or meaning semantic or free translation).71

Zan Ning is exceptional because of his work in the theoretical field of translation studies. His work Yijing pian 译经篇 (On The Translation of Sutras) contained a summary of the history of development of translation in China and a brief critical assessment of the major monk-translators

66 For more on the tradition of loanwords, see 1.2.4 Loanwords. 67 Hung & Pollard (2003: 371). 68 Cheung (2006: 148). 69 Cheng (2003: 57). 70 Tang Yijie has translated a passage from the Song Dynasty scholar Zhou Dunyi, giving an overview of the five situations (1991: 436f10). 71 Cheung (2006: 157-158).

throughout the years.72 Although he never did any translation and based himself foremost on his study of sutra translations, his work is another key piece in the history of Chinese discourse on translation. In his work Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高憎傳 (Song Version of the Biographies of Eminent Monks), Zan Ning referred to Dao An and Xuan Zang’s theories, alongside a few others, and following this, he established liu li 六例 (Six groups of notes on translating) that should be followed in translation based on his study of sutra translation.73 Cheung pointed out that because he was not directly involved with the translation and wrote his texts from a more theoretical and abstract level, his liu li can be applied to other modes of thinking outside of the framework of (Buddhist) terminology. She also remarked that, as a result of the long tradition of Buddhist sutra translation in China, an intercultural space has manifested:

“The contact between cultures made it possible for the individual mind to open a space for something foreign – the notion of permutation which is the foundation of the four-point differentiation – to meet the home-grown notion of change which for many Chinese is a basic, deeply rooted outlook towards life. This intercultural space is manifested here as a mode of discourse that is refreshingly different from those we have so far encountered.”74

This paragraph can be interpreted in a way that “a space for something foreign” stands not only for an openness of mind, but also the ‘hybridity’ that comes into being when engaging in translation. In this context, Tansen Sen’s theory of the ‘borderland complex’ and Bhabha’s ‘Third Space theory’75 arise as they show the complexities of translation. Translators do not solely bridge a gap between cultures but mediate these and the knowledges surrounding them.

72 Cheung (2003: 148). 73 Zhou 周 (2002: 78). For the whole fragment from Song gaoseng zhuan, see Cheung (2006, 176-188). 74 Cheung (2006: 188). 75 See chapter three.

II. Translating science and religion: contact with the Jesuit missionaries

The second major translation wave, which will be looked at in more detail in later parts of this thesis, began in the Late Ming and Qing Dynasty following the arrival of Western missionaries in China, amongst them Matteo Ricci. The West in this case does not refer to India but to Early Modern Europe. The rise of mercantilism starting from the 15th and 16th centuries, and, in suit capitalism, lay at the basis of a growth of material conditions. As a result, science was gaining importance in the West, and as such, the translation of scientific works left a mark on the history of China as well as introduced a climax of science translation.76 A few examples of this are translations of works on mathematics, geography, and astronomy.77 Alongside (partial) translations, there were also other methods of reproducing European texts into Chinese that did not follow the method of exact translation, instead paraphrasing, summarising, making a synopsis, or the compiling translated or paraphrased work into one single Chinese work. A famous example of the latter is Matteo Ricci’s Er shi wu yan 二十五言 (Book of 25 Paragraphs) from 1604 which contains translated passages from Epicteus. 78 The relative popularity the Jesuits enjoyed was mostly due to their diverse European knowledge, as the Jesuits were well-educated in many different fields (see 2.1). And in that case, it was usually because members of the Confucian elite would accept them as literati from the West (xiru 西儒).79 Not including scientific works, Ricci laid out a first field of humanistic writings which, as described by Nicolas Standaert, “proclaimed wisdom from the West of the basis of sayings by ‘ancient saints and sages.’” Ricci’s Jiaoyou lun 交友論 (Treatise on Friendship, 1595) gained him a lot of fame and broadened his network. This work was explicitly written for a non- Christian readership and, just like the Jiren shipian, contained both translated passages and paraphrased passages from classical European sources.”80

The translation activity was not unilinear as alongside the many translation works introducing Western works in China, the missionaries also put a lot of effort into translating the

76 Xu (2005: 1012). Important to mention is that religious texts have been categorised as scientific texts by Xu. 77 Wang & Fan (1999: 8). 78 Spalatin (1975: 52). 79 Yu (2011: 383) and Standaert (2001: 604). 80 Yu (2014: 44) and Standaert (2001: 604-605).

Confucian classics and other works. A key work from later in this period is the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, sive Scientia Sinensis Latine exposita (Confucius, the Philosopher from China: The Chinese Learning presented in Latin) (1678) 81 completed by the Jesuit missionary Philippe Couplet (1623-1693).82 As a Latin translation of the Confucian classics it was originally intended to be a manual for missionaries in order to learn the language with the help of the Confucian classics. But as time passed, it became a tool to entice missionaries into reading the classics in a Jesuit fashion, as well for propagating political powers and Church authorities beyond the China missionaries.83 According to Lionel Jensen, the work of the missionaries created a division between Confucius as a cultural hero and Confucianism as a religion.84 This was all part of the ‘cultural accommodation’ set in motion by Alessandro Valignano (1539-1606) and also included the compilation of dictionaries and grammars.85 This tendency once again shows how the cultural mediator is a very useful method for analysing translations beyond the linguistic dimension and how all of these eventually intersect.

The way the translation process unravelled itself is very reminiscent of the Translation Assemblies that occurred during Buddhist translation. As there were no dictionaries yet, the missionaries had to engage in constant interaction with Chinese converts who would write down what the Jesuits had translated orally and accommodate new concepts that were either created or adapted. However, there are slight differences. Whereas the earliest Buddhist texts were translated from a variety of peripheric languages, known as Prakrit,86 the Jesuit texts were translated from Latin, despite their often multilingual background. The number of collaborators during the translation of Buddhist sutras could sometimes go up to hundreds or thousands of people, but during

81 Translated by Meynard (2011: 81). From here on the work will be addressed with its shorter name: Confucius Sinarum Philosophus. 82 Meynard (2015: 16-19). 83 Meynard (2011: 6). 84 Jensen (1997: 7). 85 Fung (2008: 18). 86 The most well-known among these languages is Gāndhāri, however, this is not the only example. Nattier (2008: 21- 23).

the Jesuit mission the volume remained rather small. Lastly, the period of translation was also much shorter in comparison to the long period of Buddhist (re-)translation.87

Most of the research concerning this period is focused on the missionaries and it has only shifted in the recent to an inclusion of the Chinese counterparts. Though the Jesuits applied a top- down structure, and this had made the mission appear very elite, statistical research has proven that the number of officials and degree-holders were often a minority.88 Some Chinese Christians are more widely known because of their social status or the writings they had left behind. In the early period, Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (1562-1633; baptised as Paul in 1603), Li Zhizao 李之藻 (1565-1630; baptised as Leo in 1610), and Yang Tingyun 楊挺筠 (1571-1644; baptised as Michel in 1611), who were also called the “Three Great Pillars of Chinese Catholicism” (shengjiao san zhushi 圣教三柱石), had close contact with the Jesuits and often co-authored with them or acted as authors themselves producing a large number of works in the field of Tianxue 天學 (Heavenly Studies). They had a similar interest in the study of the Classics (jingxue 經學) and the return to traditions from the Han. Along with Wang Zheng 王徵 (1571-1644; baptised as Philippe ca. 1616), they formed a group of principal converts for the earliest period of the mission.89 All of them played an active part in scientific and technical translations and introducing Western science in China. A major work from this period is the translation of Euclid’s Elements by Xu Guangqi and Matteo Ricci.90 Yet, due to major opposition from the old guard of their time, their work did not have a widespread influence. This would only happen two centuries later when China came into contact with Western powers.91

III. The rise of Western powers

87 Cheung (2017: xxi). 88 For more on statistic research concerning the Chinese Christians and their stratification, see Standaert (2001: 380- 393). 89 Standaert (2001: 404-411). 90 The translation of all 13 volumes of the Elements was not finished until 200 years later when the famous mathematician, Li Shanlan 李善蘭, translated the seven remaining volumes of this work. 91 Wang & Fan (1999: 16-17) and Luo & Lei (2004: 21).

The third wave of translation was instigated by the forceful opening of China, mainly through the Opium Wars (1839-42, 1856-60) and the accompanying Nanjing Treaty (1842). Other scholars have pointed out that 1911, the end of imperial China, can also be seen as a viable starting point.92 Whereas the Chinese had considered the missionary as scholarly, up to this time they looked upon foreigners and considered them barbarians (yi 夷) “driven by material profit.”93 People who were not Chinese were not allowed to speak the official Putonghua 普通話 (or Mandarin Chinese) and transmission of all communication happened in a kind of pidgin.94 This period also marked the entrance of Protestant missionaries in China to spread Christianity. In the beginning of the nineteenth century, Robert Morrison (1782-1834) was the first British Protestant missionary to enter the country. He was the first to produce a number of useful aids for leaning Chinese, which Masini explained based on the fact that he studied Chinese for missionary activities, rather than commercial reasons.95 Upon his arrival, he started translating the New Testament (1808-1813) and the Old Testament (1814-1819), the latter in collaboration with William Milne.96 Both books were published in 1823 in Malacca in the Malay Peninsula. The publication of the Holy Bible was extremely important for the cultural exchange between China and the West during the nineteenth century.97 Another development during this wave of constant direct cultural contact was the disappearance of Latin translations as they fell into disuse and were replaced by translations into modern European languages, such as English and French. 98 The growth of trading and import of goods and merchandises introduced new products and merchandises that did not have any existing Chinese translation, giving way to a another surge of loanwords.99

92 This can be found in the works of Cheung’s Anthology of Chinese Discourse on Translation, vol. 1 and 2, Ma Zuyi (馬祖毅) (1998), Li Nanqiu (黎難秋) (1996), Luo Xinzhang (羅新璋) (1984), and Chen Fukang (陳福康) (1992), among others. 93 Masini (1993: 9). 94 Masini (1993: 11). 95 Masini (1993: 11). 96 Townsend (1890: p. 99-102). 97 Wang & Fan (1999: 17) and Tsien (1954: 310-311). 98 Meynard (2015: 33). 99 For more, see Casalin (2008).

At the beginning of the twentieth century, literary translations began to flourish as intellectuals believed it could give them access to new ideas and Western cultures. Among other notable translators, Yan Fu 嚴復(1854-1921) was one of the major philosophers and translators who sought to make European works accessible to the people. He is famous for his tripartite translation principles; namely, “faithfulness” xin 信, “expressiveness” da 達, and “elegance” ya 雅 (also called the xin-da-ya principles), which he published first in his introduction of the Thomas Huxley’s essay “Evolution and Ethics.” These concepts became central to early twentieth-century Chinese translation practice and theory.100

IV. The twentieth and twenty-first centuries

The fourth and last stage started in the late 1950s but was interrupted by the Cultural Revolution. Therefore it can be divided into two stages: The first stage of translation activities was rather politically oriented, marked mainly by the introduction of works from the Soviet Union by Chinese translators as well as translated works of Mao Zedong 毛泽东 in Western languages. The second stage began in the 1970s and is still ongoing. It is characterised by an unprecedented increase in translation theory and practice.101

Throughout all the stages of translation activity, the original Buddhist thinking on translation remained focal in China. As such, the translation techniques used to render Buddhist scriptures and theories resulting from the first stage are still of immense importance to current research. Similar to many other paradigms, the discussion between zhiyi translation (word-for-word) and yiyi translation (sense) remained present.102 The introduction and constant exposure to non-Chinese approaches in the last stage opened up the theoretical thinking of many Chinese scholars, through both Chinese translations and foreign originals. They drew attention to the limited nature of the paradigms to which they were accustomed, these were mainly Yan Fu’s tripartite xin-da-ya principle and the century-old discussion on translation methods such as zhiyi versus yiyi.103 One of the most important

100 Yan 嚴 (1898). 101 Luo & Lei (2004: 22). 102 For more on the development of loanwords, see 1.2.4 Loanwords. 103 Tan (2009).

linguists in more recent translation theories from the West is Eugene Nida (1914-2011). He gave up the concepts of ‘literal,’ ‘free,’ ‘faithful’ etc., and instead advocated two ‘types of equivalence’: formal equivalence and dynamic equivalence.104 In response to the introduction to these foreign theories, many oppositional voices stated that this led to a loss of ‘Chineseness’ – or having Chinese characteristics (Zhongguo tese 中国特色).105

1.2.4 Loanwords

As mentioned earlier, a cornerstone of the Buddhist translation activities concerned rendering Buddhist concepts into Chinese which led to the creation of many loanwords. These were often transliterations, concepts loaned from the vernacular, or neologisms. There were three different borrowing strategies which are still used today. The first method was a strategy of phonetic borrowing through transliteration, which a close link on the level of both meaning and phonetics.106 The second borrowing method was semantic borrowing.107 Classical Chinese concepts and terms with a similar meaning would be reused, and through semantic modification they would be extended towards a Buddhist meaning. Its advantage lay in the already existing knowledge surrounding the term, so on a cultural and philosophical basis this choice made the most sense. Despite this, it cannot be confirmed if these variations were fully understood, as the original connotation of the term remained existent.108 The third method was a ‘hybrid’ method and consisted of a combination of transliteration and semantic translation.109

The Jesuits encountered issues similar to the Buddhist translators. First and foremost, finding Chinese equivalents for Western terms concerning religion, science, and philosophy was incredibly difficult. A first option was the phonetic rendering of terms into Chinese, for example bugeduolüe

104 Munday (2016: 67-69). 105 Many scholars have already attempted to explain the concept of Chineseness. Tan Zaixi has provided a clear overview of many of the different standpoints on this topic. He concludes that there is a Chinese tradition of translation theory but that this should not remain artificially managed by geopolitical borders, and that interaction with foreign theories can – and has already – enrich Chinese scholarship (Tan, 2009: 300). 106 Deeg (2010: 94) and Guang (2013: 316) 107 Gu 顧 & Yu 俞 (2013: 2-4). 108 Saussy (2018: 379). 109 Miao (2005: 34).

布革多略 for ‘purgatory,’ linmo �膜 for ‘limbo,’ or yanfunuo 咽咈諾 for ‘inferno,”110 According to Kurtz, this kind of ‘translation’ was considered uncultivated and barbaric by the Chinese population.111 An alternative option was to redefine Chinese terms, which goes back to the early Buddhist approach of semantic borrowing. However, this method led to discussion concerning the semantic overlap between the terms. The clearest example of this is the Rites Controversy, in which the terminology surrounding the translation of ‘God’ became heavily disputed (cf. supra).

110 All of these terms can be found in Michele Ruggieri’s Tianzhu shilu. 111 Kurtz (2008: 40).

2. From “Entrata nella Cina” towards the creation of a ‘Chinese Christianity’

Before delving into the complexities of Jesuit translations, I will briefly describe the Society of Jesus and how they made their way towards this policy of accommodation. This is followed by an introduction to Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci, two Jesuits who were crucial for the mission in China, who attempted to create a Jesuit identity that would be accepted by the Chinese.

2.1 The Societas Iesu

Jesuits, also known as the Company of Jesus or Society of Jesus, were founded in 1540 by Ignatius Loyola (1491-1556) and until their further expulsion from Brazil and Spanish dominions in the second half of the eighteenth century, they were the most dominant group of missionary- intellectuals to follow in the footsteps of European explorers in search of “new worlds and new souls,” as put by Geoffrey Gunn.112 They came into being with the papal bull of Pope Paul III, the Regimini militantis ecclesiae, which approved a plan drawn up by ten priests to travel to Palestine in order to attempt evangelising the Muslims. The unofficial leader was Ignatius of Loyola (1491- 1556), but more crucial for this research is Francis Xavier (1507-1552), who started the Jesuit Far Eastern mission in 1549. Already in a little over two years, he established a flourishing community in Japan where he also became aware of the importance of China.113

The Catholic Church up to the sixteenth and seventeenth century has been characterised by a tradition of communal religious life, seen through their monastic life of work, prayer and contemplation. Although this had already radically changed in the thirteenth century with the rise of hierarchical organisations (for example, the Franciscans and Dominicans) and mendicant orders, taking the life of the apostles as ideal.114 The Jesuits are distinct on different levels. Already in the beginning period, they came to be known as the Jesuits. Ignatius in particular insisted on including the Latin Jesuita in the official name, which seemed arrogant as if it were to exclude all other Christians from being part of a world with Jesus.115 Another aspect that demarcates the Jesuits from

112 Gunn (2003:86). 113 O’Malley (2004: 223-224). 114 Standaert (2001: 287-288). 115 O’Malley (2004: 223). Actually, this was because he did not want the Order to be called after the name of its founder, which was the case for the Benedictions, Franciscans, and the Dominicans.

many other new religious orders was the fast rate at which they grew, both locally and on a global level. By the time Loyola died, there was a clear structural division of administrative units and the Jesuits already started recognising themselves as missionaries and traveling preachers primarily, and combined this with schoolmasters locally.”116 The breve Ex pastorali officio in 1585 gave the Jesuits the exclusive right to start their missionary activities in Japan and China. The Society’s “reputation for learning,” as O’Malley put it, came from the success of their first schools. This was rooted in three main aspects: 1) no tuition fee, the Jesuits were open to anyone who would follow the rules and pass the courses; 2) the “Parisian style,” which they had taken from their own education; and 3) the development of a faculty, which entailed the embedment of more teachers than one or two per school. The curriculum of the Jesuits differed greatly from other religious orders. It was a combination of theology, scholastic philosophy and humanism. One of the biggest pillars of the Society was the adoption of Thomas Aquinas, a renowned humanist, as their master of theology.117 Another distinct characteristic of the order was the freedom and flexibility they enjoyed. The Jesuits did not live in monasteries and were also not obliged to wear any kind of religious clothing. Because of this, the Jesuits could freely adapt their appearance and lifestyle to the circumstances. This flexibility allowed them to set in motion the practice of cultural accommodation, which was crucial to get any kind of foothold in China.

The first aim of the order was to travel to Jerusalem to work for the conversion of the Muslims. After this failed, they decided to remain together and form a new order, continuing their mission of evangelisation.118 The missionary activity from the fifteenth to seventeenth century of the Society of Jesus, among others, has to be placed in the discovery narrative of early modern Europe. When looking at the exploration of Asia, moving along with the expanding social, economic and political frontiers of Portugal, the missionaries were a counterpart of the merchants. They were, as Županov explained, “spiritual entrepreneurs who endeavored to open new markets and, as a general rule, the farther from the center the more open they were to structures, modes, and forms of

116 O’Malley (2004: 227). 117 O’Malley (2004: 224-228). 118 O’Malley (2004:223).

belief and sociability of the peoples with whom they came in contact.”119 The Mission of the Indies remained a focal point for the missionaries because it also functioned as a gate to further explorations in Asia, in which they travelled to South-East Asia (including Macao), Japan, and later on, China.

2.2 The Jesuits’ embarkment in China

2.2.1 Setting foot in the Late Ming Dynasty

During the Ming Dynasty there was steadily evolution of institutional complexes.120 The Ming government controlled the large area in a very centralised manner, dividing their territory in metropolitan areas provinces. Already in the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, the tribute system (koutou 叩頭) was essential to China’s position in a more sinocentric world. The hierarchy within this world showed the Chinese people in the centre who were in contact with periphery people, divided into different gradations of barbarians according to their relationship with Chinese culture and tradition. Starting from the sixteenth century, European states were also allowed to engage in trade.121 According to Giovanni, this was set within the framework of a Neo-Confucianist system through which anyone who would engage with China would have to do so as its vassal.122

Despite the importance of Confucianist traditions in this period, it had turned into a ‘Buddho- Confucian syncretism’ alongside the existence of other indigenous religious and ideological beliefs such as Daoism. Confucian self-cultivation had grown into a type of meditation with religious connotations.123 The missionaries tried to gain acceptance through emphasising the compatibility (bu ru 補儒) with Confucian norms and values, or even by claiming they could return to its original purity.124 During the Late Ming period, Chinese society was perceived as being in a state of crisis

119 Županov (2004: 357). 120 Hucker (1958: 2). 121 Zurndorfer (2004: 17-20). 122 Andornino (2006: 34). 123 Zürcher (1997: 618). 124 Standaert (2001: 632-633).

and moral decadence. The literati attempted to counter this with the spread of shanshu 善書 (morality books), which were very similar to the texts the Jesuits spread.125

Despite a general opinion constantly pointing out the moral decay and chaos, Zürcher noticed that the general picture did not actually portray chaos, but great stability:

“The late Ming had been a key period in Chinese history: large cities with a flourishing urban civilization; rich entrepreneurs with an ostentatious lifestyle; education institutions that draw more students than ever before; new developments in philosophy and literature, and the production and distribution of printed books on an unprecedented scale. This was the Chinese world to which the Jesuit missionaries were exposed.”126

In a situation like this, where chaos and stability juxtaposed each other, the missionaries could use their own flexibility and education, and combine this with the rise of book printing to spread their own faith.

2.2.2 Becoming ‘Chinamen’

Two of the most famous Jesuits are Michele Ruggieri (1543-1607) and Matteo Ricci (1552- 1610), other noteworthy Jesuits later in the seventeenth century are Niccolò Longobardo (1559- 1654), Philippe Couplet (1623-1693) and Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688).127 As Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci were not the first Jesuits to try and evangelise a non-Christian country that was at the same time also not Western, an important predecessor of them was Alessandro Valignano (1539- 1606). The latter laid the foundations of a strategy that would determine missionary policy during the whole of the seventeenth and early eighteenth century. 128 This entailed: 1) a policy of

125 Standaert (2001: 655). 126 Zürcher (2004: 147). 127 Although the Jesuits in China worked with the Portuguese Padroado (Portugese Assistance), they were from different nations. Especially the Italians played an important role. Except for Couplet and Verbiest, two Flemish Jesuits, Ruggieri, Ricci and Longobardo were all Italian. (Standaert, 2001: 309). 128 Cooper (2004: 398). Standaert described the Society’s narrative in China in four different factors which influenced the place where they stayed: 1) centre over periphery; 2) city over countryside; 3) personal relations (guanxi 關係); and 4) residences that were established due to expulsion. (2001: 538).

accommodation, 2) propagation and evangelisation “from the top down,” 3) indirect propagation by using European science and technology in order to receive attention, 4) convincing the educated Chinese of the European superiority, and 5) openness to and tolerance of Chinese values.129 Another important characteristic of the Jesuits was their adoption of the humanists’ scholastic approach and presenting Christianity, as explained by Meynard, “through rational arguments and historical events narrated in the Bible and the Gospels.”130 This was a clear mark of a Renaissance Europe where intellectual knowledge was increasingly put on a pedestal, while traditional medieval theology also prevailed.131 Natural philosophy, these days approached as ‘physical sciences,’ became a crucial part of Jesuit theological information. This was in line with Thomas Aquinas’ (1225-1274) methods of synthesizing Aristotelian philosophy and Christianity. 132 Standaert points out that this also entailed a “strong emphasis on dialectical reasoning as a method of learning.”133

Contrary to popular belief, the Jesuits had already undertaken many attempts to spread Christianity to China, also referred to as the ‘middle kingdom,’ before Michele Ruggieri (1543- 1607) and Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) set foot in China. All of those had failed until Valignano arrived in Macao on September 6, 1578, and his decision to design his ‘strategy of accommodation,” One of the first catechisms including information about Eastern religions, i.e. Japanese religions, and some of its terminology was the Catechismus Japonensis, also known as the Catechismus christianae fidei (Catechism of Christian faith), written by Valignano in 1579-1582 and published in 1586.134 It was a synthesis of the interpretation of Japanese faith in combination with a distinction between natural and supernatural theology, which were divided into specific sections. 135 First presenting the philosophical argument and following that, the dogma of Christian faith and the history of revelation. 136 Before he left for Japan in 1579, he left detailed instructions for the

129 Standaert (2001: 310-11). 130 Meynard (2013: 304). 131 O’Malley (2004: 229) and Standaert (2001: 592). 132 O’Malley (2004: 229) and Standaert (2020). 133 Standaert (2020). 134 For more on the catechisms, see chapter 3. 135 App (2012: 19-20). See 4.1 for more on this distinction. 136 Meynard (2013: 305).

missionary who was sent to Macao to study China, Michele Ruggieri.137 One of the instructions from Valignano was also “to introduce themselves in China as men of letters (homes letrados)… [and to dress themselves] in the Chinese fashion, in capes with long sleeves and four-cornered hats, in the same way as some of their literati.”138

Despite this advice, Ruggieri decided to follow a different recommendation from a local Chinese official, and shaved off his hair and put on the robes of a Buddhist monk.139 In 1583, Ruggieri sent a letter to Valignano recounting the events of an important meeting in Zhaoqing, saying: “We have become Chinese so that we may gain the Chinese for Christ.” Matteo Ricci also stressed this in a later letter to Giulio Fuligatti in 1584: “I have become a Chinaman. In our clothing, in our books, in our manners, and in everything external we have made ourselves China.”140 This shows how serious the two missionaries took their task of accommodation. The Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄, composed by Michele Ruggieri, is one of the earliest Jesuit catechical works in China. There are two characters in the book: an unnamed scholar named huo 或 (someone) and a seng 僧 (Buddhist monk), which refers to Ruggieri himself. Whenever it was possible to relate the teaching of Christian faith to Chinese philosophical and religious thoughts, Ruggieri would do so following Valignano’s strategy of accommodation. If he encountered difficulties finding equivalences in the two conceptual systems, he would approach them more indirectly or vaguely or hold back certain information. Ricci would later adopt the same attitude in the Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 (The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven).141 An example of this is the absence of the Trinity. Although this methodology made for an incomplete work in certain respects, Meynard claimed that it still “provides an excellent account of the heart of the Christian faith: the incarnation and redemption.”142 Jensen goes further into this, he found that the Tianzhu shilu was “of greater value to the Jesuits in

137 Yu (2011: 364-65). 138 This was found in one of the letters from Valignano to the Bishop of Evora and has been quoted in Yu (2011: 372). 139 Yu (2011: 372). 140 Jensen (2003: 42-43). 141 Yu (2011: 377). 142 Meynard (2016: 6).

coping with cultural estrangement [more] than it was to prospective catechumens.”143 The latter referred to how Ruggieri’s work also functioned as a kind of template from which Ricci produced his Tianzhu shiyi, though its function as template was less important than one would assume.

Because of their representation as Buddhist monks, there was no distinction made between the Jesuits and Buddhists144 and they were often seen as merely another sect of Buddhism.145 This realisation, as well as the discovery that Buddhists were often looked down upon because of their low status in Chinese society,146 eventually led to Ricci distancing himself from Buddhism and searching for a Chinese form monotheism in Confucianism that could be linked to the Jesuit’s Catholicism. He wanted to transform their identity as priests into one that would fit among the elite.147 On December 10, 1593, Ricci wrote to his superior in Rome, General Claudio Acquaviva, that the friend who had advised him to translate the Four Books (sishu 四書) into Latin was now helping him compiling a new book on first principles. It is very likely that this was an allusion to his Tianzhu shiyi (The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven; 1603). It would be wrong to say that the Tianzhu shiyi is a rewritten version of the Tianzhu shilu, yet it is also undeniably related to Ruggieri’s work. Additionally, according to Meynard another – often overlooked – fundamental influence is Valignano’s Catechismus Japonensis.148 In other words, whereas Ruggieri attempted to look for a connection between Buddhism and the Society of Jesus and deemed Buddhism to be one of the epitomes of Chinese culture, Ricci now tried to identify what he called “la legge de’ literati” (the order of the literati) or rujia 儒家 as the principal religious order in China.149

Ru was used when one wanted to refer to those who were sophisticated, knowledgeable and skilled in many aspects, such as rituals, poetry, history etc.150 It was among these teachings that

143 Jensen (2003: 39). 144 Jensen (1997: 45). 145 Chan (2003: 40). 146 Yu (2014: 53). 147 Jensen (2003: 49). 148 Meynard (2013). 149 Yao (2000: 17). 150 Yao (2000: 21).

Confucius was perceived as an outstanding ru of his time. The institutional characteristics and scholarly organisation of the tradition of the ru – or Confucianism as the Jesuits called it – helped with establishing this relation. Throughout the Tianzhu Shiyi, Ricci did not simply speak of ru but of xianru 先儒 (the ‘ancient Confucianism’ or ‘original Confucianism’)151 and opposed this with shiru 時儒 (contemporary Confucianism). Like this, he immediately separated the orthodox (zheng 正, ‘correct’) from the heterodox (xie 邪, ‘heretic’),152 enabling him to exclude Buddhism and Daoism, which he considered corruptive.153

In Ricci’s report on the “entrance of Christianity in China” (Della entrata Compagnia di Gesù e christianità), he mentioned at least 85 Chinese literati and officials by name, thus confirming their importance in the acceptance of the Jesuits. Furthermore, already in the Tianzhu Shilu, Ruggieri mentioned an analogy between the relationship of humans to God and the Confucian relationship of the subjects to the sovereign. Ricci broke open this analogy by emphasizing the similarities between the European personal God (Deus in Latin), the ancient Chinese Tian 天 (heaven), and Shangdi 上帝 (Sovereign on High), claiming that these indicated the same kind of monotheism, the existence of one true God, as there was within their own religion.154 In order to validate his propagation of Catholicism, Ricci starts from the idea that Europe and China are the only civilised cultures amidst barbarity, calling the Jesuits the xiru (“the literati from the West”) in the sense that the only thing Chinese culture lacked was the acknowledgement of Chistianity.155 Zürcher called this “the theme of cultural equivalence”156 and Golden called it “the theory of completion.”157

151 Sometimes also called ‘natural religion.’ 152 In 1724, Christianity was given the status of xie. (Standaert, 2001: 639). 153 Jensen (1997: 100-101), Meynard (2011: 50-51), and Zürcher (2004: 159). This was also the reason Ricci did not want to follow the Neo-Confucianist tradition. He thought it had been corrupted by Daoism and Buddhism with too much emphasis on the metaphysical. (Marinescu, 2008: 57). 154 Yu (2014: 47). 155 Zürcher (1997: 649). 156 Zürcher (2004: 150). 157 Golden (2009: 378).

3. Translation as culture itself

This chapter, though it is more theoretical, is an overview of theories on the way translation is approached and how it can create new ‘hybrid’ spaces. The complexity of translated concepts when engaging in loaning words and the way it can construct the representation of a culture will then be applied to the specific context of the Jesuits in late Ming Dynasty.

3.1 The locus of translation

As mentioned earlier in this thesis, recent post-colonial research has created many new research perspectives and methods to deal with the hybridity of cultures. It has also revealed how these go beyond a dichotomous structure of, for example, the ‘self’ and the ‘other,” Upon applying Donna Haraway’s concept of ‘situated knowledges,’ it is possible to address the tension of the fluidity of borders and the subjectivities of identity while also acknowledging the materiality of both.158 The missionaries’ translations suggest a similar tension. The division of source and target text become less clear as the process was more complex and involved more individuals, each of whom had their own perception and agenda. Additionally, their identities were constantly under negotiation as they had to remain loyal to the Society yet also find a way to become more powerful in China and convert the elite. This occurred on many levels: religious, political, geographical, linguistic, and so on. In this framework, translation cannot be seen as solely the result of an evangelising mission but also as part of a process that goes beyond the borders of what is Jesuit and what is Chinese, instead it contributes to the creation of a new narrative.

This concept of ‘hybridity’ is based on Homi Bhabha’s view on (cultural) representations in which it is impossible to look at cultural dimensions as homogenous or self-contained.159 Only then can one situate meaning, which is “produced beyond cultural borders and is principally located in the Third Space, a sort of ‘in-between space’ located between existing referential systems and antagonisms.”160 Within this framework, translation becomes more than bridging the gap between cultures, it turns into a ‘strategy of intervention’ that generates newness and where cultures are

158 Haraway (1988). 159 Bhabha (1994: 36). 160 Ibidem.

intertwined.161 In a collection of trends in cultural anthropology concerning the term hybridisation, Michaela Wolf argued for a postcolonial translation that engages in interventionist strategies and in doing this, she referred to Anuradha Dingwaney, saying that:

“Anuradha Dingwaney goes even further when she locates in the between a space ‘from within which the (colonized) native deliberately (mis)translates the colonial script, alienating and undermining its authority,’ proceeding from an ‘awareness of the 'other's' agency and own forms of subjectivity, which 'returns' the 'other' to a history from which she or he was violently wrenched,””162

Michaela Wolf argued that by taking the Third Space as a starting point for ‘interventionist translation strategies,’ it becomes clear that these transgress traditional dichotomous concepts of ‘original’ and ‘translation,’ or ‘foreignizing’ and ‘domesticating.’ Because of the existence of the in-between place where there is an overlapping of cultures and hybridisation, this can be considered as ‘the locus of translation.’ Wolf goes so far to imply that “culture is already itself translation.”163

Another approach, derived from studies in early contact between China and Buddhism, is that of the “borderland complex.” This term was coined by Antonino Forte164 and it refers to “the notion amongst Chinese Buddhists that China, according to the Buddhist texts, was not the centre (“Middle Kingdom,” Zhongguo 中國 or Zhonghua 中華) of the world, but rather located on the periphery. This fact made China, in her own terms, a barbarian country, a borderland or biandi 遍地 […].”165 The centre, according to these texts, was found in South Asia. According to Tansen Sen, there were two specific factors that contributed to China’s response to this ‘inferior position.’ First of all, the development of Chinese Buddhist schools during the Tang Dynasty made Buddhism more susceptible to Chinese people and diminished “the need for spiritual input from India.”166 Secondly,

161 Simon (2000: 21). 162 Wolf (2000: 141). 163 Ibidem. 164 Forte (1985). 165 Deeg (2018: 228). 166 Sen (2003: 13).

the emergence of China as major centre for the spread of Buddhist texts in East Asia along with the recognition of having become a pilgrimage site all but dispelled and gave way for a ‘sinicised Buddhism’ that would continue living on in post-Tang China.167 Sen noted that the concept of a borderland has not only been widely used and researched since Forte, it existed and circulated prior to the eight century.168

The term ‘borderland also returns in other Chinese translation research. Before the twentieth century, many of the translators came from what Eva Hung called “cultural borderlands.” She defined these as “communities which provided them [foreign translators] with the necessary linguistic and cultural background and training to engage in translation work into Chinese,” which have a peripheral position and are subject to pressure from the established cultural norms from the dominating culture.169 Hung thereupon identified two kinds of communities: those that are located at geographical and/or national boundaries (geopolitical borderlands) and those that are the result of special social and political arrangements (institution-based borderlands and socio-political borderlands).170 An example of an institution-based, or group-based, borderland is the presence of the Jesuits in China in the Late Ming Dynasty. This kind of borderland has the following characteristics: “a comparatively small membership; dependence on host culture institutional toleration and support; limited duration.”171 She compared the task the Jesuits faced with building a bridge between two land masses. In other words, the Jesuits faced a complex identity negotiation within translation, where they had to translate themselves into the Chinese culture and what they perceived as Chineseness, while also translating Chinese texts into the language of their native culture (Latin).172 However, this proves that, through translating, the Jesuits not only constructed their identity, but they also constantly negotiated it. The most famous example of this is the Rites Controversy which started out as a discussion concerning the translation of “God” but ended with

167 Sen (2003: 56-57). 168 Sen (2018: 12). 169 I avoid using the terms ‘country’ and ‘nation’ as these only arose after contact with ideas from eighteenth century Western romanticism, before then these concepts did not exist and neither did artificially established borders. 170 Hung (2005: 43-45). 171 Hung (2005: 50). 172 Jensen (1997: 35).

the missionaries turning to Chinese emperor for support, leading to the disbandment of the Society of Jesus.

3.2 Layered concepts: the consequence of translation

Not only was the Rites Controversy a matter of identity negotiation and power structures, it also contributes to the question of untranslatability and the incommensurability of languages and cultures. Roger Hart looked into the issue of untranslatability and applied this to Xu Guangqi and Matteo Ricci’s translation of the Elements. According to him, following Gernet’s reasoning, “the reason why they so often came up against difficulties of translation is that different languages express, through different logics, different visions of the world and man.”173 This refers to some kind of linguistic relativity in which translation was a crucial resource for dialogue.174

Historically contextualised, when introducing a new concept, translators could choose to create a new word (for example, based on transliteration) or to engage in semantic borrowing; or to combine both methods. In the case of semantic borrowing, it is important to keep in mind that these are charged with the connotations from earlier meanings. In the situation of the Jesuits, they had to constantly go in dialogue with their Christian superiors while, at the same time, gain access to a Chinese way of thinking and thus had to very carefully negotiate their positioning. Furthermore, Zürcher emphasised that all the Jesuit literature contained a “hidden agenda” or a certain Christian message. Because of this, each individual text must be read carefully and with awareness for the nuances within.175 By way of collaborating with Chinese converts and translating Confucian classics, Ricci and other missionaries turned to interpreting these within their own Jesuit framework and came to the conclusion that the texts contained expressions of monotheistic religion.176 These alterations were part of creating a Confucian Christian synthesis which could still accommodate certain Confucian rites. The role of translation in this process is fundamental, and it can be seen as taking part of a larger process through which cultures can merge and create a new space. It is this space that is referred to as a hybrid space, a third space, a borderland, a state of in-betweenness etc.

173 Gernet (1985: 2). 174 Hart (1999: 65). 175 Marinescu (2008: 34-35). 176 Marinescu (2008: 39).

Unlike the doctrinal system of Buddhism, where the notion of upāya177 justified these ways of editing, the Jesuits failed to attain this flexibility due to the more rigid nature of Christianity.

In the next chapter, I will translate some of the texts the Jesuit missionaries had written in the beginning of their mission back to a Western European language and this brought me to a similar junction. Translating these kinds of concepts back to the original concept as it is known in the target language would devalue the new layers this concept had acquired in a different culture. Using the translation as it was originally known in the Chinese text, on the other hand, will also diminish the very specific (theological) meaning. As such, when engaging in such a complex translation negotiation, it is fundamental to look at all the layers in detail and also the way in which they interact.

177 For more, see Pye (2003).

4. Textual Research

The core of this thesis centres around the translation and analysis of different versions of two texts: The Ten Commandments and a text concerning the immortality and superiority of the human soul. Before going into these, this chapter explains the works these texts were found in.

4.1 About the difference between a catechismus and a doctrina christiana and the Tianzhu shilu and the Tianzhu shiyi

From the beginning of their mission, the Jesuits were aware of the importance of publications when aiming to have a long-lasting impact on the region. It helped create an intellectual environment through which dissenting thoughts could be spread.178 At the end of Ruggieri and Ricci’s first year in China, they began to translate the Ten Commandments with the help of a Chinese convert from Macao. The publication of the Ten Commandments caused such a big interest that not soon after, the two missionaries created another pamphlet containing the Lord’s Prayer, the Hail Mary, and the Creed.179 According to the Oxford Dictionary, a catechism is “a set of questions and answers that are used for teaching people about the beliefs of the Christian religion.”180 The word derives from the Church Latin catechismus, meaning ‘book of instruction.’181 The modern sense of catechism embodies a genre that, over time, has changed and taken different forms. The biggest difference is that a catechism was originally meant for people who were not acquainted with Christianity and tried to convince people of their truth according to the principles of natural reason.182

Alessandro Valignano tried to resolve the clash between Christianity and non-Western cultures by creating a distinction between works for catechumens and those for non-Christians.183 The latter was then divided into two major categories, or genres, of catechetical texts, first presenting

178 Standaert (2001: 600). 179 Meynard (2016: 2-3). 180 Oxford Dictionaries. “Catechism.” Accessed on February 21, 2020. https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/catechism. 181 Online Etymology Dictionary. “Catechism (n.).” Accessed on February 21, 2020. https://www.etymonline.com/word/catechism. 182 Standaert (2020). 183 According to Meynard, the biggest problem was that it “was often difficult for non-Westerners to accept [the idea of historical revelation] because of legitimate reservations about the authority of the Bible and the Gospels.” (2013: 304).

a natural revelation (by using rational arguments), which was followed by the positive revelation.184 Standaert has defined the difference between supernatural theology and natural theology as the following:

“Natural and supernatural theology differ from each other by the principles on which they are based. Natural theology may be defined as “the knowledge that humans can have of the existence and nature of God by means of reason,” whereas supernatural (or dogmatic) theology is founded on revelation and on principles by faith. […] The principal object of natural theology is divided into three groups of questions: 1) the existence of God, 2) the nature of God and knowledge of God’s attributes, and 3) divine providence (e.g. creation) and the solution of the problem of evil.”185

The first genre (based on natural theology and argumentation) is the Catechismus (which is not to be confused with the modern connotation of ‘catechism’) and the second (based on supernatural theology) is the Doctrina Christiana. A Catechismus was often written in dialogue and was more intellectual and philosophical than a Doctrina Christiana. The Doctrina Christiana dealt with the most important prayers, the Ten Commandments, the Creed etc. In short, it revealed truths and explanations for the most important mysteries of faith. These texts had a very prescriptive and ritualistic nature. Their styles, content and audiences differed notably. As such, a Doctrina Christiana was more occupied with direct translations than the more apologetic Catechismus.186

4.1.1 The Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄 by Michele Ruggieri

One year after Michele Ruggieri arrived in Zhaoqing, in 1584, he published his catechism Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄 (True Records of the Master of Heaven).187 The full name of the work is rarely used, but already shows the direction Ruggieri took when writing this work, i.e. Xinbian Xizhu

184 Meynard (2013: 304-5) and Standaert (2001: 609). 185 Standaert (2020) 186 Ibidem. 187 Yu (2011: 367) and Gernet (1979: 407)

guo Tianzhu shilu 新編西竺國天主實錄 (Newly Composed True Records of the Master of Heaven from the West)188. This title suggests that Ruggieri played with the notion of India, which was the most western country for the Chinese. Already from the Han Dynasty, India was held in high regard in China, as it was the home of the Buddha. Tianzhu, as used in this catechism, is also another word for India; tianzhujiao 天主教 refers to Buddhism. Another name for Tianzhu was Xitian 西天 (Western Heaven). Ruggieri wrote the Tianzhu shilu originally in Latin in 1581 with the help of Pierre Gomez, at that time it was called Vera et brevis divinarum rerum exposito (A True and Brief Exposition of Divine Things).189 The topics discussed in this catechism were very broad and ranged from the biblical stories of Adam and Eve and the possible destinations for the human souls in heaven.190 The Tianzhu shilu incorporated both a catechismus and a doctrina christiana. Yet, Zhang Xiping 張西平 argued that a part of it had already been published separately before, namely the Ten Commandments. Although the commandments themselves have only been added in a footnote, they were one of the first works Ruggieri actively participated in translating. Ruggieri described in a letter to Rome how he had already published multiple books on Christianity, among which Tianzhu zhenjiao shilu 天主真教實錄 (doctrina christiana) and Yaoli wenda 要理問答 (catechismus). The latter of the two had already been translated in 1582 in Guangzhou. Zhang argues that this would mean that the Ten Commandments as published in Tianzhu shilu was most likely based on the earlier version written in Guangzhou, making it the first Chinese version of a catechismus.191

An original copy kept in the Jesuit Archives (Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu) in Rome showed that the work consisted of sixteen chapters, which were all thematically arranged. Meynard divided these into the following five sections:

1. “There Is One Lord of Heaven” (preface). “His Existence” (chapter 1), “His Nature,” and “His Mystery” (chapters 2 and 3).

188 Standaert (2020). 189 Jensen (2003- 38). 190 Yu (2011: 377). 191 Zhang 張 (1999: 91-92).

2. “The Lord of Heaven Is the Creator of the Universe” (chapter 4); “Of Angels and Mankind” (chapter 5); and “Of Souls Which Neither Dime nor Are Destroyed” (chapters 5, 6, and 7). 3. “The Lord of Heaven Is a Judge Who Admonished Man on Three Occasions”; “When He Created Man and Bestowed on Him a Conscience”; “When He Promulgated the Ten Commandments by the Hand of Moses on Mount Sinai”; and “When He Came Himself to Earth as Man and Proclaimed the New Law” (chapters 8, 9, 10, and 11). 4. “The Ten Commandments” (chapters 12, 13, and 14). 5. “The Lord of Heaven Punishes Sinners and Rewards the Just; Moral Cultivation and the Ascent to Heaven” (chapter 15). “Baptism Washes Away Sin” (chapter 16).192

Gernet noted that even though the Exposito is nearly double the number of words than the 8002 characters in the Shilu, it would be incorrect to say that the latter is a mere summary or “reduction systématique.” Upon making a schematic comparison of the two, Gernet concluded that the biggest difference in volume is the stylistic differences in Chinese. As the translation of the Expositio was not solely a translation in Chinese language and vocabulary, but also into Chinese society and traditions. In the Latin original contained a section that has not been fully conserved in Chinese. Yet, this exact passage already contained some of the ideas Ricci would advocate in his later catechism. Because of the early stage in the mission, sometimes mistakes are inevitable, similar to previous encounters.193

4.1.2 The Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 and Tianzhu jiaoyao 天主教要 by Matteo Ricci

The Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義

Upon Ricci’s realisation that the combination of Christianity and Buddhism was not going to succeed, he decided to re-identify himself, and as a consequence all the Jesuits, as Western scholars (xiru). This can be clearly read in many of his letters he sent to his superiors, and, more importantly, can already be found in the Tianzhu shiyi (True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven).

192 Meynard (2016: 6). 193 Gernet (1979: 408-409).

Nicolas Standaert was the first to point out structural similarities between the Tianzhu shiyi and the Catchismus Japonensis, mentioning explicitly the same number of chapters (eight) and their similar methodology. In his book The Cult of Emptiness (2012), Urs App noted that Ricci not only modelled his Tianzhu shiyi on the first part of Valignano’s work, he also followed Valignano’s line of argument and criticised Buddhism, Daoist, and Neo-Confucianist ideas of the first principle.194 Meynard conducted a deeper comparison between the Tianzhu shiyi and Valignano’s Catechismus Japonensis and found there are some forty parallel passages. Though the actual arguments could not be copied completely because of the different intellectual and cultural scenes, Ricci did base himself on the theoretical framework to make sense and refute Chinese schools.195 Unlike Ruggieri and Valignano, Ricci further accentuated the distinction between a Catechismus and the Doctrina Christiana by writing a separate book for the whole dogmatic treatise, i.e. the Tianzhu jiaoyao 天主教要 (Doctrine of the Lord of Heaven; 1605). Only the last chapter of the Tianzhu shiyi mentions briefly Jesus Christ’s incarnation, but aside from this, there is no content dealing with God’s revelation of himself in history. 196 This was done deliberately so that the reader could fully understand the argumentation behind Christianity and thereupon wish to be baptised and join the Church. Because of this, Doulas Lancashire and Peter Hu, the English translators of the Tianzhu shiyi (1984/85), describe it as a “pre-evangelical dialogue.”197

Ricci’s Tianzhu shiyi, which was later described by him as De Deo verax Disputatio in his Latin summary, is a typical Catechismus; though not in the modern sense of the term. It used the Thomistic argumentation and, unlike the Tianzhu shilu, was written in Chinese for a Chinese literate audience.198 By using logical proof, Ricci tried to show the truth and get rid of errors due to the influence of other religions, such as in the first chapter where he emphasised the importance of the ‘intellect’ (lingcai 靈才) and its ability to distinguish right and wrong.199 Ricci’s work has elicited

194 App (2012, 94-95). 195 Meynard (2013: 307-308). 196 Meynard (2013: 306-307) and Standaert (2020). 197 Meynard (2016: 13). 198 Jensen (2003: 97). 199 Meynard (2016: 44-45f37).

very controversial reactions, among which the most famous the long-standing Rites Controversy (cf. infra). He assumed a certain complementarity between Catholicism and earlier Chinese texts, insinuating an underlying monotheistic proclivity.200 At the same time, it also became one of the most important foundations for the introduction of basic Christian teachings. One of the biggest reasons for the Tianzhu shiyi’s popularity among the Chinese was how Ricci followed the Chinese tradition of citing Confucian canonical works. In this Catechismus, he tried to prove the existence of God, the soul, heaven and hell and reward and punishment, and human nature. Another important section of the Tianzhu shiyi is a refutation of human reincarnation and an attack on the Buddhist doctrine (cf. supra).201

When comparing the Tianzhu shiyi and the Tianzhu shilu, most of the sections concerning reasoning or philosophical argumentation are preserved. But it is clear that Ricci, in contrast to Ruggieri, went deeper into the Chinese culture, especially regarding the canonical works. A lot of his knowledge came from his earlier translations of the Chinese Classics into Latin. Most of the Buddhist vocabulary was removed and in place, substituting terms and phrases from the Chinese Classics were added. It was clear that, just like Ruggieri, Ricci had external help from local translators. In 1593, Ricci wrote in a letter to his superior that he received help with compiling a new book on first principles from the friend who had also urged him to translate the Four Books into Latin.202 A few very Buddhist terms remained, for example, gongde 功德 (virtue/merit) and rouyan 肉眼 (physical eye, which then refers to a layman’s eyes).203 This is important to keep in mind as it shows that the line between religion and culture is very thin and that is often complicated to oppose Buddhism and Confucianism in the sense that these are completely different. One also has to consider that many ‘religious’ or ‘Buddhist’ terms had already become part of the general colloquial language and as a consequence, were not necessarily always associated with Buddhism.

The Tianzhu shiyi and the Tianzhu shilu are structured in the format of disputation and argumentation between two persons, a Chinese and a Western scholar. This format be seen a clear

200 Yu (2014: 47). 201 Meynard (2016: 6-13). 202 Ibidem. 203 Gernet (1979: 410).

remnant of the Scholastic school in the West. On the other hand, it was also an old and popular practice among the Chinese, appearing in many philosophical texts.204

The Tianzhu jiaoyao 天主教要

The Tianzhu jiaoyao 天主教要 (Doctrine of the Lord of Heaven, 1605),205 was meant for those who were ready to embrace the Chinese faith and who could accept certain principles of the Christian teachings. An attested problem when discussing this work concerns the original version and which edition remains the most faithful to Ricci’s Dottrina Christiana. Adrian Dudink has attempted to find an answer to this seemingly simple, yet layered question. Whereas this specific catechism is often listed as an anonymous text, the reason being that Ricci acted as the main editor of the work and thus only one part of a collective translation, Ricci mentioned the catechism in his letters. He talked about the publication in a letter written on May 9th, 1605 and also listed the items it included.206 Following the clues this letter provided, there are several copies of reprints that have been published (with some minor revisions) and could be considered a remaining edition of Ricci’s Tianzhu jiaoyao.207 Over the past decades, scholarship has had different opinions on which edition belonged to Ricci. Now, it seems that only one copy remains. Dudink noted that this has passed beyond the eyesight of many authors, and that this copy was presumably the one Ricci had sent to his superior in Portugal in July 1605. In 1934, Pasquale d’Elia discovered this copy in the Propagande Fide Archives in Rome. Ricci had written down the contents, which matched those in his earlier letter, on the front of the letter.208 Among other authors, the prevailing opinion was the catechism got lost. While Pascale Girard did not go further beyond this statement,209 Zhang Xiping 张西平 argued that Barb.Or. 132.1, which can be found in the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana in

204 Jensen (2003: 97). 205 For more on the Tianzhu jiaoyao throughout history and its authors, its credibility etc., see Dudink (2002) 206 Dudink (2002: 38-40). 207 See Dudink (2002) for a list (p. 41) and a more in-depth analysis of the several reprints. Though I say it is Ricci’s, this should be taken with a grain of salt as it involved more people with equally important roles. 208 Dudink (2002: 40). 209 Girard (2000: 289-291).

Rome, is the copy closest to the original edition.210 Gianni Criveller based himself on the same edition, dating from the first half of the seventeenth century. Though he added that this is a later edition and differs from other editions.211 Dudink composed a list in which he summed up the items touched upon in the catechism. In this list he also compared the different versions based on these items. I will only give an overview of the items in Jap-Sin I, 126, which goes back the most to the original edition as found by d’Elia and is now stored in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Rome:212

1. Tianzhujing 天主經 (Our Father) 2. Tianshen shenmu jing 天主聖母經 (Hail Mary) 3. Tianzhu shijie 天主十誡 (Decalogue) + synopsis 4. Xinjing 信經 (Creed)213 5. Shenghaojing 聖號經 (Sign of the cross) 6. Xing shen aijin zhi xing shisi duan 形神哀矜之行十四端 (Works of Mercy) 7. Zhenfu ba duan 真福八端 (Eight beatitudes) 8. Zuizong qi duan 罪宗七端 (Seven capital sins) 9. Ke zui qi duan you qi de 克罪七端有七德 (Seven Opposing Virtues) 10. Xiang Tianzhu you san de 向天有三德 (Three theological virtues) 11. Shen you wu si 身有五司 (Five senses of the body) 12. Shen you san si 神有三司 (Three faculties of the soul) 13. Egelexiya Sagelamengduo you qi 阨格勒西亚撒格辣孟多有七 (The Seven Sacraments)214

210 Zhang 张 (1999: 93-94). 211 Criveller (1997: 113-119). 212 Dudink (2002: 48). 213 For more on the concept of xin 信, see Standaert (2020). 214 Egelisiya is written phonetically as 阨格勒西亚 in this source. In Chinese Materials in the Jesuit Archives in Rome, there is an alternative manner of writing, in which the first character 阨 can also be written as 厄. (Chan, 2015).

4.2 The Ten Commandments (Decalogus)

As mentioned before, it is impossible to solely compare the Tianzhu shilu with the Tianzhu shiyi. Whereas the former is an assemblage of both supernatural theology (catechismus) and natural theology (doctrina christiana), in the True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven there is a clear absence of passages that treat God’s revelation. In other words, it cannot be considered by philosophical methods alone. The Ten Commandments, or decalogus in Latin, were originally observed and discussed in sermons and religious booklets. The essence of the Ten Commandments was that eternal life was promised for those who correctly followed it.215 Rachel Mikva remarked how the most important characteristic of the Ten Commandments was not its structure, but the “radical objective: trying to unite a community around common obligations rather than common interests.”216 This is interesting because it is theoretically what the Jesuits attempted to do through converting Chinese people to the Christian faith. It could also explain why Ruggieri placed the Ten Commandments in an appendix in his work.

Below, I will make a textual comparison of the Ten Commandments as found in Ruggieri’s Tianzhu shilu and Ricci’s Tianzhu jiaoyao. This will include a Latin version with an English translation, followed by the translations, a glossary with words that complemented the Latin originals and an English translation, and a more in-depth analysis of each sentence. Th final part of this analysis entails a side-by-side comparison.

4.2.1 Ten Commandments in Latin with English translation

The following text is an edition of the Decalogue as written by a Jesuit priest, Peter Canisius (1521-1597). He was the first Jesuit to publish a book and is especially known for his catechisms. Early 1553, Canisius attempted writing a large catechism, upon its publication in 1555 the Summa Doctrina Christiana was very well received. It was published anonymously in Vienna and according to John Donnelly, the catechism made such an impression on Ferdinand I (1527-1567) of Austria that he promised no other catechism would be allowed in Austria.217 The structure of Canisius’

215 Veldmann (1997: 217). 216 Mikva (2001: xx). 217 Donnelly (2008: 141-146). The quote in specific is from page 146.

catechism is a typical answer-question conversation between student and teacher. In his case, these questions were also very simple and not dense allowing the reader or student to go on to a next chapter before finishing the first.218 Canisius’ catechism is very distinct due its structure as he had organised three of Aquinas’ core texts under the three theological virtues: faith, hope, and love. The Ten Commandments were taught in the latter of these.219 Caritas, or “Liebe” (as in the German catechism from Canisius), has a long history in Christian theology and went beyond the relation between humankind and God, also binding human to human.220

The edition of this source text dates back to 1571 and can now be found in the collection of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich.221 At some points, this edition uses the long s ſ, also known as the medial s, which I replaced by the letter s. For the translation into English, I have used Henry Garnet’s translation from 1592.222 I have left the spelling of the source text as it was.

Qua sunt mandata Dei, ad Charitatem Which are the Commandments of God pracipue fle Bantia? specially belonging to Charity? Decem Dei verba, primum per Moysen The ten words of God, first delivered Moyses Iudaeis tradita, & deinde per Christu & to the Jewes, and afterward commended by Apostolos a Christianis omnibus Christ & his Apostles to all Christians, which commendata, quae & Decalogi nomen are commonlie called the Decalogue, or the obtinuerunt, atque ita recensentur ten Commaundementes, and are thus set downe. Ego fum Dominus Deus tuus. “I am thy Lord God. I. Non habebis Deos alienos coram me. Non “Thou shalt not have any strange gods before facies tibi sculptile, ut adores illud. me. Thou shalt not make to the selfe any grave thing to worshippe it.

218 Wandel (2011: 64). 219 Wandel (2011: 68). 220 Wandel (2011: 70). 221 Canisius (1571). 222 Canisius, translated by Garnet (1592).

II. Non assumes nomen Domini Dei tui in “Thou shalt not take the name of thy Lord uanum God in vaine. III. Memento ut diem Sabbati sanctifices. “Remember thou keepe holy the Sabboth daie. IV. Honora patrem tuum et matrem tua, ut sis “Honour thy Father and thy Mother, that thou longaeuus super terram, quam Dominus maiest live long in the lande which thy Lord Deus dabit tibi. God will give thee. V. Non occides. “Thou shalt not kill. VI. Non moechaberis. “Thou shalt not commit aduoutry. VII. Non furtum facies. “Thou shalt not steale. VIII. Non loqueris contra proximum tuum “Thou shalt not beare false witnesse against falsum testimonium. thy neighbour. IX. Non concupisces uxore proximi tui. “Thou shalt not covet couet thy neighbours wife. X. Non domum, non agrum, non seruum, non “Thou shalt not covet his house, nor his ancillam, non bouem, non asinum, x uniuersa fielde, nor his servant, nor his handmaid, nor quae illius sunt. his Oxe, nos his Asse, nor any thing that is his. Table 1: Ten Commandments in Latin and English

4.2.2 Michele Ruggieri’s Ten Commandments

Translation The source text was found on Scripta Sinica 漢電子文獻資料庫 in the sub-category zi 子 (masters)/ zongjiao 宗教 (religion)/ Tianzhu shengjiao shilu (yuan keben) 天主聖教實錄（原刻本）／fulu yi 附錄一 zuchuan Tianzhu shijie [Ming kanben] 祖傳天主十誡(P.1-1).. [明刊本].223

There are Ten Commandments from the 祖傳 1 天主 2 十誡 3 Lord of Heaven that have been passed on by our ancestors One/ You shall sincerely revere one God, and 一要誠心奉敬 4 一位天主不可 not make sacrifices for images of other 祭拜 5 別等 6 神像 7 deities. 二勿 8 呼請 9 天主名字而虛發誓 10 Two/ You shall not call upon the name of

願 God and make vain pledges/promises. Three/ On the day of reverence, you should 三當禮拜之日 11 禁止工夫 12 謁寺 13 誦經 abstain from working and visit a temple to 14 禮拜天主 recite scriptures/prayers and worship God. Four/ You shall act filially towards your 四當孝 15 親敬 16 長 parents and respect your elders. Five/ You shall not, in an offence to the law, 五莫 17 亂法 18 殺人 kill people. Six/ You shall not conduct illegitimate, 六莫行滛邪穢 19 等事 perverted, and impure matters. Seven/ You shall admonish all inclinations of 七戒 20 偷盜諸情 stealing.

223 http://hanchi.ihp.sinica.edu.tw/ihpc/hanji?@23^896373887^802^^^403040300020@@2054111723#top. Accessed on December 4th, 2019.

Eight/ You shall not speak slander or engage 八戒讒謗 21 是非 22 in debates about right and wrong. Nine/ You abstain from the desire of 九戒戀慕 23 他人妻子 yearning for someone else’s wife. Ten/ You shall not crave for unrighteous 十莫冒 24 貪 25 非義 26 財物 property. In ancient times, God wrote this set of ten

右 27 誡十條係 28 古時 29 天主親書降令普 commandments on the right and sent them down to the world of mankind. 世 Those who abide their souls will rise to 遵守順者則魂 30 升天堂 31 受福 paradise and receive blessings. Those who go 逆者則墮地獄 32 加刑 33 against will fall to hell and receive punishment.

Glossary

This glossary has been put together on the basis of words that might be relevant for further analysis. When there has been found no Latin equivalent in the Latin source text, the box will be coloured in grey. When there are clear Latin equivalents, but they do not appear in the source text, it will be filled in in the grey-coloured box. The yellow boxes indicate that this character was also used in Matteo Ricci’s version from Tianzhu jiaoyao 天主教要.

Chinese Latin English

Characters Pinyin

passed on from ancestors, handed 1 down from generation to 祖傳 zǔchuán generation

2 天主 Tiānzhǔ Dominus Dei (tuus) God, the Lord of Heaven

3 十誡 shíjiè Decalogus Ten Commandments

4 奉敬 fèng jìng adōrō to revere

to offer a sacrifice to (gods and 5 祭拜 jìbài adōrō, colō ancestors)

6 神像 shénxiàng sculptilis image of a God

7 勿 wù non do not

to shout, to invoke + to ask, to 8 呼請 hū qǐng assūmō invite

9 虚 xū in vanum in vain

10 發誓 fāshì to make a vow, to take an oath

11 禮拜之日 Lǐbài zhī rì septimo die, sabbatum day of worship

12 工夫 gōngfù omne opus work

to visit (a superior) + Buddhist 13 謁寺 yè sī ire ad ecclesiam temple

14 誦經 sōngjīng to chant the sūtras/Classics

Honora (patrem tuum et 15 孝 xiào matrem tuam) filial piety

16 敬 jìng to respect

upsetting the law, offending the 17 亂法 luànfǎ law

18 滛 yín moechor (18-20) illegitimate

19 邪 xié false, wrong, evil, non-Buddhist

20 穢 huì impure, dirty, unclean, filthy

to exhort, to warn or admonish, to 21 戒 jiè give up

22 讒謗 chánbàng Loquor falsum to slander, to defame testimonium 23 是非 shìfēi to right-and-wrong

24 戀慕 liànmù dēsīderō to be enamored

to act blindly or recklessly, to 25 cover, to attack, to feign, to 冒 mào assume falsely

26 貪 tān concupīscō greedy, corrupt, to covet, to desire

27 非義 fēiyì unjustified/unrighteous

28 誡條係 jiè tiáo xì set of commands

29 古時 gǔshí during older times

30 魂 hún anima soul

31 天堂 Tiāntáng caelum Heaven

32 地獄 dìyù infernus Hell

Table 2: Glossary Ten Commandments by Michele Ruggieri

Analysis

祖傳天主十誡

Ruggieri uses jie 誡 which in Buddhist culture can refer to the ten precepts or prohibitions shijie 十戒. 224 These are also the ten basic precepts for bhikkhus (laymen) and bhikkhunīs (laywomen) in Theravāda and Nikāya Buddhism, further known as the shami shijie 沙彌十戒 (ten precepts for novices) or shami jie 沙彌戒 (precepts for novices). The first five of these (五戒) are observed by lay practitioners as well, and these are very similar to the Ten Commandments.225 The five precepts embody the basic code for Buddhist laypeople and observing these should guarantee rebirth in the human realm.226 Precepts such as these are part of the vinaya canon, consisting of disciplinary texts that regulate the monastic code.227

Tianzhu 天主 (Lord/Master of Heaven) is a deity found in Buddhist texts. It refers to Śakra Devānām-Indra in Sanskrit or Dishitian 帝釋天 in its Chinese translation. It has not been proven yet if the Jesuits were aware of Tianzhu being a Buddhist god, neither of the existence of Daoist schools, at the time when they came up with this Chinese equivalent. The discovery that it was also a Buddhist deity did not stop the missionaries from continuing to use it, and even now it is still the official term for God in the Catholic Church in China.228 The multitude of options for translation, for example, tian 天 (Heaven), Shangdi 上帝 (Sovereign on High), Shangzun 上尊 (Most Venerated), or 天主 (Lord of Heaven), came with complex implications on social, political, philosophical, and philological domains. This ultimately led to the Rites Controversy, which began in 1610 and lasted until 1939 with the Vatican’s recantation.229

224 See Appendix 1. 225 DDB. “Shi jie 十戒.” Accessed on February 5th, 2020. 226 DDB. “Wu jie 五戒.” Accessed on February 5th, 2020. 227 For more about vinaya’s, see Harvey (1999)x. 228 Meynard (2016: 19-20). 229 Golden (2009: 378).

In the first sentence of the Ten Commandments in Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄, Ruggieri makes use of 祖 zu (ancestors). They are not mentioned elsewhere in the Ten Commandments and can be interpreted as a clear example of ‘adaptation’ of the Chinese culture or ‘sinification’ within their own. Whereas the term does not necessarily refer to Buddhism, it does create a closer bond with local traditions, as in China ancestor veneration plays a crucial role. Because of this, it is a very important term in Chinese Buddhism, since all correct teachings must be based on the teachings of the “patriarchs.” Even though Buddhists monks and nuns leave their family and become celibate in order to counter the denunciation, they integrated some key aspects of Chinese culture, among which the ancestor worship. All correct teachings must be based on the teachings of the “patriarchs” and each Buddhist school would have a standardized system of patriarchal lineages; probably originally modelled after the Chinese imperial lineage system.230 It was this flexibility of Buddhism that allowed it to become such an integral part of the Chinese cultural heritage.231

一要誠心奉敬一位天主不可祭拜別等神像

The way Ruggieri introduces the first Commandment, with the usage of the modal verb yao 要 (have to, shall, must), is very similar to the current way of translating the Latin futurum simplex into English: “you shall.”232

The usage of yi wei 一位 (‘one’ followed by a measure word) is also worth remarking. It is highly likely that it was used because in Buddhism Tianzhu 天主 refers to just one deity among many others.233 In this version of the Ten Commandments, as well as in Ricci’s later version, it can

230 Morrison (2010: 51). 231 Dessein & Heirman (2011: 173). 232 Here, I base myself on the Summa Doctrina Christiana (1571) by Canisius. 233 According to the DDB, he was: “Sovereign Śakra, or Sakrêndra; king of heaven; Indra 因陀羅; mighty lord of devas; one of the two tutelary gods of Buddhism. He is in the Heaven of the Thirty-three 忉利天, where he inquires into the moral state of the secular world based on the reports of the kings of the four quarters. He is the god of the sky who fights the demons with his vajra, or thunderbolt. In Buddhism, he is inferior to the trimūrti, Brahma, Viṣṇu, and Śiva, having taken the place of Varuṇa, or sky. While Buddhism adopted him as its defender, like all the gods, he is considered inferior to a Buddha or any who have attained bodhi.” (Accessed on March 17th, 2020).

be noted that yi wei 一位 is used to emphasise the monotheistic side of Christianity placing Tianzhu 天主, or Deus in this case, on the top of all hierarchies.

Ruggieri’s choice of words, or characters, to indicate ‘worship/veneration/…’ can also be analysed at a closer angle. He uses the following verbs: fengjing 奉敬，libai 禮拜，jing 敬. Libai is the only clear Buddhist term in this context, indicating “obeisance shown toward the Buddha, bodhisattvas, patriarchs, respected elders and so forth.”234 Whereas, as will be discussed later on, Ricci is more rigid with his choice of words. This may indicate a more colloquial usage of language in the former.

Ruggieri also uses ‘to offer,’ whereas this aspect of religion is omitted in Ricci’s version.

Deng 等 (et cetera, a ‘plural marker’ in Buddhist texts) indicates the plurality of the deities in contrast to the 一位 that was mentioned earlier. Its usage is, just like above, also more colloquial.

二勿呼請天主名字而虛發誓願

Hu qing 呼請 (to shout, to ask) can be seen as a disyllabic verb consisting of two characters. Yet, this combination cannot be found in the Hanyu da cidian 汉语大词典 (one of the largest and most-used Chinese dictionaries) or on the DDB. The usage of disyllabic words is very characterising for a more colloquial speech. Although hu qing 呼請 is not a frequently used word, it already appeared in Buddhist translations of the Sui and the Tang and was also preserved in certain dialects, among which in Minnan yu 閩南語. The fact that this specific combination cannot be found as easily may also illustrate the collaborative nature of the translation practices and Ruggieri’s capabilities in Chinese, as he was both knowledgeable as innovative.

Although xu 虛 (emptiness) typically is a very Buddhist concept, here, it is completely unrelated to this aspect and refers to ‘in vain.’ This usage of xu 虛 can be traced back to poems from Tang Dynasty and the Song Dynasty, i.e. Anding chenglou 安定城楼 (The calm city tower) by Li

234 DDB. “Libai 禮拜.” Accessed on May 2, 2020.

Shangyin (813-858) and Yu lin ling hanchan qiqie 雨霖鈴·寒蝉凄切 (The mournful sound of the bell of the continuing rain) by Liu Yong 柳永 (987-1053).235

三當禮拜之日禁止工夫謁寺誦經禮拜天主

Dang 當 in this sentence is most likely not a modal verb but an adverb indicating the duration. It marks simultaneity and is often followed by shi 時 (time) or a word of similar meaning, in this case, ri 日 (day), it is then “modified by a noun, pronoun, or noun clause.”236 . This pattern is common since Han times.

Following this adverb, there is libai zhi ri 禮拜之日 (the day of worship). Once again, there is the usage of a disyllabic word, ‘to worship,’ which can be traced back to its Buddhist origins (cf. supra). But even more remarkable is how this word is still used today as a translation for ‘Sunday.’ In the source text, this is not yet Sunday but septimo die, sabbatum, which can be translated as ‘the seventh day, Saturday.’237 In Modern Chinese, Sundays are also called Libaitian, a direct leftover from the Jesuits.

Ye si 謁寺 (to visit a Buddhist temple) stands out because of the word choice, i.e. si 寺. This indicates a ‘Buddhist temple,’ whereas miao 廟 would refer to a ‘Confucian temple’ or ‘ancestral hall,’ 238 This reconfirms Ruggieri’s identification as a monk from India/Buddhist regions (Tianzhuguo seng 天主國僧 in which seng indicates a ‘Buddhist monk’).

Songjing 誦經 (to chant the scriptures) in Buddhism also refers to a more specified category: the sūtras. If it would be used in a more Confucianist context, it could refer to the Chinese Classics.

235 HYDCD. “Xu 虛.” Accessed on March 14, 2020. 236 Pulleyblank (1995: 160). 237 For more about the denotation on the ‘day of rest,’ see Falk (2009). 238 Wilkinson (2015: 385).

四當孝親敬長

Ruggieri’s text is often said to have a more Buddhist ‘tendency,’ even so, this does not mean that it is not ‘Chinese’ either. Chinese Buddhism traditions have also acclimatised to the Chinese culture (cf. supra). An example of this is the term xiao 孝 (filial piety). This concept has occupied China since the beginning of the Later Han Dynasty (25-220).239 In order to integrate among the Chinese, Buddhists in China had to take a new direction and adopt a positive approach concerning ideas about piety in order to gain a positive reaction.240 As such, the concept of filial piety can also be found in Chinese Buddhism and consequently in Ruggieri’s works.

五莫亂法殺人

Mo 莫 (do not) takes the place of earlier wu 勿 (do not) in the second Commandment. Although they are synonyms, it is important to note that there is a certain variation in Ruggieri’s text. Additionally, mo is of much later origin (postclassical times) in comparison to wu.241

Note that fa 法 here refers to ‘law,” Luanfa 亂法 can thus be translated as ‘upsetting the law’ or ‘offending the law.’ It was already used in the 《Han Feizi 韩非子》.

六莫行滛邪穢等事

The most prominent phrase in this sentence is yin xie hui 滛邪穢, which is the combination of three words brought together. Yin 滛 can be translated as ‘lewd,’ ‘lascivious’ or ‘obscene, xie 邪 as ‘evil,’ and hui 穢 as ‘dirty,” In the list of the ten Buddhist prohibitions, there is xieyin 邪婬 indicating ‘improper sexual behaviour,” In Buddhism, this would then indicate any kind of sexual intercourse except for between husband and wife. Even so, this specific combination cannot be found easily elsewhere.

239 Holzman (1998: 185). 240 Ch’en (1968: 82). 241 Pulleyblank (1995: 108-109).

Whereas usually, the sixth commandment refers to unchastity and impureness, it is more often translated as “do not commit adultery.” The deng 等 (of this sort) in specific widens the range of impure acts that should not be conducted. Even so, the nature of the actions remains mostly sexual.

七戒偷盜諸情

Jie 戒 takes the place of earlier wu 勿 and mo 莫. Whereas wu and mo are prohibitions, jie is a main verb. It can be translated as ‘to admonish, to prohibit,’ similar to its use in the context of the Buddhist precepts, which makes it more specific than ‘do not.’

八戒讒謗是非

It can be noted that contra proximum tuum in English has been translated as ‘against thy neighbour’ while it actually means ‘against those next to you,’ in the Chinese version this has been broken open even more, as slandering or quarrelling in general are condemned.

The usage of shifei 是非 is interesting as it refers to ‘right and wrong,’ which could emphasise the primary dogma of believing in God. It also appears in Buddhist prohibitions and has a long tradition in China (e.g., Zhuangzi against the Mohist style of argumentation). It is a criticism against engaging in polemics and rhetorical duels, rather than against trying to find out what is right and wrong.242

九戒戀慕他人妻子

The difference between this Commandment and the sixth, partly because of its more general nature, is vaguer. The third precept of the ten Buddhist precepts (cf. supra) abrahmacaryaver (bu xie yin 不邪淫) also refers to a rule against improper sexual behaviour (such as adultery) and consequently combines the two separate Commandments.

242 Liu (2003: 15-16).

十莫冒貪非義財物

The characters mao 冒 (to cover, to emit or to feign, to falsely adopt someone’s identity) and tan 貪 (to covet or greedy) are combined to form one expression in which mao can be interpreted as an adverb modifying tan. This is followed by a phrase where feiyi 非義 is an adjective: “You shall not crave for unrighteous property/goods (i.e., not long for things which were not righteously given to you).”

右誡十條係古時天主親書降令普世遵守

順者則魂升天堂受福逆者則墮地獄加刑

You 右 (right) is a direct referral to the layout of the text, as it is written from the right to the left. It should be translated as ‘the text on the right.’ This specific sentence has a topic placed upfront, you jie shi tiao xi 右誡十條係 giving it special prominence. It could be literally translated as ‘this set of ten commandments on the right.’

Tiantang 天堂 was adopted by the Jesuits as their translation for ‘Heaven.’ It originally referred to the ‘heavenly realm,’ where one might be born as a result of good actions. Thierry Meynard, whilst editing The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven (2016), gave a summation of several terms the missionaries faced problems with when it came down to their translation. According to him “Tiantang, ‘heaven,’ was a term the Buddhists had originally employed as the equivalent of the Sanskrit devaloka, ‘mansions of the gods.’” Meynard also points out the irony of this usage, as the Jesuits, especially after Michele Ruggieri, attempted to displace Buddhism but ended up still using much of its religious words. This was also because these terms were originally not present in pre-Buddhist religions in China. 243

The same goes for the translation of ‘Hell.’ Diyu 地獄, according to Meynard, was the equivalent of the Sanskrit naraka. In Chinese, the term means earth-prison, and in accordance with Buddhist thought, it is usually regarded as being composed of three major compartments—the

243 Meynard (2016: 20).

central, the secondary, and the isolated—each of which is then subdivided into hot and cold hells, adjacent hells, and mountain and desert hells. Not surprisingly, the term mogui 魔鬼, used by Christians to designate the devil, has as its first syllable the Chinese equivalent of the Sanskrit māra, the tempter of the Buddha. Like this, the word Christians chose to designate the devil was also derived ultimately from Buddhism.244

4.2.3 Matteo Ricci’s Ten Commandments

Translation

Following the conclusion of Ad Dudink’s article on this catechism, I made use of the edition Japonica-Sinica I, 126 (pp. 87-115) as found in Chinese Christian Texts from the Roman Archives of the Society of Jesus (edited by Nicolas Standaert and Adrian Dudink).

天主 1 十誡 2。 The Ten Commandments One/ Worship one universal Lord of Heaven 一欽崇 3 一天主萬物 4 之上。 (God) of all. Two/ Do not call upon the holy name of the 二毋 5 呼 6 天主聖名 7。而設發 8 虛 9 誓。 Lord in order to make an idle wish. 三守 10 瞻 11 禮 11 之日 12。 Three/ Observe the day of veneration. Four/ Honour with filial piety your father and 四孝敬 13 父母。 mother. 五毋殺人。 Five/ Do not kill people. Six/ Do not engage in any kind of sexual 六毋行邪婬 13。 misconduct. 七毋偷盜。 Seven/ Do not steal. 八毋妄證 14。 Eight/ Do not falsely testify. 九毋願 15 他人妻。 Nine/ Do not desire someone else’ wife.

244 Meynard (2016: 20).

Ten/ Do not crave after or about others’ 十毋貪 16 他人財物。 possessions. The Ten Commandments on the right come 右十誡總歸二者而已。愛慕天主萬物之 down to the following two: love God above 上。與夫愛人如己 17。 all and love another as oneself. These Commandments, in the past God came down [upon] earth and ordered that everyone 此在昔 18 天主降諭。令普世遵守。順者 should follow them. Those who obey will go 升天堂 19 受福。逆者堕地獄 20 加刑。 to heaven and receive blessings. Those who go against, will fall to hell and receive punishment.

Glossary

Chinese Latin English

Characters Pinyin

1 天主 Tiānzhǔ Dominus Dei (tuus) God, the Lord of Heaven

2 十誡 shíjiè Decalogus Ten Commandments

3 欽崇 qīn chóng adōrō to respect

all, universal; of all beings, 萬物 wànwù 4 all things

5 毋 wú non no, do not

6 呼 hū assūmō to shout, to invoke

7 聖名 shèngmíng nomen Domini Dei Holy Name

to make a vow, to take an 8 發誓 fāshì oath, to swear

9 虚 xū in vanum in vain

10 守 shǒu to observe (rules, rituals)

11 瞻禮 zhānlǐ to prostrate

12 禮之日 Lǐ zhī rì septimo die, sabbatum day of worship

13 孝敬 xiàojìng honōrā filial piety

14 邪滛 xiéyín moechor to commit adultery

15 妄證 wàng zhèng loquor falsum testimonium absurd + to prove, confirm

16 願 yuàn dēsīderō to desire, to wish

concupīscō greedy, corrupt, to covet, to 貪 tān 17 desire

18 愛人如己 aì rén rǔ jǐ caritas love others as oneself

19 在昔 zài xī in former times

20 天堂 Tiāntáng caelum Heaven

22 地獄 dìyù Hell

Table 3: Glossary Ten Commandments by Matteo Ricci

Analysis

天主十誡。

Ricci kept many of the main concepts that Ruggieri used in the Tianzhu shilu, such as Tianzhu 天主 (Lord of Heaven) which was the equivalent of God, and shijie 十誡 (Ten Commandments). Unlike Ruggieri, Ricci left out zuchuan 祖傳 and instead refrains himself to only stating the bare minimum in the different titles of the sections in the Tianzhu jiaoyao.

一欽崇一天主萬物之上。

Ricci also uses yi 一 (one), like Ruggieri does. In this version of the Ten Commandments, as well as in Ricci’s later version, it can be noted that yi wei 一位 is used to emphasise the monotheistic side of Christianity placing Tianzhu 天主, or Deus in this case, on the top of all hierarchies.

Whereas Ruggieri’s Chinese accomplishments have only been recently starting to get recognised, Matteo Ricci proves his knowledge by, among others, quoting the Classics and using literary language. An example of this is the word qinchong 欽崇 (to respect). It is a rare combination, of which there is only one found example in the Ancient China period, i.e. in the Shangshu 尚書 or Shujing 書經 (The Classics of History), one of the Five Classics of ancient Chinese literature. James Legge translated it as follows:

欽崇天道， To revere and honour the path prescribed by Heaven

永保天命。 is the way ever to preserve the favouring appointment of Heaven.245

It also occasionally appeared in Buddhist texts, such as The Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish (Xianyu jing 賢愚經), translated into Chinese during the fifth century.246 It remains unclear if at the

245 Legge (1865: 183). 246 Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 4, No. 202 賢愚經, CBETA Chinese Electronic Tripitaka V1.24, Normalized Version. Accessed on May 3, 2020. T04n0202_p0364a23. For more about The Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish, see Miyake (2015).

time of Ricci’s translation process this was already a current compound word or if it was preserved in a dialect (as with huqing 呼請). Another possibility is that Ricci, or one of his collaborators, found the word in the Shang shu.

Another example of this is his usage of wanwu 萬物 (all, everything). Literally translated, this meant the ‘ten thousand things’ and it was frequently used since the mid-/late Warring States period by many different schools.

二毋呼天主聖名。而設發虛誓。

Ricci’s choice of a prohibitive particle to indicate ‘do not’ remains the same during the entire translation of the Ten Commandments. It is a very literary word and features in many canonical works, such as Liji 禮記 (Records of rituals) and Lunwen 論文 (Analects).

Unlike Ruggieri, Ricci uses more monosyllabic words. By way of example, “hu qing 呼請 (to shout and to ask),” as found in Ruggieri’s version, becomes simply hu 呼.

三守瞻禮之日。

Zhanli 瞻禮 (to prostrate) refers to laying down respectfully in front of a deity. In Buddhism, this would be to the Buddha or patriarchs, but here it refers to God.

Similar, but not identical, to Ruggieri’s libai zhi ri 禮拜之日, Ricci also continued this phrasing.

四孝敬父母。

This is a very literary sentence and fits the framework of what the literary Chinese scholars of his time would use, also called Wenyan wen 文言文. The more or less standardised language was the foundation of any educated person in China.

Likewise, the concept of filial piety is also a very characterising trait in Chinese tradition, and it is considered a key virtue in Confucianism. In the Modern Chinese version of the Ten Commandments, the only change that occurred was the addition of ying 应 (you must).

五毋殺人。

This sentence also follows the Wenyan wen. This way of phrasing is more common in Ancient China, unlike Ruggieri’s usage of luanfa 亂法.

六毋行邪婬。

As mentioned in Ruggieri’s version of the Ten Commandments (cf. supra), the Buddhist precepts contain bu xieyin 不邪婬 (do not engage in improper sexual behaviour). On a closer look, xieyin 邪婬 can already be found in older sources, such as the Liji 禮記 in a chapter on mourning rituals and in the Shiji，one of the most important works from the Han Dynasty, the Shiji 史記 by Sima Qian 司馬遷 (145-86 BCE).

七毋偷盜。

Once again, Matteo Ricci choice of words resembles the style of the literary Chinese more than Ruggieri’s. In the Modern Chinese version of the Ten Commandments, just like in the Fifth Commandment, there has only occurred one transformation, i.e. wu 毋 to bu ke 不可 (you cannot). This also counts for the Sixth Commandment.

八毋妄證。

This Commandment stands out because wangzheng 妄證 (to testify falsely) can only be found in the Buddhist canon, among others in the ten precepts. Here it refers to the Sanskrit musāvādāver. The Digital Dictionary of Buddhism explained this as “false speech in the broader sense of not only lying, but any speech that is incorrect, exaggerating, embellishing, etc.”247 In the

247 DDB. “Wangzheng 妄證.” Accessed on March 21, 2020.

Modern Chinese version of the Ten Commandments, this has been adapted to a more literal translation of the Latin source text: “bu ke zuo jiajian zheng 不可作假见证.”

九毋願他人妻。

Instead of Ruggieri’s lianmu 簾幕, Ricci uses the more standardised yuan 願 (to desire, to want).

十。毋貪他人財物。

Similar to many of the above-mentioned Commandments, Ricci’s phrasing is very similar to Ruggieri’s, but he simplified the sentence and made it more literary.

右十誡總歸二者而已。

愛慕天主萬物之上。與夫愛人如己。

Just like in Ruggieri’s text, you 右 refers to the format of the text and can be translated as “the text on the right.” Following this, he refers to the first commandment, but he replaces qinchong 欽崇 (to respect) by aimu 愛慕 (to admire).

Whereas yu 與 and fu 夫 can be analysed as two separate words, in this case it is more likely that they can be analysed together as a conjunction expression, connecting the two phrases, with very weak semantics. This is confirmed by the er zhe 二者 in the first line as it refers to two items, which these two items. As such, one should do two things, to love and respect the Lord, the Supreme over the 10.000 beings, and one should love people as one would love oneself. The use of yufu also indicates a certain hierarchy between the two items (with that / by that / etc.). The love to God is the basis, and the love for all others is an extension of that. The repetition of the verb ai 愛 also seems to confirm this possibility, while simultaneously re-emphasising the importance of this loving, a kind of ‘lovingly respecting,”

Ai ren ru ji 愛人如己 (love others as self), depending on the way one approaches yu and fu, can be interpreted in two slightly different ways. As mentioned above, it could refer to God extending his own love and giving it to humankind. Another possibility is that it is a seemingly

direct translation of the Latin caritas, one of the three theological virtues. This was already a concept known to most Christian people. Canisius even placed the Ten Commandments under caritas. According to Wandel, “caritas bound persons, God and humankind, neighbour to neighbour.”248 She also showed how Canisius divided the Ten Commandments into two tablets and how this emphasised a “two-part command, to love God and to love one’s neighbour.” All this love had its origin in God. 249

此在昔天主降諭。令普世遵守。

順者升天堂受福。逆者堕地獄加刑。

Zai xi 在昔 (in the past) replaced Ruggieri’s gushi 古時 (during ancient times). This clause already appeared a couple of times in the Shangshu 尚書 and once in the Shijing 詩經 (Classic of Poetry). It was also used frequently in Middle Chinese. Gushi 古時, as Ruggieri phrased it, never seems to have achieved a high frequency.

Comparison

Ricci’s translation, as opposed to Ruggieri’s translation in the Tianzhu shilu, is more literary. It fits more within the environment of Chinese scholars of that time. One big difference to note between the texts is the process that was undertaken in order to get to the result. Michele Ruggieri wrote his source text in Latin and only after that, he translated it from Latin in collaboration with locals. Matteo Ricci, on the other hand, did not approach this method of direct translation. He attempted to write his texts, also in collaboration, directly in Chinese, while simultaneously referring to the ancient Classics. Another noteworthy difference between the two authors is Ruggieri’s usage of colloquial language, in contrast with Ricci’s aim to write as literary as possible. Whereas these are more so a matter of style, it can also be seen as having a more ‘Buddhist approach’ or ‘Confucianist approach,” When talking about the latter, it can also be interpreted as more directed to an educated audience, and not so much as keeping Confucianism into account. This is where

248 Wandel (2011: 69). 249 Wandel (2011: 60).

Jensen’s hypothesis of “manufacturing Confucianism,” in the way that it is the process of “making sense of China by way of Confucianism,”250 lacks nuances.

Some examples of Ruggieri’s more colloquial language are dang… zhiri: 當⋯之日 in which dang 當 expresses duration and the usage of disyllabic words also indicates that this text could have been aimed at a more contemporary audience, for example, mingzi 名字 (name), hu qing 呼請 (to shout and to ask), and jinzhi 禁止, meaning ‘it is forbidden’ or ‘you shall not.” Unlike Ruggieri’s variations between different adverbs, Ricci only uses one adverb to express a ‘prohibition,’ namely wu 毋.

Aside from these stylistic differences, the key terminology has remained the same. There is continuality between the two missionaries when it comes down to translating the most important concepts, such as God, Heaven and Hell, soul, canonical writings etc. Also, the translation of ‘Ten Commandments’ did not undergo any transformation.

The last paragraph in both texts is more or less the same, yet neither appear in the source text. This could be because of the Chinese tradition of emphasising moral improvement.251 This led to texts often having a moralising undertone. Henceforth, especially at the end of a text, there can be a moralising lesson to be learnt from what has been mentioned before.

The importance of these texts nevertheless remains their newness. They introduced the Christian Lord of Heaven, who was actually devapati, a master of Buddhist deities.252 The constant act of negotiation was not just an act of translation but also a part of inventing a new culture that existed solely on the basis of a dialogue between Confucianism and Catholicism.253

250 Jensen (2003: 24). 251 Standaert (2001: 458). 252 Gernet (1979: 409-410). 253 Jensen (2003: 96-97).

4.3 The Human Soul Is Not Extinguished and Is Greatly Different from [the Souls of] Birds and Beasts

4.3.1 Concerning the human soul

Lun renhun bumie dayi qinshou 論人魂不滅大異禽獸 (The Human Soul Is Not Extinguished and Is Greatly Different from [the Souls of] Birds and Beasts) is the sixth chapter in Ruggieri’s Tianzhu shilu and resembles the third chapter in Ricci’s Tianzhu shiyi, where it has the same title. The chapter is an argumentation about the existence of the soul, and in specific, that what sets it apart from the soul of animals. It also discusses the impossibility of reincarnation, as it does not really agree with the Christian concepts of Heaven and Hell. Many passages of this particular text can also be found in other chapters of the Tianzhu shiyi. In total, they have been spread over three different chapters in the Tianzhu shiyi (chapter three to five), all discussing the human soul and its immortality. The fifth chapter in the Tianzhu shiyi is mostly an attack against the Buddhist doctrine of reincarnation. This can be seen as another example making clear that it’s not possible to just call upon a shift from one to the other or a complete change in ideology from “Buddhist to Confucianist,” as everything is more tightly interwoven than one would expect at first.

Whereas many parts of the text are copied in the Tianzhu shiyi, something that sets out from the beginning is the term used to describe the ‘soul,” The Tianzhu shilu is the first work to introduce the Western notion of ‘soul.’ According to Meynard, both Ruggieri as Ricci’s usage of hun 魂 meant that the spirit of a person had always been was capable of existing apart from the physical body. In notes of the latest version of the Tianzhu shiyi, hun is not always translated, as for example in ‘renhun 人魂 (human soul hun)’ or ‘jingling 精靈 (essential hun),”254 This can be traced back to the difficulties of translating a concept that was translated before. Merely using ‘soul’ without any context would make the concept lose the extra layers that were created when using hun as the translation.

As will become clear later in the text, there are three kinds of souls. Whereas Ruggieri leaves them without name and simply divides them in three classes (san pin 三品), Ricci gives each a name

254 Ricci (2016, 57n64).

in accordance with Aristotle’s and the Scholastic philosophy: ‘vegetative soul’ (shenghun 生魂), ‘sentient soul’ (juehun 覺魂), and the ‘intellective soul’ (linghun 靈魂). The latter was an inversion of the term as used by Ruggieri, i.e. hunling 魂靈. Another characteristic that really emphasises the Jesuits’ constant negotiation and search for right terms is the fact that they were not consistent with the translations in the target text. Ruggieri sometimes shortened hunling into hun, as did Ricci with linghun, or he would talk about renhun 人魂 (the ‘human hun’) or the jingling 精靈 (‘essential hun’).255 Among these denominations, jingling can be seen as an exception as it could also indicate a more specific aspect of the (human) soul in general.

In this analysis I shall dive deeper into different aspects of my translation of Ruggieri’s chapter in the Tianzhu shilu (SL) and also refer to and cite Ricci’s work in the Tianzhu shiyi (SY) where there are overlapping fields or any other kind of remarkable notes. This chapter was not approached in a stylistic manner, rather it focused on the content, the translation of specific concepts, and the negotiation the missionaries had to engage in in order to reach understandable texts. It highlights the natural theologist approach the Jesuits applied when convincing Chinese people about the existence of God and the immortality of the soul by means of reason. In order to keep the focus on the analysis, I will make use of the abbreviations SL and SY between brackets when referring to specific lines. Because Ricci has copied multiple passages which have been translated before by Douglas Lancashire and Peter Hu-kuo Chen (edited by Malatesta in 1985), these passages within my translation are also based on the translation found in the latest version of the Tianzhu shiyi, edited by Thierry Meynard in 2016.

3.3.2 Translation

As found on Scripta Sinica: zi 子 (masters)/ zongjiao 宗教 (religion)/ Tianzhu shengjiao shilu (yuan keben) 天主聖教實錄（原刻本）／lun renhun bu mie dayi qinshou (p. 18-1)... [Ming kanben] 論人魂不滅大異禽獸(P.18-1)..[明刊本].256

255 Ricci (2016: 57). 256 http://hanchi.ihp.sinica.edu.tw/ihpc/hanji?@23^896373887^802^^^403040300009@@648865756#top. Accessed on May 27th, 2020.

論人魂不滅大異禽獸。 An explanation on the human soul is not 1. extinguished and that it is greatly different from birds and beasts. 或曰。尊言人有魂形两全。禽獸亦有 Question: The respectable says that the 魂形两全。吾疑二者相同。希乞明 man has two kinds of entities, the soul and the shape. The birds and beasts also have 2. 示。 these entities. I assume these (i.e., the situation of the humans and the animals) are identical. I bid you to clarify. 答曰。人有魂形两全。禽獸亦有魂形 Answer: Man has two kinds of entities, the 两全。此乃同乎人也。人之身體固成 soul and the shape. The birds and beasts 扵地水氣火。而禽獸之身，亦成扵地 also have two entities. These are the same as men’s. Men’s body is formed of earth, 水氣火。此亦同乎人也。 water, air, and fire, and so are the bodies of 人之所以異扵禽獸者，在乎體態奇 birds and beasts formed by earth, water, 俊。體既不同。則其魂亦異矣。 3. air, and fire. This also the same as that of mankind. The reason why men are different from birds and beasts, lies within the fact that [men’s] bodily features are remarkable. Their bodies (i.e., of men and animals) are different, consequently their souls are too. 譬如匠人欲成一椅卓必湏用木。欲成 For example, a craftsman who wants to 利器必湏用鉄。器物各異則所用之資 build a table is required to use wood. If he 亦不同。既知人之體態不同乎禽獸則 wants to manufacture a sharp tool, he needs to use iron. Since each object is 4. 人之魂� （靈）又安能與禽獸相同 different, so the materials and abilities he 哉？ uses are also different. Since we already know that men’s bodily form is different from those of birds and beasts, then how

can mankind’s soul be the same as the souls of birds and beasts? 吾嘗聞異端有言曰。人之魂�或進扵 I have heard that in heretic teachings it is 禽獸之身而回生扵世間。此誠虗誕之 said that the soul of man enters to the bodies of birds and beasts to be born again 詞也。夫人自己之魂只合乎自己之 in this world. This is really a void and 身，安能以自己之魂而合乎他人之身 absurd saying. Since a man’s soul can only 哉？禽獸之魂只合乎禽獸之身，奚可 join with his own body, then how can it be 以人之魂而合乎禽獸之身哉？亦猶刀 in accordance with someone else’s? The 只合乎刀之鞘劍只合乎劍之鞘，烏能 soul of birds and beasts can only fit to the 以刀之肉而合乎劍之鞘哉？ bodies of birds and beasts, how can their 欲知禽獸之魂不同乎人，必湏虛心聳 souls fit to the bodies of men? Also, it’s

5. 耳以聽可也。 just like how a knife only fits into the sheath for (holding) knives, and a double- edged sword only fits in the scabbard for double-edged swords. How can you take the flesh [i.e. the blade] of a knife and fit it into the scabbard of a double-edged sword? If you wish to understand why souls of birds and beasts are not the same as those of man, then you must humbly sharpen your ears to listen. 彼世界之魂有三品。下品之魂者草木 In this world there are three kinds of souls. 也。此魂只扶其草木長大而已，及草 The lowest soul is vegetative. This soul 木枯萎此魂遂滅矣。中品之魂者禽獸 only supports vegetation in its growth and nothing more. And when the vegetation 6. 也。此魂在扵禽獸之身，能助禽獸之 withers, then this soul is also eradicated. 長大，及其耳目之視聽，鼻口知其衆 The second class of soul is the one of the 味，身能探其冷熱。至扵身死則此魂 birds and beasts. This type of soul is 遂滅矣。

possessed by the bodies of the birds and beasts. It helps birds and beasts to grow up and [the development] of ears and eyes for perception; and through the nose and mouth they are aware of all the flavours, and their bodies can experience cold and warmth within their bodies. At the point of their death, their souls perish along with them. 上品之魂者世人也。此魂之扶乎人有 The third kind of soul, the most superior, 三。一則能扶其身之長大，二則能助 is the one of man, this soul supports man 其耳目之視聽，口鼻知其衆味，身能 in three aspects. Firstly, it supports the growing up of their bodies. The second 知其冷熱。人身既死，則此二事俱無 assists with the seeing and hearing of the 矣。若夫第三則精� 之魂，能明事 ears and eyes, and through the awareness 理，欲為則為，欲止則止。雖至身 of all kinds of flavours and scents with the 死，而此一事固常存而不滅也。 nose and ears, the body knows [the distinction between] cold and warmth. 7. After the human body has died, these two things (i.e., functions) are both not here anymore. But as for the third class, it is the essential hun which is able to understand the li (the principles). If the soul wants to act, then it does so, if it wants to stop, it stops. Even when the body dies, this one [aspect of the] soul will last forever and will not be destroyed. 或曰。尊言魂有三事。其扶助長大等 Question: The respectable says that there 8. 二事，身死則随身而滅。惟精� 一 are three kinds of souls [i.e., the vegetative, plants and the soul of humans]. [There are]

事。身雖死乃能常存而不滅也。吾固 the two aspects which supports the growth.

不能無疑。希乞明示。 When the body dies, these two perish along with the body. Only when it comes down to the essential soul, even when the body dies, the soul will keep on existing and will not perish. I certainly am not capable of doubting this. I beg you to explain. 答曰。扶長五覺之二事，皆賴身用 Answer: The first two are about 事，故身死而此二事俱滅。若人之欲 developing the five perceptions. These all 明物理者，不賴乎身，故身死而精� depend on bodily functions, so when the body dies, these two will perish, as well. If 9. 之魂，悠久常存而不滅也。 a person wants to understand li of things, he does not depend on the body. So, when the body dies the essential hun will permanently remain and not be destroyed. 或曰。尊言二事賴乎人身。欲明物理 Question: The respectable says that the

不賴乎身者。幸乞教我。 two kinds depend on the body. If one wants 10. to understand the li of things, one does not depend on the body. I beg you to explain this. 答曰。吾今先以二端之賴乎身者言 Answer: I have now first talked about the 之。誠以目司視、耳司聽、鼻之扵 two aspects of the soul that depend on the （於）臭、口之扵味、四肢之知其冷 body. Truly, one uses eyes to see, ears to hear, the nose to perceive fragrant odours, 熱固矣。 11. the mouth [to perceive] the different tastes, 設有一物，不置之目前而置之背後， and the four limbs to feel cold and warmth. 則不見。物之有聲者，近扵耳則聞， If there is an object which is not placed in 遠則不聞。物之或香或臭，近扵鼻則 front of the eyes but behind the back, you 能辨，遠則不辨。物之鹹苦酸辛甘， cannot see it. If there is an object

入口則知，不入口則不知。又如同一 producing sound, one can distinguish it if 耳也，䏊者則不聞。同一目也，瞽者 it close to the ears, and not if it is far away 則不見。此所以僧言身死，而二事亦 from the ears. If an object smells fragrantly or has a stench and it is placed close by 随之以滅矣。 then you can distinguish this, if it is far away, one cannot. The saltiness, bitterness, sourness, and sweetness of things can only be known when they enter the mouth. If it does not enter [the mouth], then one cannot know it. It is the same for the ears, a deaf person cannot hear. It is the same for the eyes, a blind person cannot see. This is why I, a monk, say that when the body dies, these two kinds follow and will also perish along with it. 若夫精�之一事，固不論賢愚而皆有 But as for the one kind that encloses the 之者也。譬如禽獸若逢飢餓，見有可 spiritual soul, no matter whether somebody is wise or ignorant, both are in 食之物，不擇是非而遽食之，若人則 possession [of this soul]. For example, 不然。苟遇飢餓之時，立志不食，即 when birds and beasts are hungry and they 雖羙（美）味擺列于前，而亦不食。 see something that can be eaten, they do 又如一人之身，遠遊在外，而此心一 not differentiate right and wrong and 點，尤必時常掛念家中。則此明理之 quickly eat it. If this was a man, it would 12. 魂，誠不賴身而用事也。故僧言人之 not be like this. When a man is starving and 魂�大異乎禽獸者如此。 he is determined not to eat, that is, then, even when something delicious is placed in front of him, he will not eat. Another example would be a person who travels abroad but there is still a part of his mind which constantly thinks about home. This is the soul which understands the li,

and it really does not depend on the body to function. This is why I, a monk, say that the soul of man is profoundly different from that of the birds and beasts. 或曰。尊師所言人魂不滅。吾嘗聞人 Question: That what the respectable 有言魂�随身而滅。予疑未決。希乞 master says is that the soul of man does not perish. I have heard from people that the 13. 明示。 soul is destroyed along with the body, I have not resolved my doubts concerning this matter. I bid you to explain. 答曰。禽獸之身魂，皆因土水氣火而 Answer: Both the body and the soul of 成。苟此四者，有一相勝而不相和， birds and beasts are made of earth, water, 則身随死。身既死，則魂遂滅矣。人 air and fire. If one [of these four elements] surpasses the others (i.e., dominates them) 之身，亦由扵水土火氣而成，若有相 and they are not in harmony with each 勝即死。若人之魂，乃天主所賦，非 other, then the body dies. Since the body 成扵土水氣火，是以不能滅也。此乃 has died, then the soul subsequently 第一之理。 perishes. When it comes down to the body 14. of man, this is also made out water, earth, air and fire. If one prevails, then the body shall die. When it comes to the soul of man, which has been bestowed by the Lord of Heaven, this is not composed out of earth, water, air and fire. Therefore, it cannot be destroyed. This is the first reason. 且天主報應無私，善者必賞，惡者必 The judgment of the Lord of Heaven is fair 罰。假如今世之人，亦有為惡者而富 and impartial: the good will be rewarded, 15. 貴，為善者而貧賤，天主必待其人既 and the evil will be punished. Supposing there are people in this world who do evil 死之時，然後取其善者之魂，而升之

天堂受福。審其惡者之魂，而置之地 and receive riches and honour, and those 獄受苦。若魂随身而滅。天主安得而 who do good, yet they suffer poverty and undergo hardships. The Lord of Heaven 賞罰之哉？此乃第二之理也。 certainly waits until they have died and

then selects the souls of those good people. He makes them rise up to Heaven to enjoy blessings. He investigates the souls of those who have slandered, they will suffer hardships by confining them to Hell. If the soul perishes along with the body, how could the Lord of Heaven reward and punish man? This is the second reason. 且普世之人，亦有棄其事業、家產而 In this world there are men who relinquish 徃山脩行，若魂與身俱滅，人何湏修 their careers and possessions, and then go to the mountains to cultivate their 行哉。此乃第三之理也。 behaviour. If their souls are destroyed 惟人有魂�，人常問人之死後如何。 together with their bodies, why should they 若禽獸則無魂�，故未聞問及禽獸之 have engaged in religious practices? This 死後如何。人何故而常問也。皆因其 is the third reason. 魂之不滅而已。此乃第四之理也。 But only man has a spiritual soul. This is 16. why people always ask what happens to people after they die. Since birds and beasts do not have this spiritual soul, they have never ventured to inquire what happens after the death of birds and beasts. Why do men always ask about that? This is because their souls will not vanish. This is the fourth reason. 或曰。人死魂�不滅。既是不滅。吾 Question: When people die, the soul is not 17. 不得而見聞之何也。 perishing. Even if it is not destroyed, what

it is the reason that I cannot see or hear (i.e., perceive) the soul [after its death]? 答曰。宇內之物。不得而見者。亦猶 Answer: Among the things in this world 夫風能動物。人亦不得而見其形也。 that cannot be seen, there is, for example, 亦如黑亱之時。雖有人近乎汝，汝自 the wind, which is able to move things, but men cannot see the wind’s form. It is also 不得而見之。若欲見其黑亱之人，必 like during the dark night. Even if someone 湏火燭。然後得見。若以汝之魂�。 is close to you, you will not be able to see 欲見他人之魂。而及其無形等物。必 them. If you desire to see these people in 湏有一道豪光。 the dark night, you will have to use fire and 18. 此豪光者。從何而淂之也。若夫為善 torches. Only then you will be to see 之人至扵死後，則天主以此豪光賦 [them]. If you desire to see another’s soul

之。使之淂見天人魔鬼等物。 with your own and it is just as intangible, you will need a strong and powerful light. Where does one obtain a powerful light? If a man who has done good approaches death, then the Lord of Heaven will bestow this glorious light upon him and make him see angels, demons, and other beings. 或曰。人死之後魂既不滅，何故不在 Question: After men die, since their souls

本家而照顧妻子與。 will not perish, why do they not stay with 19. their family and look after their wife and children? 答曰。天主制作萬物，分定各有所 Answer: The Lord of Heaven creates all 在。不然，則其事亂矣。且不謂之死 10.000 things and assigns each its own 矣，且觀星宿居扵諸天之上，不得降 place. If not, all these things would be in 20. chaos. Then one could not call someone 扵地下而雜乎草木；草木生扵地下， dead. And if we observe the constellations 亦不得升扵天上而雜乎星宿。魚鱉之 in the heavens, it should not happen that 在水者，不得徃扵山林而雜乎禽獸。 they fall down to the ground and mingle

with the grasses and the trees. The grasses and trees grow under the ground, and it should not be that they ascend to the heavens and mingle [with the stars] as well. Fish and turtles who live in the water should not turn to the mountains and forests and blend with the birds and beasts. 故言萬物各安其所，不得而妄動也。 Hence, all things have their own 譬如水底魚飢將死，雖有香餌在岸， determined places, and should not 亦不得徃而食之。是以吾言人之魂� deliberately move away from these. For example, even if fish in the water are about 雖念妻子，亦不得回在家中矣。 to die of hunger, even if there is fragrant 21. bait on the shore, they should not climb the banks to eat it. Therefore, I say that [even if] the spiritual hun of humans long for the wife and children, it should not return home. 或曰。人之魂�未升天堂之先，居扵 Question: Before the soul of men ascends 肉身之時常與妻子合歡。及至死後升 to the heaven, when he lives in his flesh body, he enjoys being together with his 天之時，不知亦有合歡于妻子之思念 22. wife and children. And when he ascends to 也。 heaven upon his death, I am not sure whether he still has thoughts of yearning for rejoicing with his wife and children? 答曰。人魂若離其身，則變其性與前 Answer: When the soul parts from the 日不同矣。亦猶水性常趋下而歸于 body, then its nature will change and not be the same as the day before. It is also just 23. 海。及其太陽炎照之時，則變其氣之 like the water that will always flow 輕清上騰。而無趨下歸海之性矣。 downwards in order to return to the sea. And when the fire of the sun shines, the air

是以吾嫌異端之虗詞。言其魂�既離 becomes lighter and rises upwards. As 乎身，復投別人之胎，而回生扵世界 such, it does not have the nature of descending and returning to the sea. 也。 This is why I dislike the empty heretic words that when a soul is separate from a body, it is recast in a different womb to be reincarnated into the world. 或曰。尊言魂永不滅。夫既不滅，則 Question: The respectable one says that

必湏費用。吾不知其費用何物也。 the soul will never ever perish. And since 24. it will not perish, it must be valuable. But I do not know how valuable it is? 答曰。人之與草木禽獸，其�（類） Answer: As for the relationship between

各別。�既不一，則所用亦異。何以 men and the plants and the birds and beasts, each is different. Since these 見之。草木下品也。所用之資甚卑， species are not the same, their function is 故用之糞土。禽獸中品也。而勝扵草 also different. How can we understand 木，故食用芻�。世人上品也。故用 this? Grass and trees are the lowest 珍羞羙味，因其品之高，故所用之資 category (i.e., of the soul). Their function 亦高。 is of the lowest kind, for this reason they 25. are used as dung. The birds and beasts are of the middle category. They surpass the plants, that is why they eat the hay and plants. People belong to the highest category, that is why they have the most fragrant delicacies. Because of their high quality, the category of their function is also the highest/are the most valuable. 人之魂�極其尊貴，故用其明理之魂 The souls of human beings are extremely 26. 而真知灼見，不容有虗假之事。亦如 honourable. That is why they use their rational souls in order to gain true

世人尊貴食用其奇物羙味，豈容有污 knowledge and clear insights. They must

穢之染哉？ not tolerate empty and false matters. It is just like the honoured ones in the world eating the finest delicacies, how could they tolerate filthy pollution (i.e., how could they accept to eat polluted food)?

3.3.3 Analysis

R. 2

The first sentence of this chapter is about the opposition between hun 魂 (soul) and xing 形 (shape) and sets the tone for the rest of the chapter concerning the soul. It could also be referring to Aristotle’s doctrine of hylomorphism, i.e. “every physical object is a compound of matter and form.”257 In this case, the ‘matter’ would be the soul and the ‘form’ the body. This is confirmed by the usage of ti 體 (body) used in the following phrase.

In the Tianzhu shiyi, Ricci goes even deeper explaining that “man has both a soul (hun 魂) and a baser spirit (po 魄).” Meynard explained this further: “This baser spirit belongs to the earth and is called gui (鬼, ghost). In the present passage, Ricci understands hun, ‘soul,’ as the soul of Christian thought, but sees po, ‘baser spirit,’ as a part of man’s body, which would disintegrate with the body.”258 Po is mentioned only once in the Tianzhu shilu as a part of the word hunpo in the context of rising up to heaven (sheng tiantang 升扵天堂).

R. 3-4

257 Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. “Form vs. Matter.” Last modified 25 March, 2020. Accessed on July 6, 2020. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/form-matter/. 258 Ricci (2016: 119n183).

Titai qijun 體態奇俊 most likely referred to the standing posture of humans. In medieval thought this was regarded as the most superior position. It can also be found in Ricci’s text (SY, r. 275), where the translators opted to translate this as “the bodily form is particularly handsome.”259

Ling � (soul) from the word hunling 魂� can be read as ling 靈. Ling � is a yitizi 異體字

(variant character)260 for 靈. From hereupon I will use the character 靈 in my analysis. As mentioned above, Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci used different words to talk about the ‘soul,”

Ricci borrowed parts of these sentences in the fifth chapter of the Tianzhu shiyi, with some slight changes: 人之體態奇俊, 與禽獸不同, 則其魂亦異。譬匠人欲成椅卓必須用木, 欲成利器必須用鐵, 器物各異, 則所用之資亦異。既知人之體態不同禽獸, 則人之魂又安能與禽獸相同哉 ? (SY, r. 275) This chapter is the beginning of the second part of the Tianzhu shiyi, which is an attack on the Buddhist doctrine, and is called “Refutation of False Teachings concerning Reincarnation in the Six Forms of Life261 and the Taking of Life, and an Explanation of the True Meaning of Fasting” (辯排輪廻六道、戒殺生之謬說, 而揭齋素正志)262. It highlights how the Jesuits attempted to get their teaching through natural theology. Matteo Ricci started the chapter by denouncing Buddhism and explaining how parts of Christian thought and other “faulty teachings” (不免玷缺) were spread to other countries, among which India. This falls into line with St. Augustine’s approach to religion through which he distinguishes Christianity as vera religio (true religion) from falsae religio (false religions).263

According to Ricci, the specific doctrine of metempsychosis, referring to the transmigration of the soul or reincarnation, is derived from one of Pythagoras’ arguments against evildoers.264 This

259 See Ricci (2016: 206-207). 260 A variant character is an alternative character that has a similar meaning or pronunciation from its standard counterpart. 261 The six ways of life in the cycle of transmigration are: tian 天, deva or paradise; ren 人, men or man; axiuluo 阿修羅, asura or evil spirits; chusheng 畜牲, animals; egui 餓鬼, hungry spirits; and diyu 地獄, hell. (Ricci, 2016: 195). 262 Ricci (2016: 196-197). 263 Meynard (2005: 484). 264 For more, see Ricci (2016: 196-199).

specific argument of the unfeasibility of transmigration is consistent with Aristotle’s theory of hylomorphism (cf. supra). Because of the specific combination of the soul (靈) and the body (形), it is impossible for one ‘kind’ or ‘class’ (see SL, r. 6) to transmigrate to a different one.

This strong emphasis on the difference between Christianity and “heretic teachings” (such as Buddhism) is not a rare phenomenon, especially not in Christian or Buddhist history. Vernon Ruland has called this the “fallacy of inflated differences” and defined it as follows: “The fact that one group is prone to dis-identify with others and emphasize negligible differences in order to consolidate its identity.”265

R. 5

Wu 烏 is the equivalent in meaning to yu he 於何.266

This whole passage, except for the last sentence, can also be found in Ricci’s fifth chapter, also with minor changes: 故知釋氏所云人之靈魂, 或託於別人之身, 或入於禽獸之體, 而回生於世間, 誠誑詞矣。夫人自己之魂, 只合乎自己之身, 烏能以自己之魂, 而合乎他人之身哉? 又况乎異類之身哉？亦猶刀只合乎刀之鞘, 劍只合乎劍之鞘, 安能以刀合劍鞘耶 ? (r. 276) This is a further argumentation against the doctrine of transmigration.

There are two differences between the passage in the Tianzhu shilu and the Tianzhu shilu. Firstly, whereas Ruggieri described this doctrine as being part of yiduan 異端, which can be translated as ‘heretic teachings,’ Ricci directly addressed Buddhist believers and disciples by using shishi 釋氏 (Śākya clan).267 Shi 釋 was used as the surname of Buddhist monks and nuns and it refers to the historical Buddha, Shijiamouni 釋迦牟尼 (Śākyamuni)268. Literally translated, this means ‘the sage of the Śākya clan.’

265 Ruland (1994: 20). 266 Pulleyblank (1995: 96). 267 DDB. “Shishi 釋氏 [Śākya clan]." Accessed on July 11, 2020. 268 DDB. “Shijiamouni 釋迦牟尼 [Śākyamuni].” Accessed on July 11, 2020.

Another difference between the Tianzhu shilu and the Tianzhu shiyi is the passage following this explanation. In Ruggieri’s text, this passage is part of the argumentation on the soul. In the Tianzhu shiyi, it is part of the refutation of Buddhism and, specifically, an attack on the theories of reincarnation. Instead of being part of the preliminary reasoning on the soul and why it is different of that of beasts and plants, it builds on this chapter for a more detailed argumentation against reincarnation.

R. 6-7

As mentioned above, the Jesuits used Aristotelian logic and Scholastic philosophy as the basis for their theology. According to these, there are three kind of souls in the world. Except for the last phrase, these passages can be found both in the Tianzhu shilu and the Tianzhu shiyi, although with small differences between the two: “彼世界之魂有三品。下品之魂者草木也。此魂只扶其草木長大而已，及草木枯萎此魂遂滅矣。中品之魂者禽獸也。此魂在扵禽獸之身，能助禽

獸之長大，及其耳目之視聽，鼻口知其衆味，身能探其冷熱。至扵身死則此魂遂滅矣” (r. 133). Ruggieri differentiated the souls in three levels: the lower level (xia pin 下品), middle class (zhong pin 中品), and the higher class (shang pin 商品). On the other hand, Ricci gave the three different classes of souls (san pin 三品) their specific names: ‘vegetative soul’ (shenghun 生魂), ‘sentient soul’ (juehun 覺魂), and the ‘intellective/intellectual soul’ (linghun 靈魂).269 These align with the Aristotelean denominations (in Latin): the anima vegetative for the ‘vegetative soul,’ anima sensitive for ‘sensitive soul,’ and anima intellectiva for ‘intellective soul,” In an essay on the heart, brain and soul from a medical perspective as well as fitting within the framework of the early Jesuit missions in China, Pan explained that “the higher-level souls subsume the lower-level souls. The three levels should never be perceived as three independent souls.” In this case, the intellective soul (of human beings) “rules and drives sensitive souls.”270

In the Tianzhu shilu, the last phrase in r. 7 aligns with the answer to the following question in r. 9 if compared to the Tianzhu shiyi.

269 Ricci (2016: 121). 270 Pan (2020: 95).

Following the translation in the Tianzhu shilu, I have decided to also use ‘class’ and ‘kind’ as a translation for pin 品 and shi 事 in this context.

With regard to the most supreme soul, or the intellective soul, Ruggieri used jingling 精靈 and jingling zhi hun 精靈之魂 as an alternative way of designating the soul, or the hun. This can be translated as ‘the essential soul,’ jing 精 means ‘quintessence’ or ‘essence.’ Although the exact phrase of jingling zhi hun was not used in the Tianzhu shiyi, in the same chapter, Ricci used ren zhi jingling 人之精靈 when talking about man’s soul (SY, r. 131). As becomes clear later in Ruggieri’s text, at this point in the mission the Jesuits were still searching for the right translations of many concepts, the soul is no exemption in this process. Alongside jingling (zhi hun), Ruggieri also used renzhi hunling 人之魂鈴 (SL, r. 12) in the sentence “only man has a spiritual/essential/ intellective soul,” and mingli zhi hun 明理之魂 (SL, r. 26) which can be translated as “the soul or hun that understands the principles/reasons.”

When focusing on this essential soul, Ruggieri used neng ming shi li 能明事理 (to be able to engage in the process of reasoning). When coming face to face with the translation of li 理, it is clear that there exists a lot of ambiguity. On a first level, li can be translated as ‘reason’ and ‘principle.’ By placing this text in the historical context of Neo-Confucianist discourse, it is more likely that it can be translated as ‘principle,’ or possibly as ‘pattern.’271 Another usage of li exists in the term shili 事理/lishi 理事, which was a central concept for the Huayan 華嚴 school, and was used in the sense of ‘phenomena’ and ‘principle.’272 In La Raison des Choses (2005), Gernet translates li as ‘prinicpe d’organisation’ and ‘pouvoir d’organisation.’273 In 1982, in Chine et christianisme, he renders li as ‘principe d’orde (universel).’274 Douglas Lancashire and Peter Hu Kuo-chen have also translated li as ‘principle.’ In Ricci’s Tianzhu shiyi, li is also translated as ‘principle.’ When looking at later works, Knud Lundbaek translated li both as ‘principle’ and ‘cause’

271 For more on the dynamics surrounding Neo-Confucianism and the positioning and translation of li 理, tian 天, and qi 氣, see Lai 赖 (2017) and Brasovan (2018). 272 Dessein & Heirman (2011: 197-199). 273 McMorran (2005: 477). 274 Gernet (1982: 44).

in the title of the first chapter of the second part of the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus, which was published in 1687 and offered a first systematic and comprehensive view on Confucianism, and especially its position in Chinese society.275 In 1628, Li Zhizao compiled many of the missionary texts in Tianxue chuhan 天學初函 (First Collection of Celestial Studies) and divided these in two sections libian 理編 and qibian 器編. Li contains texts that cover moralising and philosophic topics, such as the Tianzhu shiyi. Qi, which is not written as qi 氣 (referring to a ‘universal energy’), contains texts about science and technology.276

Looking back at the phrase neng ming shi li and later mentions of li, it becomes clear that this is a concept that has layers on many different levels, especially when looking at it from a theological perspective. Just as it is the case with hun, li is a layered term because of the way it has been throughout history and within different doctrines. What remains unclear is whether this choice of words happened with or without pre-existing knowledge of the Neo-Confucianist context.

R. 11

Yu 扵 is an alternative form of yu 於.

This passage also returns in the third chapter of the Tianzhu shiyi: “長育身體之事, 無身體則無所長育矣。視之以目司焉, 聽之以耳司焉, 嗅之以鼻司焉, 啖之以口司焉, 知覺物情之以四肢知覺焉。然而色不置目前, 則不見色矣 ; 聲不近于耳, 則聲不聞矣 ; 臭近于鼻則能辨, 遠則不辨也 ; 味之鹹酸甘苦, 入口則知, 不入則不知也 ; 冷熱硬愞合於身, 我方覺之, 遠之則不覺也。况聲, 同一耳也, 聾者不聞 ; 色, 同一目也, 瞽者不見。故曰覺魂賴乎身, 身死而隨熄也。誠以目司視、耳司聽、鼻之扵（於）臭、口之扵味、四肢之知其冷熱固矣” (SY, r. 136). Additionally, this passage can also be traced back to the 《Jin xin 盡心》 (Exhausting all his heart)277 in Mengzi 孟子:

275 Lundbaek (1983: 19-22). 276 Gernet (1982: 81-82). 277 This chapter of Mengzi 孟子 is about the human partaking of the heavenly Way, which cannot solely be revealed through cultivating oneself. Jin xin 盡心 means “to devote all one’s heart and mind to doing things. […] Jin xin is

孟子曰：「口之於味也，目之於色也，耳之於聲也，鼻之於臭也，四肢之於安佚也，性也，有命焉，君子不謂性也。仁之於父子也，義之於君臣也，禮之於賓主

也，智之於賢者也，聖人之於天道也，命也，有性焉，君子不謂命也。」278

One big difference between the Tianzhu shilu and the Tianzhu shiyi is Ruggieri’s usage of seng 僧 in the last sentence. Seng is used when referring to a Buddhist monk, and the disappearance of this term in later Jesuit works is one of the rare cases where there has been a clear switch from a more Buddhist approach to a Confucian one.

R. 12

Ming li zhi hun 明理之魂 refers back to the intellective soul in r. 7 in the Tianzhu shilu, it is ‘the soul which understands the principles.’ Once again, the ambiguity of li can be emphasised here, as ‘reason’ could be another way of translation. This passage gives a more concrete example of the capabilities of this specific soul, emphasising the rationality and willpower of ming li zhi hun or jingling (or juehun).

R. 14

This passage delves deeper into another distinct aspect of the human soul (ren zhi hun 人之魂), as opposed to man’s body and the body and soul of animals and plants, this hun is not the result of the combination of the four elements. A similar passage can be found in the Tianzhu shiyi: “凡天下之物, 莫不以火氣水土四行相結以成。然火性熱乾, 則背于水, 水性冷濕也 ; 氣性濕熱, 則背于土, 土性乾冷也。兩者相對相敵, 自必相賊, 即同在相結一物之內, 其物豈得長久和平? 其間未免時相伐競, 但有一者偏勝, 其物必致壞亡。故此有四行之物, 無有不泯滅者。夫靈魂則神也, 於四行無関焉, 孰從而悖滅之?” (SY, r. 138)

therefore to extend and realize all potentials within one’s heart-mind, which leads to knowing the nature and Heaven.” (Yao, 2016: 746-749). 278 CTEXT. “Jin xin xia 盡心下, 70.” Accessed on May 13, 2020.

Here, qi 氣 is used as the equivalent of air within the context of the four elements, or, as Ricci referred to them, the sida 四大 (the four great). In Buddhism, the ‘four great elements’ are those “which all physical substances are composed of.” In this context, they are tu 土 (earth), shui 水 (water), huo 火 (fire), and feng 鳳 (wind).279 Meynard pointed out that Ricci probably compared Buddhism to the Gnosticism of Western antiquity, in which the spiritual decays within matter.280 The first mention of qi in the Tianzhu shiyi is in the first chapter in the argument about the existence of one creator of all things. In a footnote accompying this phrase Meynard mentioned that “Ricci makes the mistake identifying the concept of qi with the natural element of air.”281 However, in the fourth chapter of the Tianzhu shiyi, there is a whole passage dedicated to 氣, where it refers to material energy. Here, he left qi untranslated to indicate the many meanings it could connotate of its meaning, and remarked that: “For Ricci, who follows the Western dichotomy matter–spirit, qi means matter or material energy. However, in the mouth of the Chinese scholar, qi refers to a psychological energy as well as a physical reality.”282

In the Tianzhu shilu, there is a similar ambiguity surrounding the meanings of qi. Out of 16 mentions of qi, 14 of them refer to qi as one of the four elements. The first mention of qi in a different context is in the chapter “Jieshi di san ci yu ren guijie shiqing 觧釋第三次與人規誡事情” (On the Three Occasions [the Lord of Heaven] has Admonished Man) in which qili 氣力 refers to the strength that is necessary to be able to rise to Heaven. Another passage can be found near the ending of the text, in the chapter “Jieshi Tianzhu di er beiwen zhong you qi tiao shiqing 觧釋天主第二碑文中有七條事情” (On the Seven Things in the Lord of Heaven’s Second Inscription). Here, it appears in the sentence “人若平心怡氣。則無殺傷之由矣” which can be translated as “if a person is calm, then there is no reason to kill.

279 MDBG. “Sida 四大.” Accessed on July 15, 2020. 280 Ricci (2016: 175). 281 Ricci (2016: 55). 282 Ricci (2016: 153).

This passage ends on a note: “此乃第一之理” (this is the first li). This is another case where the translation of li is very ambiguous. Here, it is very likely that it can be translated as ‘reason,’ as well as in r. 15 and 16 where the Western scholar uses the same sentence structure to conclude a second, third, and fourth reason. In both the Tianzhu shilu and the Tianzhu shiyi, yin 因 (reason) is used more often than li in this context.

R. 15

Whereas Ricci only gave four arguments on the immortality and immateriality of the soul, Ricci based himself more on Valignano’s Catechismus. The argumentation in the Tianzhu shiyi is parallel to Valignano’s text, as well as a reference to the celestial bodies (in chapter four).283 However, there are still passages where Ricci borrowed from Ruggieri’s Tianzhu shilu, such as this argument. In the Tianzhu shilu, this is the second out of four reasons. In the Tianzhu shiyi, it is the tenth out of eleven reasons.

R. 16

The first sentence of this passage can also be found in the third chapter of the Tianzhu shiyi, although with some changes: “何不觀普天之下, 多有拋別家產, 離棄骨肉, 而徃深山窮谷, 誠心修行 ? 此輩俱不以今世為重, 祈望來世真福。若吾魂隨身而歿, 詎不枉費其意乎 ?” (r. 156) This is an example of fuga mundi (escaping the world), indicated by wang shan xiuxing 往山修行 (to go to the mountains to xiuxing). The translation of xiuxing is also very complex as it can refer to many practices, of which none can be confirmed to be the intended meaning. In a more Buddhist context xiuxing refers to the devotion of oneself to meditation and as such, it could be interpreted as ‘to perform religious practices.’ However, this term has existed for a much longer period in China and it can be found in texts dating back to the Western Han (206 BCE – 9 CE). In this context, xiuxing refers to the cultivation of oneself and, especially, one’s behaviour. In the translation of the Tianzhu shiyi, it appeared as follows: “[many people] enter deep into mountains and valleys in order to devote themselves in all seriousness to the pursuit of morality.” Later in the seventh chapter of

283 Meynard (2013: 316).

the Tianzhu shiyi, xiuxing returns and is translated as “to establish his merit and to cultivate moral conduct” (r. 501).

Hui 湏, as found in the Hanyu da cidian, is an alternative form of xu 须, meaning ‘to wait, to expect.’284

R. 18

Tianren 天人 and mogui 魔鬼 most likely can be translated as ‘angels’ (or ‘heavenly beings’) and ‘demons.’ Whereas mogui remained the translation for ‘devil,’ tianren was modified into tianshen 天神.

This term also appears in Ruggieri’s text, but only in the chapter “Tianren yadang 天人亞当” (On Angels and Mankind)285 in combination with tianren. Because of its rare appearance, tianshen is probably not translated as ‘angel.’ It is possible that Ruggieri referred to angels of different gradation in their hierarchy.286 In an essay on the reception of St. Augustine, Gao Yuan mentioned that: “Ruggieri also used the Confucian concept of Tianshen 天神 (Heavenly gods) to refer to ‘angels.’”287 When looking at an earlier passage, it becomes clear that Gao uses a different source text in which tianren has been replaced by tianshen.288 This is a version from Dong chuan fu yin 東傳福音 (The Gospel spread to the East), a volume within the collection Zhongguo zongjiao lishi wenxian jicheng 中國宗教歷史文獻集成 (Collection of Works on the History of Religion in China).289 Zhang Qiong, when referring to the Tianzhu shilu, indirectly talks about the chapter “On Angels and Mankind” and uses the term tianren as a translation for ‘angels.’290

284 HYDCD. “Hui 湏.” Accessed on May 13, 2020. 285 Yadang 亞当 is actually the transcription of Adam. Altough Yadang is still used today, Ricci used the characters Yadang 亞黨. (Ricci, 2016: 271n381). 286 For more about angels and their hierarchy, see Vorgrimler, Bernauer, and Sternberg (2002). 287 Gao (2016: 123). 288 Gao (2016: 122). 289 The titles of these two works in English are of my own translation. 290 Zhang (1999: 10).

Ricci used tianshen as the designated translation for ‘angel.’291 In passages where Ricci has based himself on Ruggieri’s text, tianren is often replaced by shen 神, which has been translated as ‘spirit.’ As such, Ricci used guishen 鬼神 (ghost and spirit) to refer to “all spiritual beings” between God and humans, such as good or bad angels.292 Shen can also mean ‘God’293 or ‘divine,’ Ricci used this term in combination with sheng 聖 (holy) to refer to a saint, shengshen 聖神.294

Mogui 魔鬼 was used to designate the devil or demons. The translation of this term is also a complex matter as it connotes both alternatives. According to Meynard, who chose to translate mogui as ‘devil,’ the first syllable of this term, mo 魔, is derived from the Buddhist term māra, which he interprets as “the tempter of the Buddha, though it was also used more generally for ‘demons.’295 However, Zhang translated mogui as demons (literally ‘demons and ghosts’) and referred to its use in the chapter “On Angels and Mankind” when talking about the expulsion of Lucifer.296

R. 19-21

Ricci used these passages as an inspiration for part of his argumentation on the immortality of the soul in the fourth chapter: “天主制作萬物, 分定各有所在, 不然則亂。如死者之魂,仍可在家, 豈謂之死乎 ? 且觀星宿居於天上, 不得降於地下而雜乎草木 ; 草木生於地下, 亦不得升於天上而雜乎星宿。萬物各安其所, 不得移動, 譬水底魚饑將死, 雖有香餌在岸,亦不得徃而食之。人之魂雖念妻子, 豈得回在家中 ? 凡有回世界者, 必天主使之, 或以勸善, 或以懲惡, 以騐人死之後, 其魂猶存, 與其禽獸魂之散而不回者異也” (r. 186).

291 Ricci (2016: 20). 292 Ricci (2016: 63n71). 293 In the mid-nineteenth century, Protestant missionaries sometimes opted for shen as the translation for God instead of Shangdi or Tianzhu, especially the theologically more conservative missionaries advocated for this use. (Ricci, 2016: 20). 294 Ricci (2016: 77n100). 295 Ricci (2016: 20). 296 Zhang (1999: 10-11).

The translation of bu de 不得 (r. 21) can be interpreted as implying a modality. Whereas it is possible to use ‘cannot’ to translate this verb, ‘should not’ seems more fitting to the context.

R. 22

Similar to the translation of mogui, tiantang 天堂 (heaven) is also a term derived from Buddhist vocabulary. In Buddhism, tiantang or the devaloka refers to the ‘mansions of the gods’ and is the heavenly realm “where one may be reborn as a result of good actions.”297

It cannot be confirmed if the Jesuits were aware of these specific meanings. It is important to keep in mind that throughout time language evolves and its meaning changes. Just like a word can be reused in different contexts, the Jesuits could find these kinds of terms in other works than purely Buddhist ones.

R. 23

In this passage, Ruggieri once again mentions heretic teachings and their “empty words”: “是以吾嫌異端之虗詞。言其魂�既離乎身，復投別人之胎，而回生扵世界也。” In this phrase, it is reemphasised that Ruggieri sets a limit as to how much Christianity resonates with Buddhism and doctrines of transmigration. Ultimately, this further shows the complexity of the position and identity-management of the Jesuits.

3.3.4 Final remarks

Though Ruggieri is often portrayed as taking the identity of a monk and he even calls himself a monk (seng 僧), this chapter shows that he still remained critical of Buddhist theories like the doctrine of transmigration, as he expressed his disagreement and also contributed arguments to prove his point. Ricci moved further and opened his third chapter (with the same title) with a denunciation of Buddhism. This emphasis on the difference between Christianity and Buddhism can also be seen as the Jesuits consolidating their identity by stressing their differences, instead of fully accommodating to local customs and traditions.

297 DDB. “Tiantang 天堂.” Accessed on July 17, 2020.

This chapter also highlights the use of semantic loans, such as hun 魂, li 理, xiuxing 修行 and qi 氣. By comparing Ruggieri and Ricci’s versions the complexity of such characters can be seen very clearly, as these terms sometimes have different connotations than what the missionaries are expressing. The usage of qi and xiuxing, for example, give rise to many discussions concerning their meaning in the source language. The different appearances of translations, such the soul or angel, indicate that these translations were under constant negotiation. Not just among the Jesuits, but also in interaction with Chinese collaborators.

Conclusion

The purpose of this thesis was to shed light on the complexities that arise when engaging in translation, it is more than solely knowledge transfer or the locus of culture exchange. Instead, the emphasis shifts to the role of translation in self-representation, negotiation and mediation, ultimately placing it in the construction of a Third Space. Bhabha’s ‘Third Space theory’ was applied to early Jesuit translations in late Ming China. Through translating and analysing fragments of Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci’s translations, this thesis attempts to demonstrate the hybridisation or cultural mediation that occurred in the context of their accommodation policy.

On the level of translation theory, in which the specific history of translation in China and a more Western perspective are combined, including the cultural turn and later postcolonial developments, it becomes clear that, despite many similarities and an already large corpus of research, these two are too often still perceived as two different domains. This approach also made the consistencies within early Chinese translation more visible. At the same time, it highlights the fact that despite the popularity of postcolonial studies, the field of translation in early (modern) China is still lacking in that aspect. This can also be explained in the context of the recent emerging of translation theory and, specifically, the influence of even younger postcolonial theories. After complementing this with a historical survey of translation in China, it becomes even clearer how complementary these fields are.

When looking at the entrance of the Jesuit missionaries in China and their attempts at converting the court, it is difficult not to acknowledge the importance of the accommodationist approach. This was the result of Alessandro Valignano’s efforts to create a synthesis of Japanese faith and Christianity. Additionally, the Jesuits’ background in scholarship and the inclusion of humanism also played a large role in gaining acceptance among Chinese scholars. The constant negotiation between Jesuits and Chinese converts resulted in the recurrence of certain aspects of earlier translation techniques that were applied during the so-called ‘Buddhist translation wave.’ An important example of this is the usage of concepts and terminology that was already in use to translate Christian concepts such as God, Heaven and Hell. Though this was a controversial method that eventually led to the demise of their mission, it offers insight in the hybrid spaces that are known to occur as a result of translation. Because of the representative nature of translation, the Jesuits engaged in a kind of identity negotiation. One might even go so far as to say they were in the process

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of an identity construction in which they had to follow papal orders and remain loyal to their order, alongside with allowing a flexibility to gain foothold in China and commence their missionary activities.

Through applying the ‘Third Space theory’ on the situation the Jesuits found themselves in, it becomes clear that their translations played a crucial role in the creation and further development of what many sinologist scholars would call a ‘borderland.’ However, despite the similarities between the terminology, they carry different connotations as the Third Space becomes a site of a new and hybrid narrative. With regard to this, the aim of using Donna Haraway’s ‘situated knowledges’ is to emphasise the importance of approaching translation as something factual, in which a fact is purely subjective. Ultimately, it was through writing and going into dialogue with their collaborators that they started creating this space of hybridity. Yet, at the same time this hybridity was the cause for the need of dialogue. It can be seen in their translations that they had to engage in a constant negotiation about what they wanted to convey and how it could be conveyed, thus influencing their representations. These cannot be seen as being 'Jesuit' or 'Chinese,' rather they are merged and multiply. Whereas the Buddhists successfully established and maintained this space, the Jesuits did not make it as far because of the counterreactions from their superiors in Europe.

The main component of this thesis consists of translations and analyses of the Ten Commandment or Shi jie 十誡 by Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci and their Chinese collaborators, alongside with a chapter from Ruggieri’s Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄 concerning the soul, which is compared with a pre-existing translation of Matteo Ricci’s Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義. The Ten Commandments belong to the category of texts that are based on revelation and show differences in register. Ruggieri’s version uses more colloquial language, whereas Ricci tried writing as literarily as possible. As the Ten Commandments contain a lot of key terminology from Christianity (God, Heaven, and Hell), it is important to note that their translations remained the same. The next text is a chapter written on the mortality of the soul and human superiority in Ruggieri’s Tianzhu shilu. Here, the main terminology continued to be similar (soul, matter and form, angel and devil). However, most of these differed slightly and the reason for this cannot be found easily. Also among these texts, it becomes clear that the Tianzhu shiyi was written for a more literary audience, as it contained a lot of references to the Chinese Classics. The constant invention and reinvention of concepts show that these texts were the result of continuous negotiation, which would

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be characterising for the Jesuit mission until the end. Through translated texts, the Jesuits represented themselves, negotiated their identities, and engaged in cultural mediation, all of which resulted in the creation of a Third Space that can be seen as centring around hybridity.

This thesis is a starting point to include Chinese history from before the twentieth century in the conversation about postcolonialism. Though this is a mere testing of the waters, it shows that this is an extremely extensive field and that the inclusion of topics such as these can help breaking empirical China from a sinologist field and, at the same time, introduce postcolonial studies in this historical framework. As a result of this approach, one could say this work becomes a hybrid space itself, through which, as Spivak said, “we feel the selvedges of the languagetextile give way, fray into frayages or facilitations”298 and can find ease within states of in-betweenness and its suspense.

298 Spivak (1993: 202).

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Abbreviations

CCT Chinese Christian Text-Database

CSP Confucius Sinarum Philosophus

DDB Digital Dictionary of Buddhism

HYDCD Hanyu da cidian 汉语大辞典

SL Tianzhu shilu 天主實錄

SY Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義

TJ Tianzhu jiaoyao 天主教要

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C-texts (Chinese Text Project) 中國哲學書電子化計劃: https://ctext.org.

DDB (Digital Dictionary of Buddhism) http://www.buddhism-dict.net/ddb/. The rights to textual segments (nodes) of the DDB are owned by the author indicated in the brackets next to each segment.

Hanyu da cidian 漢語大辭典 [The large Chinese dictionary]: http://www.hydcd.com/.

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Appendix 1: A Detailed Outline of The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven from Matteo Ricci (revised by T. Meynard, 2016)

(In this outline, the number before the comma refers to the chapter, and the number following the comma to the paragraph divisions. For example, I, 16–27 indicates chapter one, paragraphs sixteen to twenty-seven.)

Ricci’s Introduction: The reason for writing the present work. 1–15

I. The Aims and Methods of the Writer. I, 16–21 A. The Relationship between the Discipline of Self-Cultivation, the Will of God, and Life after Death. I, 16–18 B. Reason as the Principal Tool of Discussion. I, 19–27 II. A Discussion about God. I, 28–II, 116 A. God as Creator and Ruler of the Universe. I, 28–64 1. The Existence of the Ruler of the Universe. I, 28–31 2. This Ruler Is the Creator of the Universe. I, 32–40 3. The Self-Existence and Eternity of God. I, 41–42 4. The Manner of God’s Creative Work. I, 43–47 5. The Uniqueness of God. I, 48–50 6. The Nature of God. I, 51–64 B. Refutation of Theories concerning the Source of Created Things in Various Schools of Thought. II, 65–101 1. The Basic Theories of the Three Schools of Thought (Taoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism) Governing the Discipline of Self-Cultivation. II, 65–66 2. Rejection of the Taoist Concept of “Nothingness” and the Buddhist Concept of “Voidness.” II, 67–76 3. Rejection of the Neo-Confucian Concepts of “Supreme Ultimate” and “Principle.” II, 77– 101 C. Designation of God in China. II, 102–16 1. Sovereign on High (Not the Supreme Deity of Religious Taoism). II, 102-8 2. Heaven. II, 109–16 III. A Discussion about Man. III, 117–VII, 520 A. The True End of Man Is Not in This World But in the World to Come. III, 117–30 1. This World Is an Animal World. Man Is Born into It and Experiences a Lifetime of Suffering. III, 117–26

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2. Man is Born into this World to Cultivate the Way and Thereby to Seek After the Joys of Everlasting Life in Heaven. III, 127–30 B. The Condition of Man in this Life. III, 131–300 1. Man is Different from Plants and Animals. III, 131–69 a. Man Possesses a Spiritual and Animal Soul. III, 131–32 b. There Are Three Grades of Soul in the World: The Vegetative, Sensitive, and Spiritual. Man’s Soul Is Spiritual. III, 133 c. Why Vegetative and Sensitive Souls Perish Along with the Body, Whereas the Spiritual Soul Exists Forever. III, 134–38 d. Why the Animal Sensitive Soul Is a Bodily Soul, While the Soul of Man Is Spirit. III, 139–50 e. Proof That the Soul of Man Is Immortal Based Chiefly on Views concerning Rewards and Punishments in the Hereafter. III, 151–69 2. Man’s Soul Differs from Spirits. IV, 170–206 a. Writings of Ancient Times Employed to Prove the Existence of Spirits, Including the Human Soul. IV, 170–83 b. Although the Soul Exists Eternally after Death, It Does Not Remain Long in This World Unless God Causes It to Do So. IV, 184–87 c. Spirits and the Soul Are Not Qi (Material Energy). Material Energy May Accumulate or Disperse and Possesses Physical Properties; Spirits and the Soul Do Not. IV, 188–90 d. Spirits Attached to Created Things Are External to Them and Are Different from the Soul, Which Is an Internal and Integral Part of Man. IV, 191–201 e. Qi (Material-Energy) Is Different from Spirits. IV, 202–6 3. Man as Created Is Distinct from God. IV, 207–37 a. Rejection of the Buddhist and Neo-Confucian Teaching That “Heaven, Earth, and All Things Form One Body,” and That “God and Creation Are Physically One.” IV, 207–9 b. Man Is Limited and Cannot Be Equated with God. Man’s Creative Powers Are Limited by His Being Aware Only of the Laws of Heaven and Earth. He Can Fall into Sin and Thus His Mind and Awareness Become Confused. IV, 210–21 c. Why God Cannot Be Equated with Man or Be Regarded as an Inner Part of Him. IV, 222–31

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d. Man’s Nature Is Good and His Soul Is Pure Insofar as He Bears the Image of God, But This Image Is Not God Himself. IV, 232–37 4. Man Does Not Share One Body with the Created World. IV, 238–57 a. Confucians Adopted This “One Body” Teaching to Encourage Man to Follow the Path of Humanity (Ren), But Some Instead Turned Away from the Path of Humanity and Righteousness. IV, 238–48 b. Why Created Things Cannot All Share One Body. IV, 249–57 5. Human Beings Do Not Have a Prior Existence. V, 258–84 a. Buddhism Teaches That Individuals Have Previous Existences. This Teaching Was First Promulgated to Dissuade People from Doing Evil. It Was Not an Objective Account about the Human Condition. V, 258–62 b. No One Can Remember Events of a Former Life; Therefore, There Cannot Be a Former Life. The Few Accounts of Former Existences in Buddhist Records Were Designed by the Devil to Lead People Astray. V, 263–66 c. Reasons Why the Human Soul Cannot Become an Animal. V, 267–82 d. The Human Soul Is Spiritual; It Does Not Occupy Space and It Does Not Require Rebirth to Transform It. V, 283–84 6. Heaven, Earth, and All Things Are Created for the Use of Humans. There Is No Need to Prohibit the Killing of Animals. V, 285–300 a. The Killing of Animals and the Prohibition against the Killing of Human Persons. V, 285–86 b. Examples of How Heaven, Earth, and All Things Are Meant for Our Use. V, 287– 88 c. Things Harmful to Our Bodies Encourage Us to Practice Caution and Cause Us Not to Forget Heaven and the Afterlife. V, 289–93 d. Vegetation and Animals Are Shown to Be Creatures Possessing Life. Eating Them and Using Them Are Beneficial. V, 294–300 C. The Way to Eternal Life Is to Become a Good and Virtuous Person. V, 301–520 1. The True Motives for Fasting and Cultivating the Way. V, 301–20 a. The Three True Motives for Fasting. V, 301–2 b. The First Motive: Repentance and Atonement for Sin. V, 303–4 c. The Second Motive: To Purify the Heart and Reduce Desires. V, 305–8 d. The Third Motive: To Help Man Cultivate Virtue. V, 309–15 e. Methods of Fasting, Which Are Not Limited to Dieting. V, 316–20

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2. The Motivation for Doing Good and Avoiding Evil. VI, 321–420 a. Confucianism Also Advocates Purity of Intention or Sincerity. VI, 321–24 b. Taoists Advocate “Lack of Intention.” This Is No Different from Classifying Man with Metals, Stones, Vegetation, and Animals. VI, 325–32 c. The Goodness or Evil of Actions Is Determined by One’s Motives. VI, 333–35 d. Apart from Correct Motivation, Actions Themselves Must Be Correct. VI, 336–40 e. Examples from Ancient Chinese Records Adduced to Illustrate the Connection between Motivation and Efficacy, Gain and Loss, Reward and Punishment. VI, 341–52 f. The Need to Pursue Benefits of the World to Come. VI, 353–64 g. Three Correct Motivations. Ordinary People Wish to Obtain Reward in Heaven and Avoid Punishment in Hell. The Gentleman and the Sage Seek to Harmonize Their Wills with the Will of God. VI, 365–72 h. The Need for Rewards for Good and Evil to Be in the Next Life Rather Than in This One, and the Reasons for the Existence of Heaven and Hell. VI, 373–85 i. Rewards and Punishments Also Exist in This Life. IV, 386–88 j. Use of Ancient Chinese Texts to Prove the Existence of Heaven and Hell. VI, 389– 95 k. Standards of Judgment Related to Reward and Punishment after Death and Purgatory. VI, 396–401 l. The Gentleman Is Bound to Believe in the Existence of Heaven and Hell Because God Is Supremely Just and Supremely Humane. VI, 402–10 m. Descriptions of Heaven and Hell. VI, 411–20 3. Persons Must Apply Themselves to the Cultivation of Virtue. VII, 421–520 a. Definitions of the Terms “Nature,” “Human Nature,” “Good,” and “Evil,” for the Purpose of Expounding the Teaching That “Nature Is Fundamentally Good.” VII, 421–29 b. Distinguishing between “Natural Goodness” and the “Goodness of Virtue.” Good People, Sages, and Worthies Are People of Virtue. VII, 430–38 c. The Difficulty of Cultivating Virtue. VII, 439–44 d. The Greatest Value of Learning Lies in Spiritual Self-Cultivation in Order to Be in Accord with God’s Will. VII, 445–55 e. Perfection of Oneself for God and Perfection of Oneself for Self Are the Same. VII, 456–59

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f. The Work of Self-Cultivation. (This Section Is Related to That Above on Fasting.) VII, 460–87 • First, Self-Examination and Repentance. VII, 460–65 • Second, Perception of the Principles of Heaven and the Principles of Action. VII, 466–76 • Third, Worship Directed toward God; Gratitude for His Grace and Seeking for His Protection. VII, 477–87 g. Mistaken Worship of Images of the Buddha. VII, 488–507 h. Rejection of Eclecticism. VII, 508–20 IV. Additional Considerations. VIII, 521–96 A. Introduction to Social Organization in the Western World. VIII, 521–26 B. An Explanation of the Jesuit Practice of Celibacy. VIII, 527–73 1. A Single-Minded Devotion to the Cultivation of Virtue and the Propagation of the Faith. VIII, 527–50 2. Filial Piety. VIII, 551–62 3. The Corruption of the Age Demands Persons with Total Commitment to Saving the World. VIII, 563–73 C. A Brief Account of the History of God’s Saving Work. VIII, 574–91 1. God Creates the World; Man’s Sin and Fall; Birth of Jesus, God’s Son, to Save the World, and His Ascension into Heaven. VIII, 574–80 2. Jesus Is God. VIII, 581–89 3. The Disciples Evangelized in All Directions. China Formerly Sent Emissaries to the West to Obtain the Bible, But They Mistakenly Acquired Buddhist Scriptures. VIII, 590–91 D. The Procedure for Entering the Church: Remorse for Past Misconduct and Baptism. VIII, 592–96

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Appendix 2: The ten Buddhist precepts as found on the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism299

These are the ten precepts also the ten basic precepts for bhikkhus and bhikkhunīs in Theravāda and Nikāya Buddhism. Also known as the 沙彌十戒 (precepts for novices) or 沙彌戒. The first five of these (五戒) are also observed by lay practitioners).

1. not killing 不殺生 pāṇātipātāveramaṇi; 2. not stealing 不投資 adinnādānāver; 3. no improper sexual behavior (such as adultery, etc.) 不邪婬 abrahmacaryaver; 4. no false speech 不妄語 musāvādāver; 5. no consumption of alcohol 不飲酒 suramereyya-majjapamādaṭṭhānāver; 6. not eating after noon 不非時食 vikāla-bhojanāver; 7. not watching dancing, singing and shows 不歌舞舞觀聽 nacca-gīta-vādita-visūkadassanāver; 8. not adorning oneself with garlands, perfumes and ointments 不塗飾香鬘 mālā-gandha-vilepana- dhāraṇa-maṇḍana-vibhūṣanaṭṭhānā; 9. not using a high bed 不坐高廣大牀 uccāsayanā-mahāsayanā; 10. not receiving gold and silver 不蓄金銀寶 jātarūpa-rajata-paṭīggahaṇāver.

299 DDB. “ 十戒.” Accessed on January 9, 2020. http://www.buddhism-dict.net/cgi-bin/xpr- ddb.pl?53.xml+id(%27b5341-6212%27).

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