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Australian National University THESES SIS/LIBRARY TELEPHONE: +61 2 6125 4631 R.G. MENZIES LIBRARY BUILDING NO:2 FACSIMILE: +61 2 6125 4063 THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY EMAIL: [email protected] CANBERRA ACT 0200 AUSTRALIA USE OF THESES This copy is supplied for purposes of private study and research only. Passages from the thesis may not be copied or closely paraphrased without the written consent of the author. K'UNG-TZU OR CONFUCIUS? THE JESUIT INTERPRETATION OF CONFUCIANISM Paul A . Rule A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Australian National University 1972 This thesis is wholly the work of the undersigned Except where specifically indicated all quotations from works in foreign languages have been translated by the author. SYNOPSIS This thesis attempts to trace and place in context the developing interpretation of Confucius and Confucianism propounded by the Jesuit missionaries in China during the period of the old mission, from its incep tion c. 158O to its collapse after the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773* The Jesuit interpretation of Confucianism was rooted in the Jesuit missionary experience throughout the world, but, more immediately, arose as a response to the peculiar problems experienced by Jesuits in the Par East from the time of Francis Xavier on. Xavier and his successors were confronted by the same pressures of language and culture that had marked and to some extent frustrated earlier intrusions of foreign religions into China- Buddhism, the Nestorian Christians of the T'ang, Judaism and Islam, as well as the Franciscan missionaries of the 13th, and 14th* centuries. Problems of translation and finding equivalent terminology, the Chinese tendency to syncretism and the difficulty of finding an acceptable social role, haul demon strated the necessity of assimilation to Chinese culture. Alessandro Valignano outlined a sceme of accommodation which Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Rieci carried through. To Ricci belongs the responsibility for the decisive adoption of an approach to the Chinese through Confucianism. His distinction between the primitive pure theism of the Confucian classics and its later atheistic exponents remained to the end the basis of the Jesuit interpretation of Confucianism. His scientific knowledge, his ethical teachings and his anti-Buddhist stance were attractive to Chinese scholar-officials in the political and intellectual crisis of the late Ming. His acceptance of the Confucian life-style, including ritual observances, enabled many to accept Christianity as complementing Confucianism rather than supplanting it. Ricci's interpretation of Confucianism was challenged both from within the Society of Jesus by those suspicious of Neo-Confucian Atheism* and by missionaries of other orders who favoured a direst approach and regarded Confu cian rites as idolatrous. The Jesuits soon agreed to follow Ricci's line. And at the Canton Conference of 1667-1668 a working policy on the Rites question was adopted, again along Ricci's lines. The Jesuit view of ’Confucius, the Chinese Philosopher', teacher of a pure theism and high morality, was widely propagated in Europe and deeply influenced European thinkers. The Rites issue broke out again in the 1690s largely through its involve ment in essentially non-Chinese ecclesiastical arguments. The missions of the papal legates, de Toumon and Mezzabarba, and associated papal decrees against the Rites, undercut the Jesuit method by removing its social base and inhibiting the Jesuit writings in Chinese. Some Jesuits in Peking attempted to satisfy European and Chinese critics by a fresh approach - the detection of traces of the primitive revelation and Old Testament history in the Chinese classics. This 'Figurism* was rejected by most of the Jesuits of the China mission as unfounded and extravagant, but Bouvet, Foucquet and de PrSinareeach found sympathisers in Europe. Their critics^ de Mailla and Gaubil, and the Jesuit editors in Europe all made contributions to European knowledge of China which laid the foundations of European Sinology. With the notable exception of La Charmefs Hsing-li chen-ch*uan of 1753> the Jesuit interpretation of Confucianism in the 18th. century was directed more at a European than a Chinese audience. And it still serves to raise fundamen tal questions about the nature of religion and about the possibility of cross- cultural understanding. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author’s endebtedness to a legion of people is obvious on every page of this work. During the years of its gestation I have received constant encouragement and good advice from historians, sinologists, librarians and members of the Society of Jesus? in Australia, Asia and Europe. Kay I tender the work itself as thanks, inadequate though it be, as the most appropriate way of expressing my gratitude for the interest they have taken in the subject itself and in my stumbling pursuit of' understanding. I must, however, acknowledge my special debt to those without whose daily assistance the work could not have been comp leted. To Otto van der Sprenkel for inspiration, criticism, and access to his enormous store of knowledge of men and books, Chinese and European; to Igor de Rachewiltz and Julia Ching for lighting dark places; to Professor A.L.Basham for smoothing my way in numerous directions; to Father Edmond Lamalie, Jesuit Archivist, for unfailing kindness and help; and to Mr. J.M.Braga for sharing his enthusiasm for, and knowledge of the Portuguese pioneers in Asia : to all these heartfelt thanks, and the hope that my work will repay to some extent their time and interest* ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS WORK CHANTILLY Archives of the French Province of the Society of Jesus. Maison St« Louis, Les Fontaines, Chantilly, Oise, France. LONDON:3M British Museum, London. LONDON :PRO Public Records Office, London. PARIS sBN Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. ROME -APF Archives of the Congregation De Propaganda Fide, Rome. ROME :AS J Archives of the Society of Jesus, Rome. ROME :BAV Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome. ROME :BVE Biblioteca (Nazionale Centrale) Vittorio Emanuele, Rome. References to manuscripts are given in this form: Location Fonds Folio number(s) Recto or Verso e.g. RometASJ, Jap. Sin. 23, ff.62r-65v* References to Chinese works paginated in the traditional style are given as follows : Title Chuan number Folio number Recto(a) or Verso(b) ©•g. Chfing shih kao, ch.29, 6a-7b. Chuan is indicated by A. Chuan T* is indicated by B. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page P REFACE CH. 1. TO 'BECOME CHINESE' 1 I. The Nestorian Christians of the T'ang 3 II. The Mongol Missions of the 13th and 14th Centuries 17 III. Syncretism and Assimilation 26 IV. European Knowledge of Chinese Religion before the Jesuits 37 V. The Jesuit Missionary Experience 46 VI. Alessandro Valignano and the Accommodation Method 56 CH. 2. MATTEO RICCI AND THE JESUIT INTERPRETATION OF CONFUCIANISM 76 I. Michele Ruggieri and the Establishment of the Mission 80 II. Matteo Ricci and the Discovery of Confucianism 94 III. Ricci's Interpretation of Confucianism 120 IV. Matteo Ricci and the Chinese Rites Question 151 V. Ricci and Confucianism: Syncretism, Accommodation, Encounter? 163 CH. 3. THE CONFUCIAN INTERPRETATION OF THE JESUITS 174 I. Late Ming Confucianism 180 II. The Christian Confucians 190 III. The Buddhist Reaction 208 IV. The Confucian Reaction 217 V. The Alleged Jesuit Influence on Late Ming- Early Ch'ing Thought 224 CH. 4 . A POINT OF FACT: THE DEBATE OVER TERMS AND RITES (1610-1688) 2 30 I. The Jesuit Debate over Terms 235 II. The Arrival of the Friars and the Beginning of the Debate over Chinese Rites 264 III. Legitimate Prejudices? 280 IV. Lull in the Storm 310 V. Confucius Sinarum Philosophus 318 CH. 5. SON OF HEAVED AND VICAR OF CHRIST: THE CHINESE RITES CONTROVERSY (16&8-1742) 332 I. Ching T'ien - 'Adore HeaVen1? 343 II. Louis Le Comte vs. the Sorbonne 355 III. The Papal Legates 362 IV. The Aftermath of the Rites 386 CH. 6. MOSES OR CHINA? THE JESUIT FIGURISTS 391 I. The Sources of Figurism 399 II. The Figurists and their Critics 408 III. Joachim Bouvet and the Prophecies of the I-ching 426 IV. Jean-Francois Foucquet and the Symbolism of the Chinese Classics 441 V. Joseph de Pr4mare and the Theory of 'Vestiges' 462 TABLE OF CONTENTS (Cont'd.) P age CH. 7. THE JESUITS AND THE BEGINNINGS OF SCIENTIFIC SINOLOGY 473 I. Jean Baptiste du Halde 476 II. Antoine Gaubil 482 III. Alexandre de la Charme and the Hsing-li chen- c h 1uan 4 8 6 IV. The M^moires concernant 1'histoire ... etc. des chinois 490 AN AGENDA 495 PREFACE Confucius is, in a sense, a Jesuit invention. It is one of the aims of this study to establish what that sense is. It is not just a question of the name, the Latinized 'Confucius'; although it is significant that Confucius was introduced to Europe in the language of Rome. The crucial problem is to establish to what extent the 'Confucius' of the Jesuit letters, travel reports, treatises and translations corresponds to the Chinese Confucius. We are not so much concerned here with Confucius the man, the K'ung Chiu of history, as with the myth1, the K'ung-tzu of Chinese tradition To what extent was the 'Confucius' introduced to Europe by the Jesuits, a Jesuit creation, and to what extent an accurate representation of the view held by the Chinese themselves of the man and his ideas? 2 The process by which the Jesuits of the old China mission developed their image of Confucius is a fascinating subject of study for its own sake. It also provides us with an amply 3 documented case of major cultural confrontation . Two great cultures had developed in virtual ignorance of each other and were now suddenly brought into contact.